Impact of Labeling on Interpersonal Relationships and Reintegration of Juvenile Offenders in Pakistan

http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 273 Impact of Labeling on Interpersonal Relationships and Reintegration of Juvenile Offenders in Pakistan Zakir Hussain Lecturer, Department of Social Work, University of Malakand Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: [email protected]. Ibrahim Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Malakand, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: [email protected] Umar Daraz Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Malakand, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: [email protected] Aziz Ul Hakim Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of Malakand, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: aziz[email protected] Mohammad Hussain* Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of Malakand, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: mohamm[email protected]k (Corresponding Author) Labeling theory offers rich implications in explaining criminality in many contexts. While there is scarcity of research on the implications of labeling for juvenile offenders particularly in Pakistani context This study explores the extent and nature of labeling and its impacts on the interpersonal relationships and reintegration process and outcomes for juvenile offenders in the traditional communities of Upper and Lower districts of Dir and District Swat. The study employed a qualitative methodology where the data were collected through semi structured interviews, FDGs and field observations, form a purposively selected sample size of 30 juvenile probationers, 30 family members of the juvenile offenders and 3 probation officers. Thematic analysis revealed that distinct mechanism and impacts of labeling existed in the traditionally cohesive communities of Dir Upper, Lower and Swat. The study emphasizes the need of culturally sensitive restorative justice mechanisms and interventions to manage the labeling process, its effects to insure successful reintegration of the juvenile offenders in such contexts. Keyword: Labeling theory, Reintegration, Juvenile Offenders, Interpersonal Relationships, Traditional Communities, and Restorative Justice. A B S T R A C T http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 274 Introduction The juvenile justice system in Pakistan is governed by Juvenile Justice System Act (JJSA) 2018, which establishes approval of both formal and informal processing of youths caught committing criminal offenses. Formal processing usually includes courtroom appearances, adjudication and probation officer control, whereas informal processing can be diversion to community service and/or counseling and/or restorative justice programs. But, the social implications of these choices, especially how they affect the youth relations with their peers have not been sufficiently studied in the Pakistani context. Based on the labeling theory, this paper will examine the impact of decisions made in the first instance of the justice system and its influence on the interpersonal relationships of the Pakistani youth. Labeling theory assumes that adolescents may become stigmatized by contact with the justice system, redefine their self-concept, and change their social networks in a manner that can reinforce deviant behavior (Lemert, 1967; Tannenbaum, 1938). In a culture where honor, reputation and community status are ingrained in culture, being considered a criminal may have farreaching effects not only on the individual, but also on the family and the community (Mahoney, 1974). The adolescence is a significant development period, which is marked by the dependence on peer relations. Peer networks have become a source of support and a potential risk factor in Pakistan, where extended family and community structures are important in defining the behavior of the youth (Hussain & Sajid, 2024). Formally handled youth might face social rejection among prosocial peers and turn to deviant peer groups that can strengthen their new label of being an offender (Rowan et al., 2023; Jacobsen et al., 2022). This is more troubling in areas like Upper Dir, Lower Dir and Swat where the community cohesion is high and where social labeling may result in marginalization in the long term. This stigma associated with formal justice engagement might lead to rejection by nondeviant friends or voluntary withdrawal by the labeled juveniles to avoid shame and humiliation (Goffman, 1963; Link et al., 1989). According to the labeling theory, secondary deviance is the result of societal responses to deviance, in which individuals internalize the label and become even more criminals (Lemert, 1967). In Pakistan, this process can be worsened by low access to education, employment and social services, particularly by the youth who belong to marginalized communities. Formal processing may serve as a type of degradation ceremony (Garfinkel, 1956), which publicly identifies the youth as deviant and isolates him/her to the legitimate social order (Daraz, 2008). The recent research has demonstrated that youth who have been formally processed have higher chances of associating with deviant peers and lower chances of making new prosocial friends (Rowan et al., 2023; Wiley et al., 2013). These effects cut across race and ethnic lines pointing to the universal nature of labeling effects. In Pakistan, the same process can take place both in the ethnic and regional context, especially in those regions, where tribes or religious affiliations are very strong. http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 275 Research Gaps and Objectives Although the existing body of international research on labeling effects is increasing, there is a paucity of empirical studies regarding the influence of justice system decisions on youth peer relationships in Pakistan. The majority of current research is based on institutional outcomes (recidivism or educational attainment) that are less related to interpersonal exclusion and peer homophily, the tendency to be surrounded by similar individuals, including deviant peers (Jacobsen, 2020; Confer et al., 2024). In this study, the gap that will be addressed includes: Analyzing the impacts of formal and informal processing on peer networks among justice involved youth in Pakistan; Evaluating processes of interpersonal exclusion, such as nondeviant peer rejection and labeled youth withdrawal; and Investigating regional and ethnic differences in labeling effects, especially in such culturally diverse regions of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Literature Review Labeling theory, which has its roots in the writings of Lemert (1951,1967) and Tannenbaum (1938) holds that social responses to deviance, especially when subjected to formal justice system contact, may stigmatize an individual, redefine their self-concept, and legitimize deviant behavior. This theory has been extensively used to explain the effect of juvenile justice processing particularly the switch over to secondary deviance. Lemert (1967) contended that the response of the society to deviance like arrest or court appearance may make the youth internalize the label of deviant and this increase the possibilities of subsequent offending. In Pakistan, where social identity and status are closely connected to family status and the reputation of the community, labeling might have an even more serious impact. The youth that can be considered as offenders can be excluded not only by peer groups but by educational institutions, religious spaces, and even job opportunities (Khan and Orakzai, 2023). Rowan et al. (2023) discovered that youth who are formally processed (those who appeared before a judge and were adjudicated) were more likely to obtain more deviant and less prosocial peers over the years (Z. Hussain et al., 2025). The described phenomenon is attributed to interpersonal exclusion mechanisms in which labeled youth either isolate themselves among nondeviant individuals or are ostracized by them (Goffman, 1963; Jacobsen et al., 2022). Another tendency identified in the study is homophily, which refers to the behavior of labeled youth to seek the company of other deviant youth who help them validate their new identity. Conversely, youth that are informally processed (diverted to community service or probation) have healthier peer networks and are less prone to the social exclusion. These results are consistent with the previous studies that diversion programs can reduce the adverse consequences of labeling (Cauffman et al., 2021; Wiley et al., 2013). Informal processing as outlined in the Juvenile Justice System Act (JJSA) of 2018 is not fully utilized in Pakistan, particularly in the rural setting. Research has revealed that unnecessary formal processing is frequently caused by ignorance, resource scarcity, and institutional biases (Saqib et al., 2021). One of the key processes by which the labeling influences the development of youth http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 276 is interpersonal exclusion. Rowan et al. (2023) specify that exclusion can be executed in two forms (1) by nondeviant peers who prefer not to be associated with the labeled youth as they fear to be branded guilty, and (2) by the labeled youth who expect exclusion. Such processes are specifically relevant in adolescence, when a person becomes more dependent on peer relationships to create a sense of identity and social confirmation (Brown, 2004; Warr, 2002). These processes could be enhanced in Pakistan by cultural traditions that attach importance to collective honor and shame. Deviant-labeled youth might be shunned by peers and others in the extended family and community, which causes more isolation and consequently more susceptibility to recidivism (Ullah and Bakhsh, 2024). Effects of labelling are not univariate. Rowan et al. (2023) explain that race and ethnicity may also moderate the influence of labeling, and minority youth are usually disproportionately processed formally and sentence harsherly. In Pakistan, the same disparities can be observed based on the class, ethnicity, and geography (Hussain et al., 2024). Young people of tribal origin or lower social economic status have higher chances of being formally processed and lower chances of going through diversion programs (Khan and Orakzai, 2023). Overall, empirical research revealed that structural inequalities, including the absence of legal representation, absence of quality education, and systemic biases, are the factors of differences in susceptibility to labeling (Mahoney, 1974; Hirschfield, 2008). Besides, the influence of labeling is not confined to peer networks only, it also impacts educational and vocational paths. Formal processed youth are usually challenged by the re-enrolment in schools or getting jobs because of stigma and bureaucracy (Wiley et al., 2013). Moreover, the literature majorly centers on male offenders and new data indicate that female juvenile offenders in Pakistan undergo compounded stigma because of gender normativity and cultural pressures. Their reintegration issues are also more harsh because families can limit movement or support to save face (Ullah & Bakhsh, 2024). Such barriers may keep the cycle of poverty and crime going in Pakistan, where education is one of the most important factors of social mobility. Similar contexts have been found to encourage these effects can be alleviated by restorative justice and vocational training (Warr, 2002). Such considerations should be taken into account when formulating juvenile justice reforms in Pakistan. Although the labeling theory is relevant, empirical studies on its impacts on youth relationship with peers are inadequate in Pakistan. Majority of the studies are devoted to legal frameworks or institutional challenges, little attention is paid to psychosocial outcomes (Saqib et al., 2021). longitudinal, network-based studies that evaluate the effects of justice system decision-making on friendship and identity development and reintegration opportunities are needed. Research Methodology The paper employed a qualitative research design that suits the socio-cultural environment of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, to investigate the effects of decisions in juvenile justice system processing on peer relationships of youth in Pakistan. The study was conducted in Upper Dir, Lower Dir, and Swat and involved 30 juvenile first-time offenders (50 percent formal, 50 percent informal), 3 probation officers, and 30 family members chosen using purposive sampling. The methodology of data http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 277 collection consisted of semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, and field observation where all communication was in Pashto and Urdu, which were then translated to English. Thematic analysis, with six-phase framework presented by Braun and Clarke and backed by NVivo software, was utilized to determine patterns associated with labeling, peer exclusion and reintegration. Findings Theme: Perceived Social Identity Change Once juveniles come into contact with the justice system, due to the age specific immaturity and the inappropriate treatments at the justice system lead them internalize the label of ‘Crimina’l. Accordingly, this results in adverse impacts on their identity, societal status and future prospects. The narratives of the juvenile probationers and their family members reveal that the internalization of such labeled identity resulted in adverse psycho-social impacts in a traditionally cohesive and socio-culturally ultraintegrated society of Khyber Pakhtukhwa. “My name was being erased when they affirmed me a criminal in court. And here, when even I attempt to do good, I hear that word in my mind “the offender”. It is a kind of a stamp that I cannot get off”. (Juvenile probationer processed formally) “I used to be a simple student prior to this case. This boy, nowadays they say, is of the police station. I began to wonder that perhaps they are right. Maybe I am that person now.” (Juvenile probationer processed formally) Labeling is not an individual event, but rather it is supported by the community responses. In areas where honor and reputation is their primary focus, juveniles complain of being socially disconnected and deprived of the old identity. “In our village the word honor means a lot. The case of my son made people no longer greet us. They no longer think of him as a child; they think of him as a threat”. (Parent of juvenile offender) “The elder people do not call me by my name when they are discussing me. That boy that had gone to court, they say. I get the sensation that I no longer belong to the community”. (Juvenile probationer processed formally) The label has an effect on the ambition and possibilities of juveniles. Most of them show less hope of coming back and securing some form of career as they view the stigma to be the hindrance to legitimacy. “I had a desire to be a teacher, and now I believe nobody will trust me. Investigators already view me as a criminal, there is no reason to dream”. (Juvenile, formally processed) “I did not attend any more school after the case. It seemed as though I was different to everyone. I reasoned, I just better stick with those that know me anyway--the other boys that had cases”. (Juvenile probationers processed informally) Even though the stigma is widespread, there are juveniles who are fighting not to internalize the label. These stories emphasize the concept of resilience and how supportive interventions can help in the positive identity reconstruction. “They call me names but I remind myself that I am not that. It was my fault and I am not a http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 278 criminal. I continue to say this to myself on a daily basis”. (Juvenile, informally processed). “The probation officer said to me, you can change. That gave me hope. I would like to demonstrate this is not a permanent label and that you can change it”. (Juvenile, informally processed). The results of the theme of Perceived Social Identity Change highlight the extreme psychological and social effects of labeling on the juveniles in the Pakistani context. The stories show that formal justice processing can frequently serve as an agent of identity change, in which the label of offender is internalized and influences the idea of self, social status, and career goals. Although there are cases where the juvenile are resilient and are fighting to reject the imposed identity, most have low social acceptance and opportunities, which promotes the likelihood of secondary deviation. Theme: Communal and Familial Reactions This theme investigates the manner in which honor laws (izzat), shame, and reputation in a culture influence the way in which families and communities react to juveniles who are a part of the justice system. The socio-cultural background of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where the social identity and social status are entrenched in the tribal and religious beliefs and values, labeling impacts not only on the individual but also on the family The stories disclose tendencies of social distancing, gossiping, and reputational harm that affect chances of reintegration. The juvenile offense is perceived as a threat to the honor of the family hence leaving the families feeling humiliated and having poor social relations in the community. “In our society, the wrong that a single individual commits becomes the family dishonor. People stopped visiting us after the case of my son. We are being chastised like a couple”. (Parent of juvenile offender) “My father replied, you have disfigured our name. I did not only feel guilty over the crime but also guilty of wrecking the family honor”. (Juvenile, legally proceeded) Gossip and avoidance are common reactions of a community that strengthen stigma and restrict social reintegration. “When I pass the bazaar I have overheard murmurs--that is the boy out of the police station. Although some of those who were friends of mine now cross the street”. “Juvenile Formally processed) “Our neighbors informed their children that they should not play with my son. They said he will spoil them. This was a greater pain than the court suit”. (Parent of juvenile offender) Some of these families internalize the shame, whereas others use preventive measures to protect the juvenile to additional stigma including moving or reducing exposure to social situations. “We no longer went to weddings and funerals. Individuals gossip excessively, and each inquiry is an injury to the ego”. (Juvenile’s Father) “My uncle proposed that we should change to another village such that people forget. It is a kind of a new beginning in life, only without the old respect” (Juvenile, informally processed). The responses to juvenile justice involvement by communities and families are http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 279 entrenched in honor and shame cultural constructs. These reactions tend to increase the consequences of labeling, which develops barriers to reintegration, and social isolation. Although there are families that seek to preserve their reputation by withdrawing or moving out, these solutions do not always amount to solving the stigma problem. Theme: Difference of stigma at Family and Community level This theme explores the difference between the blatant community response and nuanced family response after juvenile justice engagement. Whereas, public stigma is an evident form of exclusion and gossip, a private type of stigma exists on the family level, and it is frequently practiced to be silent, withdrawn, or an implied blame. These two-layered stigmas affect the reintegration pathway and emotional status of the juvenile. Stigma at the community level is usually overt, and it entails verbal stigmatization, social ostracism, and damaged reputation. Such responses are increased in the rural environment where social surveillance is high. “It is explicitly stated openly in the village, saying to their children not to mingle with him. It is as though they made known to all the crime of my son”. (Parent of juvenile offender) “The comments that I hear when I go to the mosque are such as, Here comes the troublemaker. They do not conceal it, they shout it at me so that I can hear. The term is also used for the juvenile that is formally processed” (Juvenile). The families can either suppress the discussion of the offense, place limitations or show their feelings of disappointment in an indirect manner, which will result in a kind of emotional seclusion. “My mother does not rebuke me, however, she no longer talks to me as she used to. She speaks only when she needs to speak. No words are grosser than that silence hurts”. (An informally processed Juvenile) “The case is not discussed at home. It is a shadow in the house, everybody knows about it, no one talks about it”. (Juvenile’s Parent) Public humiliation and the withdrawal of the juvenile is a compounding effect that generates the feeling of alienation, and identity dilemma in the juvenile. “Outside, they call me names. No one calls me anything inward. I consider myself to be out of place everywhere”. (A formally processed Juvenile Probationer) “Home was supposed to be my security so even here I am a stranger. They do not call me a bad person but they make me feel that I am one”. (Juvenile, informally processed) The combination of the public and the private stigma is a web of exclusion to the juveniles. Whereas the community responses are visible and reprimanding, family responses tend to be non-verbal, yet highly expressive which reaffirms the isolated feelings felt by the juvenile. Theme: Impacts on Relationships with Peers This theme is discussed in terms of juvenile justice participation that transforms a peer network and social life. Adolescence is one of the phases when peer relations are http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 280 the key to identity and emotional health. The results suggest that these relationships are disrupted by labeling and justice system processing, which result in an exclusion of prosocial networks, self-isolation, and reintegration into deviant networks. These relationships play a major role in the reintegration process. Juveniles mentioned that they did not participate in school activities, sports, and social gatherings, frequently under parental pressure or community rumors. This rejection supports isolation and stigma. “Following the case, my classmates stopped asking me to play cricket. One of them replied, the father told me not to mingle with you. The punishment was not as great as that pain”. (Juvenile processed formally) “Teachers do not state this; however, they do not allow me to sit with the same group. I think I am stigmatized”. Some juveniles prefer to be self-isolated in order not to be humiliated and gossipped. The withdrawal is usually presented as a coping strategy instead of preference. “I would no longer visit the playground since I would be stared and whispered about. I do not want to hear those words, it is more comfortable to remain at home”( Juvenile, informally processed). “Even at school, I keep quiet. I do not wish to provide anybody a reason to speak about me”. (Juvenile, formally processed) Being rejected by prosocial networks tends to push juveniles among those who have been involved in justice and this leads to environments that encourage deviance and strengthening the identity of the offender. “The boys who had cases like mine turned into my friends They have a feeling of how it is. Judging one another is not something we give a second thought to” (Juvenile, formally processed) “I began to hang out with people who were also in trouble with the police. At least, they do not make me ashamed”. By looking at peer relationship processes that follow justice involvement, there is a path of social exclusion to deviant peer affiliation. Although the rejection and withdrawal are expedient reactions to stigma, the deviant peer group formation is long-term threatening the secondary deviance. Theme: Impact of Justice System Processing on labeling and Reintegration The theme explores the effects of juvenile justice processing on stigma, identity, and reintegration that are influenced by the nature of juvenile justice processing (formal or informal). Formal processing is usually characterized by court appearances and probation, visible signs of deviance to the whole community and informal processing by diversion programs, which tends to keep the exposure to a minimum and social connection intact. The stories demonstrate the extreme differences in labeling intensity and the social outcomes. It is believed that formal justice processes are symbolic moves that publicly deprive the juveniles of their former identity and turn them into criminals. Court appearances and probation meetings increase the stigma because they expose http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 281 the offense to the community. “Being in court was like being in front of the entire village. Everyone knew why I was there. They were saying, look at the criminal, like”. (Formally processed juvenile Probationer) “The moment when I heard my name spoken by the judge I got a feeling that my life had changed. There was staring by people in the courtroom. I did not want to be noticed, I wanted to disappear”. (Formally processed juvenile Probationer) “Without any privacy, probation visits are not private. The officer visits our house and it is observed by neighbors. They enquire and the gossips begin”. (Parent of a juvenile offender) Informal processing through diversions and counseling assist juveniles in preserving anonymity and minimizing the stigma. These paths are frequently termed as protective in which the youth can re-integrate without humiliation in the society. “They have referred me to counseling and not to court. No one outside my family knew. It was almost a second opportunity when no one would judge me” (Juvenile, informally processed). “The community service program was will suited as it reflected skill development instead of an expression of punishment. People believed that I was assisting them. That rescued my honour. (Juvenile, informally processed). “Informal processing ensured that the issue remained within the family. We can do such things with offenders without defaming them”. (Juvenile’s Parent) Juveniles and families always speak about the stigma associated with formal processing as compared to the informal pathways. Labeling is enhanced by openness of court proceedings and probation, and discretion and social continuity are made possible by informal measures. “There was a case of my cousin, who was diverted. People never discussed him in the same manner as they discuss me”. (Formally Processed Juvenile) “Criminals who are taken to court are remembered over years. In our case, it was nonformal, and thus we are not on the watch list of the community”. (Parent of the informally processed juvenile) “Formal cases are like a punishment that is publicized. Informal ones are more in the nature of a lesson learned without making a noise”. (Probation Officer) The comparison of formal and informal processing explains the role of justice system judgments in determining the course of stigma and reintegration. Formal processing acts as a ritual of degradation, which increases labeling and social exclusion of the population, whereas informal channels provide discretion and maintain the status of the community. Theme: Interpersonal Exclusion Mechanisms This theme examines how the juveniles undergo social exclusion after the justice intervention. Exclusion takes place in both direct discrimination and indirect forms via social practices like gossip and avoidance and indirectly via digital media which enhances stigma. All these processes support the labeling and discourage reintegration. Juveniles and their families complain of explicit rejection by their peers, teachers, and community members. These direct actions usually take place in socially available places, thereby portraying the stigma as evident and embarrassing. http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Volume 3, Issue 10 (2025) Online ISSN Print ISSN . . 3007-3197 3007-3189 http://amresearchreview.com/index.php/Journal/about Page 288 Mathur, S. R., & Clark, H. G. (2014). Community engagement for reentry success of youth from juvenile justice: Challenges and opportunities. 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