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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS ISSN(print): 2643-9840, ISSN(online): 2643-9875 Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 DOI: 10.47191/ijmra/v8-i09-19, Impact Factor: 8.266 Page No. 5084-5092 IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5084 The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia Suhri Hanafi1, Mazuki2, M. Taufan B3 1,2,3Department of Islamic Law, Postgraduate Studies, Universitas Islam Negeri Datokarama Palu, Indonesia ABSTRACT: This study aims to investigate the construction of family resilience policy for marginal community groups in Palu city, Indonesia. This study used a qualitative case study method. Data were gathered through field observation, in-depth interviews, and legal written document analysis. In-depth interviews involved marginal families from informal low-income workers, scavenger families, and street vendor families. The results of this study show that the construction of family resilience of marginalized groups in Palu City, from a legal sociology perspective, emphasizes that the resilience of marginalized groups is formed from complex interactions between social norms, local culture, economics, and legal relations that are not always covered by the formal legal system. The five dimensions of resilience: legality, physical, economic, socio-psychological, and socio-cultural, indicate varying levels of vulnerability, especially in the economic and socio-cultural aspects, which are categorized as very vulnerable. This emphasizes the importance of understanding law as a living value system and the need for the state to be present through inclusive and adaptive policies. The resilience of marginalized families requires support in the form of state intervention to creatively adapt and survive in limited situations, while still opening up space for social transformation through just and inclusive policies. Future studies should focus on involving other marginal community groups to achieve a broader understanding and increase the trustworthiness of the study. KEYWORDS: Family resilience, marginal community, government policy, socio-legal perspective I. INTRODUCTION Several regulations and laws governing family law have become part of the state's commitment to improving family quality (Hank & Steinbach, 2019). One key point in family development is the importance of enhancing family resilience, a key issue in national development. Families play a vital role in developing a quality future generation and significantly determine the quality of the nation. Family development has become a crucial aspect of the national development agenda, with a primary focus on strengthening family resilience (Rodgers & White, 1993). Family resilience itself reflects a family's capacity to meet basic needs, including food, shelter, clothing, clean water, health services, education, opportunities for community participation, and social integration. Family resilience plays a crucial role in addressing social issues in society. Family resilience serves as an indicator for assessing the extent to which a family is able to carry out its roles, functions, duties, and responsibilities in achieving the well-being of its members (Maurović, Liebenberg, & Ferić, 2020). However, entering the era of globalization, marked by massive technological developments and the flow of information, has impacted behavioral changes in individuals and society. This has implications for the structure, function, and role of the family. Consequently, this social transformation has shaken the existence of individuals and families, making them vulnerable or even potentially lacking resilience. One group that is highly vulnerable to changes in family structure, function, and role is the marginalized. Marginalized groups are the urban poor, affected by the prevailing economic and social structures within society. Marginalized groups are often powerless when faced with the challenge of meeting basic needs, which are the basis for strengthening family resilience. This is a logical consequence of their livelihood system, which is classified as unskilled labor with low incomes. People in this category include those who work as scavengers, street vendors, beggars, and manual laborers. Researchers state that the fundamental issues faced by marginalized groups in the context of family resilience are economic and health issues, which are indicators of physical family resilience; educational issues, which are indicators of social family resilience; and spiritual issues, which are indicators of psychological family resilience. Furthermore, Farah and Nunung's research states that other issues arising from physical and social psychological resilience include early marriage, domestic violence (KDRT), and the risk
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5085 of childbirth due to underdeveloped reproductive organs at a young age, which can ultimately lead to maternal and infant mortality. Furthermore, the high divorce rate remains a major obstacle to strengthening family resilience. Amatul Jadidah, in her research, states that the background to the rise in juvenile delinquency, child sexual abuse, terrorism, and drug abuse stems from the failure of families to fulfill their role and function in character building. McLoyd further notes that poverty often leads to conflict in households, where parental behavior tends to be abusive. This condition impacts the mental health of these families. Based on the author's observations and research, no research has yet addressed the family resilience of marginalized groups. This study focuses on five dimensions of family resilience: structural legality, physical resilience, economic resilience, sociopsychological resilience, and cultural resilience. These five dimensions of family resilience are then analyzed using a socio-legal perspective. As a multidisciplinary characteristic of socio-legal studies, this study utilizes the sociology of law and the maqashid sharia of Jamaluddin Athiyah. The socio-legal perspective, coupled with Friedman's legal system theory, is used to analyze the legal system, legal institutions, and legal culture of society, specifically the family resilience of marginalized groups. Meanwhile, the maqashid sharia of Jamaluddin Athiyah is used to analyze the suitability of Islamic concepts to the family resilience of marginalized groups. From these two perspectives, a new concept and formula can be formulated regarding the development model of family resilience of marginalized groups. Based on this background, it is interesting to investigate the the construction of family resilience policy of marginalized groups in Palu City in the perspective of a socio-legal study. II. LITERATURE REVIEW A. The Concept of Family Resilience Resilience is often defined as the ability to adapt, overcome, and endure adversity and recover from it (Maurović et al., 2020). There are two major components to the definition of resilience. First, individuals/families demonstrate a positive response to adverse situations. Second, individuals/families emerge from these situations feeling stronger, more resourceful, more confident, and thriving. Resilience can be defined as the ability to endure and bounce back from life's challenges and challenges. Resilience involves a dynamic process that fosters positive adaptation in the face of adversity. The concept of resilience was initially developed through studies of the positive adaptation of children under adverse circumstances. This concept is part of a psychological concept derived from mental health research and theories. Early descriptions of resilience focused on the personal qualities of resilient individuals, such as autonomy and self-esteem. As the concept of resilience evolved, the focus shifted from identifying individual personality factors to the crucial influence of positive relationships with family, friends, and mentors. Meanwhile, the word family refers to two or more individuals who depend on each other for emotional, physical, and economic support. Levin & Trost (1992) define a family as a unit consisting of two or more people united by marriage, blood, adoption, or consensual union, who generally reside in one household, interact, and communicate with one another. The family as a system has several meanings, namely: (1) the general interaction system of family members, (2) a series of interactions carried out by two parties (dyadic), (3) several interactions between all family subgroups: dyadic, triadic, and tetradic, and (4) the system of internal family relationships as a response to the broader social system. Based on the definitions of resilience and family mentioned above, family resilience can be understood as the skills a family possesses to overcome various challenges, threats, and obstacles that arise from various sources that can disrupt the family's survival. Furthermore, family resilience also encompasses the family's ability to develop the potential of family members to achieve the family's goals and aspirations. Family resilience is a condition in which families have sustainable access to sufficient income and resources to meet basic needs, including food, clean water, health services, educational opportunities, shelter, time for community participation, and social integration (Shao et al., 2023). Furthermore, experts (e.g:Patterson, 2002; Froma Walsh, 1996) also define family resilience as the characteristics, dimensions, and traits of families that help families become resilient to disruption in the face of change and adaptive in the face of crisis situations. Family resilience systems theory establishes a framework that serves as a conceptual map for identifying and targeting key family processes that can reduce stress and vulnerability in high-risk situations, promote healing and growth in crisis recovery, and empower families to overcome persistent adversity. This theory is based on two main premises (Froma Walsh, 2016). First, individuals are best understood and nurtured within the context of their family and the social world in which they exist. Second, all families have the potential to be resilient, and this principle can be maximized by identifying and building on core family strengths and resources. Walsh emphasizes three key processes of family resilience: family belief systems, organizational patterns, and communication. Family belief systems involve how a family views and approaches crisis situations, which then influences them by creating a positive and hopeful outlook. This allows a family to unite and view the situation as a normal part of facing life's challenges—second, organizational patterns center on enhancing family resilience through flexibility, connectedness, and
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5086 identifying available resources. Third, focuses on developing open communication within the family that fosters trust and mutual respect, leading to acceptance of individual family member differences and the freedom to express emotions. B. The Concept of Marginal Community Groups The term "marginal" is often interpreted as referring to something related to boundaries (edges), or something on the fringes (Crewe, 1991). Meanwhile, the marginalized are defined as those identified with small communities or marginalized people. Economically, marginalized groups are defined as individuals and groups with low per capita incomes, categorizing them as poor and grouping them as marginalized (Kurniawati, 2012). This group includes beggars, scavengers, laborers, farmers, the unemployed, and people with meager or even low incomes. Meanwhile, from a social perspective, marginalized groups include those mistreated or discriminated against based on gender, individuals or groups experiencing social marginalization, and communities whose rights have been violated. Meanwhile, Frable (1993) distinguishes four dimensions of marginality: social, cultural, economic, and political marginality. Social marginality leads to unfair rights. Cultural marginality refers to a situation where a cultural group or particular cultural element is perceived or faced with a peripheral or less dominant position in a society. Economic marginality leads to deprivation, vulnerability, and rethinking of livelihoods and assets. Political marginality refers to a situation where an individual or community group feels, or is in fact, on the fringes of or lacks influence in the political processes of a country or region. Various factors, such as unequal access to political power, political discrimination, or restrictions on political rights, can cause this situation. Marginalized groups can be referred to as those from the informal sector, who often lack access to power and have little influence on development. It is generally assumed that those included in marginalized groups are people with low incomes. Economic marginalization, in turn, can lead to marginalization in other areas. Varghese & Kumar (2022) classify marginalized groups into four categories: the marginal, the forgotten, the silent, and the undisturbed people. The marginal refers to individuals or groups on the fringes of society, often experiencing exclusion or limited access to resources, opportunities, or rights. These include women and the informal sector. The forgotten represent those who have been ignored or neglected, often implying a lack of awareness or consideration of their needs, struggles, or contributions. These include older people and people with disabilities. The silent describes individuals or groups who may lack a voice or prominent representation in public discourse, decision-making processes, or social narratives. This can be due to systemic inequality, discrimination, or a lack of platforms for expression. Children fall into this category. The undesirable people describe individuals or groups who may lack hope for shelter. This category includes the homeless. The following is a general overview of Badshah's classification of marginalized groups. Picture 1. Marginal Community. source: Badshah (1996) C. The Concept of Sociology of Law The sociology of law is a subfield of sociology that studies the social aspects of law and legal systems (Banakar, 2000). It examines how laws are created, enforced, and interpreted, and how they affect individuals and society as a whole. It is an important field of study because it helps us understand the complex relationship between law and society. Another definition of the sociology of law is the study of law as a social system that exists, is effective, and has an impact on organizing society. This takes into account the impact of social, political, and economic realities on the process of lawmaking, its application, and its objectives.
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5087 The study of law as a social and historical phenomenon, and the study of legal thought itself as a social and historical phenomenon, are fundamental studies that return legal systems and legal theories to their social and historical origins, which will lead to two important and desirable outcomes. First, the rationalization of legislative policy. Through the study of law as a social, historical, or intellectual phenomenon, the legislative process will cease to be a mere import of legal texts from "civilized" legal systems and instead connect its origins to the social realities, historical dimensions, and intellectual and philosophical premises of the society in which it is established (Parker, 2015). Second, in the rationalization of judicial interpretation and application of legal norms, legal terms, as we will see, do not exist in a vacuum, but rather interact with social realities and historical contexts in a particular intellectual climate. II. METHODOLOGY This study uses qualitative methods. In qualitative research, the use of theory serves as a guide for data gathering and analysis (Nurdin & Pettalongi, 2022; Nurdin, Stockdale, & Scheepers, 2016). The data was collected through direct observation, in-depth interviews, and written legal document analysis at the research site (Rusli, Hasyim, & Nurdin, 2021; Rusli & Nurdin, 2022). The research was conducted within marginal community groups in Palu city, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. The researcher chose the location based on the consideration that many marginal community groups inhabit the city and they receive little attention from the local government. The results of this study serve as a reference and guideline for developing a policy to support marginal individuals effectively. Data were collected through direct observation, in-depth interviews, and the analysis of written documents. The interviews involved four mentor teachers, five lecturers, and twenty teacher candidates. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. The results of the transcripts were consulted with the participants to obtain their consent (Nurdin, Scheepers, & Stockdale, 2022; Nurdin, Stockdale, & Scheepers, 2014). The data analysis technique employed a deductive thinking approach, which can be interpreted as a research procedure that generates deductive conclusions from the interviews and field notes. Data analysis was conducted using thematic analysis from Strauss and Corbin (1998). The analysis started with open, axial, and selective coding. The final result of the data analysis is the themes found from the data. III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION A. Factors Affecting Marginalized Communities Living in the Same House The family is the smallest social unit that plays a vital role in shaping the character, values, and well-being of its members. Living together in one home offers numerous emotional, social, and economic benefits. Furthermore, living in one home allows family members to interact intensively, share experiences, and provide moral support to one another in solving problems. This strengthens the emotional bonds between parents and children, as well as between siblings. Furthermore, the home is the first place for children to learn norms, ethics, and life values. Parents who live with their children can more easily guide, supervise, and instill positive values such as discipline, responsibility, and respect. Living in one home provides physical and emotional protection for all family members. Children feel more secure in their parents' guidance, while parents can also ensure that their children grow up in a healthy and conducive environment. Living in one home allows families to share living expenses, such as food, electricity, and transportation. This helps reduce the financial burden compared to if each family member lived separately. When living together, family members find it easier to communicate, discuss various issues, and find solutions together. This can prevent misunderstandings and strengthen a sense of togetherness within the family. Living in one home is not just about sharing a space; it is also about building more harmonious relationships and supporting the emotional and social development of each member. Therefore, maintaining togetherness in one home is an important step towards creating a happy and prosperous family. Based on research findings, the majority of informants live with their entire nuclear family (husband, wife, and children). Although the informants have very simple, even cramped, living quarters, despite various limitations, they live together. According to the researcher's observations, most of them occupy small houses measuring 4 x 6 meters with 5 to 8 occupants. Despite these limitations, they are blessed by the opportunity to gather with their families. The primary reason marginalized groups live with their nuclear families is not merely economic necessity, but also part of a tradition passed down through generations. This lifestyle reflects strong family values, where solidarity and togetherness are essential aspects of their lives. The following is an interview with one of the informants. It's been a tradition for us here to live together, from our parents' time until now. Living with our immediate family provides a sense of security and comfort, because this is how we've always lived.
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5088 Furthermore, some informants live in the same house not only with their immediate family, but also with their parents and siblings, who also live with their extended family. The following are the interview results. People in our area, even though they're married and have children, usually still live with their parents. This includes siblings, so there are many families living in one house. Some have up to four families. Those who don't live with their families are generally individuals who migrated to Palu City in search of better economic opportunities. They were forced to leave their families behind due to various factors, including financial constraints that prevented them from bringing their entire family with them. Most of these migrants come from disadvantaged backgrounds, leaving them to struggle alone to make ends meet in the city. One informant explained the following: I'm originally from West Java. My boss and his friends brought me here. I now live at his house. My wife and children are in Java with my parents. Furthermore, one of the main reasons why marginalized groups do not live with their nuclear families is the lack of financial support from their parents. When parents are unable to meet their children's basic needs, such as food, education, and adequate housing, children are often forced to seek alternatives to survive. In such situations, they choose to live with relatives, friends, or even anyone willing to take them in, as said by the following participant: We have a child living with my brother. He prefers living there rather than here because everything here is limited. Table 1. Factors Affecting Marginalized Communities Living in the Same House No Factors Affecting Status Reasons 1 Hereditary traditions Same house The main reason marginalized groups live in the same house as their nuclear family is not only economic necessity, but has also become part of a tradition that has been passed down from generation to generation. 2 Migrants who are looking for better economic opportunities. Not in the same house They left their families in their hometowns due to various factors, which made it impossible to bring all family members with them. 3 Parents provide no support. Not in the same house When parents are unable to meet their children's basic needs, they often choose to live with relatives, friends, or other willing individuals. Based on information obtained from informants, the fulfillment of the legality dimension of the structure can be described quantitatively to see the extent to which the level of fulfillment of the legality structure is fulfilled by the informants. B. Physiological Resilience The second dimension included in the Family Resilience Index is physiological resilience, which reflects a family's health, wellbeing, and economic condition. These six indicators comprehensively assess a family's physical resilience to ensure each family has a strong foundation for a healthy and prosperous life. The physical endurance includes all family members being able to eat twice a day. Food is a basic human need that must be met to maintain health and well-being. Within a family, ensuring that each member receives at least two meals a day has a significant impact on health, emotional well-being, and family harmony. Ensuring that the family gets at least two meals a day not only meets physical needs but also maintains emotional and social well-being. Therefore, providing sufficient and nutritious food within the family should be a priority to create a healthier and more harmonious life. Having all family members able to eat two meals a day is an indicator of relatively limited food security. However, it still demonstrates the family's ability to meet their basic needs. While not yet reaching the ideal consumption standard of three meals a day with balanced nutrition, the ability to eat two meals a day remains a significant achievement for marginalized families living in economic constraints. In the context of marginalized groups, eating two meals a day is often not a choice, but rather a survival strategy. This eating pattern can arise due to limited food supplies, unstable income, or difficult access to food sources. Therefore, families in these situations tend to regulate their consumption patterns more frugally, such as relying on cheap food, sharing
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5089 meals, or reducing the number of meals per day. For marginalized communities, being able to meet their basic food needs is a source of happiness. Furthermore, in many cases, the food consumed may not always be nutritionally adequate. Families often consume only staple foods like rice or cassava with simple side dishes, often neglecting the balance of protein, vitamins, and minerals. This can impact health, especially for children who are still growing and the elderly who require special nutritional intake. One important indicator of a family's physical resilience is that all family members' daily food needs are met, at least twice a day. One informant stated the following: Thank God, so far, our family has been able to eat twice a day, even though the food is whatever we have; the important thing is that we can eat. If we want good food, it's also expensive. But if we have the means, sometimes someone will give us food, usually on Fridays, Friday nights, or holidays. When it comes to food, we can eat twice a day, especially the children, whose food needs must be met because they can't stand not eating, even if there's always some luck. But usually the money we get that day is used up for food. Despite their limited resources, the ability to eat two meals a day still indicates that the family has resources or income that enable them to survive. In some cases, they may receive assistance from outside sources, such as neighbors, extended family, or social assistance programs from the government and charities. This demonstrates that social solidarity and various forms of intervention from others can play a role in helping marginalized families meet their basic needs, even under challenging conditions. C. Economic Resilience Economic resilience within a family is a key factor determining the well-being and quality of life of each member. Families with strong economic resilience are able to meet basic needs, face financial challenges, and plan for the future with greater peace and stability. A stable economy allows families to meet basic needs such as food, shelter, education, and healthcare. This is crucial for creating a healthy and comfortable environment for all family members. Economic resilience helps reduce stress caused by financial difficulties, which often lead to conflict within the family. With sound financial planning, families can manage expenses wisely and avoid excessive debt. Furthermore, a strong economy allows parents to send their children to higher education, providing access to quality education and preparing them for a brighter future. One indicator of economic resilience is that the family has a house. Owning their own home is the dream of many couples starting a family. A home is not just a shelter, but also a symbol of stability, comfort, and a more secure future for the family. Furthermore, a home provides a refuge from danger and external disturbances. By owning their own home, families can feel more physically and emotionally secure, without having to worry about moving or rent increases. Furthermore, a home can be arranged and designed to suit the family's needs and comfort. There are at least two indicators, as previously described, that are directly related to the family's home ownership. These include the third indicator, which addresses the legality of the structure (all family members living in one house), and the fourth, which addresses physical resilience, namely separate sleeping spaces for parents and children. These three indicators are closely related. Based on the information obtained, most informants live in rented housing. This choice is generally not based on preference, but rather on economic constraints that prevent them from owning their own homes. The rental homes they occupy vary in size, building condition, and available facilities. However, in general, marginalized families live in substandard housing. Some of these rental homes are located in densely populated areas, with limited access to public facilities such as clean water, proper sanitation systems, and health services. In some cases, the rental homes are occupied by more than one family, resulting in severely limited space and virtually no privacy. One informant stated the following: I live here with my family and children. The rent is so small, it's just what we can afford. We pay monthly, so we have to work every day to pay the rent. My family, I, and some of my fellow laborers live in this boarding house. The place is a bit cramped, but the price is quite high. We chose this place because it's close to the market. We can walk to the market. Furthermore, marginalized communities in Palu City also live in accommodation provided by their employers. This type of housing pattern is commonly found among informal sector workers and casual laborers, such as construction workers, domestic workers, or shop and kiosk keepers, who receive housing as part of their work compensation. This housing is often temporary and lacks legal guarantees governing the occupants' rights to the space. Employer-provided housing facilities are generally rudimentary, and in some cases, uninhabitable. Some accommodations consist of small rooms behind business premises, semi-permanent barracks near project sites, or confined spaces with minimal lighting and ventilation. Due to their temporary nature and reliance on employment status, residents are vulnerable to losing their homes at any time if their employment relationship ends abruptly. An informant said:
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5090 We're here. Our boss told us to build a place to live, but since the materials are already prepared, we're building a temporary home for our wife and kids to live in. It makes the work easier. Furthermore, some marginalized communities in Palu City also live on empty land owned by residents by building huts from used materials, such as used building wood, used furniture from people who have been dumped, but which can still be used, and other materials. D. Social Psychological Resilience Social and psychological resilience for families or households is a key element that helps maintain emotional and mental stability, as well as relationships among family members. This resilience encompasses a family's ability to face and overcome psychological challenges, as well as manage social pressures originating from both within and outside the household. In general, social and psychological resilience is crucial for maintaining a family's emotional and mental well-being. This resilience provides the strength to overcome challenges, maintain healthy relationships, and create a loving and supportive environment. Families with strong social and psychological resilience can live more harmonious lives, navigate challenges more easily, and support each other through every step of their lives. There are five indicators to consider to determine whether a family has a high level of resilience. 1. There is no violence between husband and wife The importance of preventing violence between husband and wife is fundamental to creating a healthy, harmonious, and respectful relationship. Violence, whether physical, emotional, or psychological, can damage the foundation of a marriage and negatively impact the quality of life of family members, especially children. Violence between husband and wife, often referred to as domestic violence (DV), refers to any form of action perpetrated by one partner against the other with the aim of controlling, intimidating, or causing physical, emotional, psychological, or sexual harm. Domestic violence can be divided into (1) Physical violence such as hitting, kicking, hair pulling, slapping, scratching, and various other forms of physical violence. (2) Psychological violence, such as undermining self-esteem, swearing, and using harsh and inappropriate language. (3) Financial violence, such as failing to provide for the family, neglecting the household, and forcing the wife to earn a living. Based on data obtained in the field, some informants did not commit acts of violence between husband and wife. This may be due to the fact that the informants understand violence as physical violence in the form of beatings or abuse by one party. Second, they have a high level of tolerance, meaning that arguments that are not too physically dangerous are considered normal. Third, it could also be considered a household disgrace that must be kept secret, as stated by the following informant: When it comes to tantrums, we treat them as normal; they happen, as long as we don't hit them. We also usually argue if it's not clear whether we're at fault. If my wife gets angry, I let her be; that's just how women are, and she'll eventually get better on her own. If she gets angry, I understand. She's still a child, after all. 2. There is no violence between parents and children Parental violence against children is a serious problem that can have long-term impacts on a child's physical, mental, and emotional development. As individuals still developing, children are highly vulnerable to all forms of violence, whether physical, verbal, or emotional. Therefore, it is crucial for parents to understand the harmful effects of violence and to commit to creating a safe and loving environment for their children. Violence against children not only injures their bodies but also leaves psychological wounds that are difficult to heal. Children who experience violence tend to experience excessive fear, low self-esteem, difficulty socializing, and potentially develop mental disorders such as depression and anxiety. In the long term, they can also lose trust in their families and even carry these patterns of violence into their adult lives. Furthermore, violence against children also impacts their future. Children who grow up in violent environments are at greater risk of academic difficulties, behavioral problems, and involvement in negative behaviors such as substance abuse or juvenile delinquency. This can hinder them from reaching their full potential in life. As parents, it's important to understand that raising children doesn't require violence. Good communication, understanding children's needs, and a positive approach to discipline are far more effective in shaping their character. Children who grow up in a loving and respectful environment are more likely to be confident, develop well, and maintain mental health. V. CONCLUSIONS The construction of family resilience of marginalized groups in Palu City is reflected through five main dimensions, namely: the legality of the structure, the physical dimension, the economic dimension, the socio-psychological dimension, and the sociocultural dimension. Fulfillment of the legality of the structure and socio-psychological dimensions is categorized as vulnerable, with achievements of 55.53% and 53.99%, respectively. Meanwhile, the physical dimension is categorized as somewhat vulnerable with a fulfillment rate of 69.94%. Meanwhile, the economic and socio-cultural dimensions are categorized as very vulnerable, with average fulfillment of indicators only reaching 29.91% and 32.71%, respectively. The construction of family resilience of
The Construction of Family Resilience Policy for Marginal Community Groups: A Study of Socio-Legal Perspective in Indonesia IJMRA, Volume 08 Issue 09 September 2025 www.ijmra.in Page 5091 marginalized groups in Palu City, from a legal sociology perspective, emphasizes that the resilience of marginalized groups is formed from complex interactions between social norms, local culture, economics, and legal relations that are not always covered by the formal legal system. The five dimensions of resilience —legal, physical, economic, socio-psychological, and socio-cultural —indicate varying levels of vulnerability, with the economic and socio-cultural aspects being particularly vulnerable. This emphasizes the importance of understanding law as a living value system and the need for the state to be present through inclusive and adaptive policies. The resilience of marginalized families requires support in the form of state intervention to creatively adapt and survive in limited situations, while still opening up space for social transformation through just and inclusive policies. REFERENCES 1) Badshah, Akhtar A., & Perlman, Janice E. (1996). Mega‐cities and the urban future. City, 1(3-4), 122-132. doi:10.1080/13604819608713438 2) Banakar, Reza. (2000). Reflections on the Methodological Issues of the Sociology of Law. Journal of Law and Society, 27(2), 273-295. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-6478.00154 3) Crewe, Jonathan. (1991). Defining Marginality? Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature, 10(1), 121-130. doi:10.2307/463956 4) Frable, Deborrah E. S. (1993). Dimensions of Marginality: Distinctions among those Who are Different. Personality and Social Psychology 3) Bulletin, 19(4), 370-380. doi:10.1177/0146167293194002 5) Hank, Karsten, & Steinbach, Anja. (2019). Families and Their Institutional Contexts: The Role of Family Policies and Legal Regulations. KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 71(1), 375-398. doi:10.1007/s11577-01900603-z 6) Kurniawati, Wakhidah. (2012). Public Space for Marginal People. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 36, 476-484. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.03.052 7) Levin, Irene, & Trost, Jan. (1992). Understanding the Concept of Family. Family Relations, 41(3), 348-351. doi:10.2307/585202 8) Maurović, Ivana, Liebenberg, Linda, & Ferić, Martina. (2020). A Review of Family Resilience: Understanding the Concept and Operationalization Challenges to Inform Research and Practice. Child Care in Practice, 26(4), 337-357. doi:10.1080/13575279.2020.1792838 9) Nurdin, Nurdin, & Pettalongi, Sagaf S. (2022). Menggunakan Paradigma Studi Kasus Kualitatif Interpretatif Online dan Offline Untuk Memahami Efektivitas Penerapan E-Procurement. Coopetition: Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen, 13(2), 155-168. 10) Nurdin, Nurdin, Scheepers, Helana, & Stockdale, Rosemary. (2022). A social system for sustainable local e-government. Journal of Systems and Information Technology, 24(1), 1-31. doi:10.1108/JSIT-10-2019-0214 11) Nurdin, Nurdin, Stockdale, Rosemary, & Scheepers, Helana. (2014). Coordination and Cooperation in E-Government: An Indonesian Local E-Government Case THE ELECTRONIC JOURNAL OF INFORMATION SYSTEMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, 61(3), 1-21. 12) Nurdin, Nurdin, Stockdale, Rosemary, & Scheepers, Helana. (2016). Influence of Organizational Factors in the Sustainability of E-Government: A Case Study of Local E-Government in Indonesia. In Inderjeet Singh Sodhi (Ed.), Trends, Prospects, and Challenges in Asian E-Governance (pp. 281-323). Hershey, PA, USA: IGI Global. 13) Parker, Kunal M. (2015). Approaches to the Study of Law as a Social Phenomenon. In The Handbook of Law and Society (pp. 56-70). 14) Patterson, Joän M. (2002). Understanding family resilience. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 58(3), 233-246. doi:https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.10019 15) Rodgers, Roy H., & White, James M. (1993). Family Development Theory. In Pauline Boss, William J. Doherty, Ralph LaRossa, Walter R. Schumm, & Suzanne K. Steinmetz (Eds.), Sourcebook of Family Theories and Methods: A Contextual Approach (pp. 225-257). Boston, MA: Springer US. 16) Rusli, Rusli, Hasyim, Muhammad Syarif, & Nurdin, Nurdin. (2021). A New Islamic Knowledge Production And Fatwa Rulings: How Indonesia’s Young Muslim Scholars Interact With Online Sources. Journal of Indonesian Islam, 14(2), 499518. 17) Rusli, Rusli, & Nurdin, Nurdin. (2022). Understanding Indonesia's millennia of Ulama online knowledge acquisition and use in daily fatwa-making habits. Education and Information Technologies, 27(3), 4117-4140. doi:10.1007/s10639-02110779-7
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