The Maluku archipelagic landscape: Exploring and evaluating the outstanding universal value towards World Heritage nomination

Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing, Vol. 11. No. 2, 2025, pp. 54-71 54 © 2025 Authors. Published by International Hellenic University ISSN: 2529-1947. UDC: 658.8+338.48+339.1+640(05) http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17609613 Published online: 1 December 2025 www.jthsm.gr Some rights reserved. Except otherwise noted, this work is licensed under https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 The Maluku archipelagic landscape: Exploring and evaluating the outstanding universal value towards World Heritage nomination Solahuddin Nasution Universitas Sumatera Utara, Indonesia Muhamad Iko Kersapati Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology, Indonesia Stelios Lekakis Newcastle University, United Kingdom Christina Leigh Geros Royal College of Art, United Kingdom Aswandi Aswandi National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia Muhammad Farid Universitas Banda Naira, Indonesia Putri Nur Sarah Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Hamdani Rais Khairun University, Indonesia Zulfa Nadia Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Firman Faturohman Jakarta Maritime Museum, Indonesia Mohamad Avicenna Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah, Indonesia Mohamad Atqa Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, Indonesia Bimasyah Sihite Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, Indonesia Taqyuddin Taqyuddin Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Abstract: Purpose: This study investigates the outstanding universal value (OUV) of the Maluku Islands, which are on the Tentative List for UNESCO World Heritage sites. It examines the ecological and cultural dimensions through spice heritage, traditional practices, and historical significance, addressing gaps in existing literature that often separate natural and cultural heritage, or prioritise tourism narratives over local knowledge and heritage governance. THE MALUKU ARCHIPELAGIC LANDSCAPE: EXPLORING AND EVALUATING THE OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE… 55 Methods: Using a qualitative, interdisciplinary approach, the study integrates geospatial analysis, historical archives, and ethnographic data from field surveys in Maluku and North Maluku. Sources include cartographic records, environmental datasets, and interviews with farmers, elders, and cultural practitioners. Results: Maluku’s spice landscape, rooted in endemic clove and nutmeg cultivation, ritual agroforestry, and oral traditions, demonstrates authenticity and integrity under UNESCO’s mixed heritage criteria. The study offers original insights by foregrounding vernacular knowledge and lived heritage within global heritage discourse. Implications: The findings support Maluku’s World Heritage nomination by recommending improvements to narrative coherence, inclusivity, and representational balance. It proposes a heritage governance model based on sustainable development and community-led tourism, positioning Maluku as an exemplary island cultural landscape for integrated conservation and revitalisation. Keywords: heritage landscape, Maluku Kie Raha, spice islands, Indonesian Archipelago, World Heritage JEL Classification: Z32, L83, Q26 Citation: Nasution, S., Kersapati, M. I., Lekakis, S., Geros, C. L., Aswandi, A., Farid, M., Nur Sarah, P., Rais, H., Nadia, Z., Faturohman, F., Avicenna, M., Atqa, M., Sihite, B., & Taqyuddin, T. (2025). The Maluku archipelagic landscape: Exploring and evaluating the outstanding universal value towards World Heritage nomination. Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing, 11(2), 54–71. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17609613 Biographical note: Solahuddin Nasution is Head of the Tourism Programme at USU, focusing on policy development for regional resilience and institutional strategies to support sustainable local growth ([email protected]). Muhamad Iko Kersapati is a researcher at MECRT, with interests in integrating technological innovation into cultural heritage exploration and preservation ([email protected].uk). Stelios Lekakis is an archaeologist and Principal Research Associate at Newcastle University, specialising in landscape archaeology and cultural heritage management ([email protected]). Christina Leigh Geros is a lecturer at RCA, focusing on knowledge infrastructures across architecture, landscape, and urban design ([email protected]). Aswandi Aswandi is a researcher at BRIN, whose research covers forest livelihoods, tropical wetlands, ethnobotany, and sustainable natural resource use (aswa0[email protected]). Muhammad Farid is the President Director of UBN, with research interests in sociocultural studies, religious tolerance, historical memory, and heritage preservation in Eastern Indonesia ([email protected]). Putri Nur Sarah is a student in the Department of Geography at UI, focusing on cultural geography, spatial analysis, and GIS mapping ([email protected]). Hamdani Rais is a researcher in the Department of Anthropology, Khairun University, specialising in collective memory, identity, and cultural heritage in Ternate ([email protected]). Zulfa Nadia is a student at the School of Environmental Science, UI, researching forest-society relations and environmental policy (zu[email protected]). Firman Faturohman is an educator at the Jakarta Maritime Museum, focusing on maritime heritage, museum curation, and public history ([email protected]). Mohamad Avicenna is a lecturer at the Faculty of Psychology, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, researching cultural trauma, memory, and psychosocial resilience in conflict-affected communities ([email protected]). Mohamad Atqa is a researcher at MECRT, focusing on the documentation, interpretation, and protection of Indonesia’s diverse cultural heritage ([email protected]). Bimasyah Sihite is a researcher at MECRT, specialising in cultural history, ethnicity, literature, and oral tradition in Indonesian communities ([email protected]). Taqyuddin is a lecturer at the Department of Geography, UI, focusing on geo-archaeology, cultural landscapes, and toponymy in Indonesian heritage studies ([email protected]). Corresponding author: Solahuddin Nasution ([email protected]). 1 INTRODUCTION The global spice trade, a complex historical phenomenon, has often been treated as an outlier in historical discourse. Yet, the study of this subject remains essential for understanding the history, culture, politics, and economic development of Southeast Asia today. Historical evidence shows that by the 5th century, spice commodities were being carried to markets from the Indian Ocean to northern Europe (Averbuch, 2022). Their popularity grew significantly in the following centuries, accompanied by the activities of traders such as Arabs, Gujaratis, Indians, and Chinese, who settled along the coastal areas of Southeast Asia. These traders primarily inhabited the Malay Peninsula, the west coast of Sumatra, and the northern coast of Java between the 13th and 14th centuries, with trade becoming more intensive from the 15th century onward (Ismail, 2009). The subsequent arrival of Europeans integrated the archipelago into the global imperial trade network (Fauzi & Razif, 2017). These maritime routes, recognised by historians as distinct from the overland Silk Roads, demonstrate how sea-based trade networks connected the Eastern and Western worlds. They positioned the Indo-Malay Archipelago as a central hub for the production and exchange of spices and aromatics such as nutmeg, mace, pepper, sandalwood, and cloves (Kadir, 2018). The Maluku Archipelago, often referred to as the “Spice Islands,” has played a pivotal role in the history of global trade. Clove (Syzygium aromaticum, Indonesian: cengkeh) and nutmeg (Myristica fragrans, Indonesian: pala), native to this region, were originally confined to a unique tropical ecoregion and were cultivated by Indigenous communities long before European contact. These practices date back to the “preand protohistoric” periods, which are often overlooked in oral traditions and local knowledge, with colonial rule later redefining history around written records and European presence (Lape, 2018). One of the early scientific investigations of spices originating from the Maluku Islands was conducted by Pool et al. (1986), who examined clove species from 34 wild and cultivated groups in north and central Maluku. The results highlighted distinctive morphological variations between wild and cultivated clove trees, including leaf and flower bud characteristics. For nutmeg, previous investigations have 56 Solahuddin Nasution, Muhamad I. Kersapati, Stelios Lekakis, Christina L. Geros, Aswandi Aswandi… shown its long-standing cultural and economic value, particularly from the Banda Islands, where its fruit and derivatives held significance in culinary traditions and local healing practices. Beyond their utilitarian uses, these associations illustrate how ecological resources are deeply embedded in cultural landscapes and biocultural heritage, aligning with the perspective that biodiversity and cultural diversity are interlinked (Brondízio et al., 2021; Bruin et al., 2024). Recent scholarship further highlights how Indigenous mapping and geomatics contribute to understanding these interactions within heritage landscapes (Palmer & Korson, 2020). The geographical settings, cultural practices, and philosophies of the Maluku Islands form the foundation of its cultural heritage. As Shen et al. (2021) describe, the interaction between the natural environment and its inhabitants creates a cultural system that can be understood through the lens of shared experience. In this context, the recognition of the natural environment and the cultural and historical properties are integral to a heritage landscape, identified through its outstanding universal value (OUV) (Dattilo & Padovano, 2025; Brida et al., 2023; Megarry, 2022). The Indonesian government, through the Indonesian National Commission for UNESCO (KNIU), has successfully submitted the Maluku spice trade network to the Tentative List under the title “The Land Below the Wind: Spice Trade Route from the 13th to 18th Century AD,” marking a significant development in the World Heritage nomination process (UNESCO, 2025). Previously, the Banda Islands were also designated as part of the Tentative List in 2015 under the title “Historic and Marine Landscape of the Banda Islands” (UNESCO, 2015). The current stage is further reinforced by ongoing research and historical explorations of spice culture conducted by various actors across interdisciplinary fields, strengthening the position of the Maluku Islands as the point of origin for the world’s spice habitat. This paper explores the OUV of the Maluku Archipelagic Heritage Landscape, focusing on how the region’s unique natural and cultural features are potentially suitable for inclusion on the UNESCO World Heritage List as a mixed category of both natural and cultural heritage. While previous research often separates natural and cultural heritage or focuses on tourism-related narratives, few studies integrate ecological, historical, and intangible elements from vernacular or decolonial perspectives. This study addresses these gaps by examining the Maluku Islands as a living cultural landscape through the lens of OUV. Building upon these foundations, this research seeks to answer the following questions: (1)How do the ecological, cultural, and historical dimensions of the Maluku Islands collectively demonstrate OUV under UNESCO’s mixed heritage framework? (2)What insights can be drawn from a critical review of the current World Heritage nominations related to Maluku to strengthen its OUV narrative? 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The identification of outstanding universal value (OUV) is essential for recognising heritage properties that are often overlooked by national decision-makers. The evaluation of World Heritage inscriptions has raised concerns among scholars and practitioners, particularly regarding whether the pursuit of inscription is driven primarily by tourism (Gao & Su, 2019). A heritage tourism destination may face a paradox where the inscription of heritage properties with OUV boosts local administrations and tourism companies, yet it can also trigger the threat of damage to the protected properties from human activities (Dias et al., 2024). To anticipate this situation, the recognised OUV should ideally serve as the primary source to elevate the role of relevant stakeholders and technical knowledge of conservation, as well as to reinforce national conservation policy (Fernández & Sancho, 2025). The International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) have traditionally assessed cultural and natural heritage sites separately. However, in recent years, a more integrated approach has emerged through joint evaluations of mixed properties (Fogarty, 2022). Cultural criteria have been assessed by Maiyang and Taqyuddin (2021) in their study of Batik as intangible heritage, while natural criteria have been explored by researchers such as Canet et al. (2024) on global geological sites and Nath et al. (2022) on Indian national parks. Reviews of previous studies indicate that quantitative analyses and approaches are predominantly used, such as those in the work of Dattilo and Padovano (2025). This highlights the need for future qualitative studies to provide a more comprehensive discourse on both natural and cultural dimensions. Recent scholarship has increasingly emphasised the intersection of cultural landscapes and biocultural heritage, highlighting how ecological knowledge and cultural practices are co-produced across generations (Dimou et al., 2025). Brondízio et al. (2021) demonstrate that Indigenous and local knowledge systems are not only locally embedded but also globally relevant in shaping sustainable land-use practices, reinforcing the need to move beyond Eurocentric heritage frameworks. Similarly, Levis et al. (2024) argue that tropical forest landscapes are deeply imprinted with Indigenous management practices, revealing biocultural indicators such as species distribution and agroforestry mosaics that challenge the notion of “untouched wilderness.” This perspective aligns with the recognition of Maluku’s spice ecologies as continuing cultural landscapes rather than relics. Moreover, emerging contributions from Indigenous geomatics provide innovative tools for mapping toponyms, oral traditions, and cultural attributes alongside environmental data (Bruin et al., 2024). Such approaches not only decolonise cartographic representations but also expand the methodological canon for assessing OUV through integrative, place-based, and community-led perspectives. Furthermore, Labadi (2013) highlights the need to decolonise heritage tourism, noting that World Heritage nomination guidelines (Marshall et al., 2011) are largely Eurocentric and require adaptation for non-Western contexts. In recent years, the rise of “orphanage tourism” in the Global South has reflected a growing appetite among travellers from the Global North for voluntourism experiences that offer emotional gratification (Khan et al., 2023). However, such practices have drawn criticism for perpetuating unequal power dynamics and reinforcing neocolonial relationships between host and visitor (Cant et al., 2024; Higgins-Desbiolles et al., 2022). More broadly, decolonising tourism entails recognising and supporting Indigenous communities in safeguarding their ancestral territories, rather than romanticising these landscapes as untouched or ahistorical sites of leisure. This shift is essential not only for ethical tourism development but also for ensuring that heritage and identity are promoted in ways that centre local agency and historical context (Zhang et al., 2022). THE MALUKU ARCHIPELAGIC LANDSCAPE: EXPLORING AND EVALUATING THE OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE… 57 3 METHOD 3.1. Study Area The geographical scope of the study includes the provinces of Maluku (3.2385° S, 130.1453° E) and North Maluku (1.5710° N, 127.8088° E), as shown in Figure 1. These two provinces are located in eastern Indonesia and encompass several island groups, including approximately 600 islands (Maluku) and 400 islands (North Maluku). Figure 1. The study area covers North Maluku and Maluku Province. A field survey was conducted in different geographic areas (A, B, C, D) with several specific locations (villages). 3.2. Data Collection and Processing The data collection was structured around three key themes: (1) environmental-geographical data; (2) cultural knowledge of spice cultivation; and (3) the history of the spice trade. Each dataset collected in this study was systematically processed to ensure accuracy, consistency, and comparability. Geospatial analysis relied on a suite of environmental and physical datasets compiled from authoritative sources. Rainfall layers were obtained from the Indonesian Geospatial Information Agency (BIG), covering the period from 2000 to 2020, with a spatial resolution of 1 km. Topographic data were derived from the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM, 30 m resolution, 2001 release), while volcanic distribution shapefiles were digitised from the 2014 National Geological Catalogue at a cartographic scale of 1:50,000. Geomorphological layers from BIG were further crosschecked with published studies on soil types in Maluku, particularly those identifying Andisols, Entisols, and Ultisols, to ensure consistency between spatial data and established pedological literature. All spatial datasets were standardised into GIS-compatible formats (shapefiles and GeoTIFF rasters) and reprojected to WGS 84/UTM Zone 52S for Maluku and Zone 51N for North Maluku. Resampling was conducted using bilinear interpolation for continuous variables and nearest neighbour for categorical variables to preserve data integrity. Suitability modelling was undertaken by overlaying rainfall (>2,000 mm annually), volcanic soils, and elevation ranges of 0–800 m, thresholds derived from agronomic literature on nutmeg and clove ecology (Leatemia et al., 2017; Ridley, 1912). The analysis was descriptive, emphasising spatial associations identified through literature-based ecological thresholds. To ensure reproducibility, all processing steps were documented in Python scripts and ArcGIS Pro models. Quality control was achieved through triangulation with secondary literature, cross-validation against interview data on farming conditions, and visual inspection of satellite imagery (Landsat 8, 30 m resolution, 2023 acquisition) to confirm land cover consistency. The metadata tables, geospatial layers, and replication codes are not publicly archived due to institutional restrictions but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Interviews were conducted with prior informed consent from 23 participants (see Table 1) across several well-established villages selected for their long-standing involvement in spice cultivation and strong historical ties to the sultanate and regional trade. Participants were recruited through community leaders and snowball referrals to ensure trust and cultural appropriateness. Inclusion criteria focused on elders, farmers, and cultural practitioners with long-term involvement in clove and nutmeg cultivation; individuals without such experience were excluded. Participation was voluntary, with no financial incentives offered. All interviews were conducted in Bahasa Indonesia by the research team and transcribed verbatim. Selected transcripts were translated into English for reporting. Each interview lasted between 45 and 90 minutes, was audio-recorded with consent, and supplemented with field notes. Interview questions followed the guidelines in Table 2, covering ecological knowledge, rituals, oral traditions, cultural expressions, and future perspectives. Data collection continued until thematic saturation was reached, as indicated by repetition of themes and no emergence of new codes in the final interviews. A thematic coding process was applied using Python (see Appendix B). An initial codebook was developed deductively from the interview guidelines and refined inductively as new categories emerged. Two researchers independently coded a subset of transcripts to ensure reliability, resolving discrepancies through discussion and consultation with local community representatives. This process refined the codebook iteratively, and a saturation memo was maintained to document when no new themes emerged. Table 1. Demographic profile of informants (N=23). To address the demographic skew of the sample (approximately 70% male, with most participants aged 40–59), responses were disaggregated by gender and age cohort for sensitivity analysis. This revealed important contrasts: women frequently emphasised ritual taboos and gendered cultivation practices, while men focused more on land tenure and governance. Elders underscored oral traditions and ritual continuity, while younger participants stressed innovations in processing and economic adaptation. While these perspectives diverged, they collectively reinforced the centrality of clove and nutmeg cultivation to community identity. Detailed subgroup analysis is provided in Appendix A. !"#$%C'(F *+,%'C+-F .'$/+$01(F 2$'1$0#"%$F !"#A"%& 'EF"& G+& +,-+& ."/EF"& M& 1O-P& 45"& S1O& G& P-1& PO7P,& +& U+-G& 9O79,& ,& 1,-G& :+O& M& 1O-9& ;<<=>E?@A#& .E%/"%B& GU& 9U-U& !AC"%#/"#?&"/>FAa""B& M& 1O-P& EA=<E?@A#cAA/"B?@<&%AF"B& P& GM-P& EA=<E?@A#&F"C"F& d%@/E%a& P& GM-P& e"<A#AE%a& GP& +O-,& I#A"%5%EA=E?"& 1& G1-O& dAB?5%EA=E?"& U& g-M& ! 58 Solahuddin Nasution, Muhamad I. Kersapati, Stelios Lekakis, Christina L. Geros, Aswandi Aswandi… Table 2. Interview guideline Reflexivity was a key consideration. The research team comprised Indonesian scholars with prior fieldwork experience in Maluku, who recognised their outsider status in particular communities. Potential power dynamics were mitigated by working with local intermediaries, respecting cultural protocols, and prioritising participants’ own framing of heritage knowledge. Ethical approval was granted by the National Research and Innovation Agency of Indonesia (BRIN) (No. 161/KE.01/SK/02/2024). Informed consent was obtained verbally and in writing, in accordance with both institutional requirements and local cultural practices. The full codebook and saturation memo are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. The data collection also included archival spice distribution documents from the National Archive of the Republic of Indonesia (Letters from Banda to Batavia by Francois van Boekholtz) and cartographic materials from KITLV Leiden. These materials included schematic layouts of Fort Oranje in Ternate (AMH-4887), Victoria Castle in Ambon (AMH4703), Belgica Fort in Banda Neira (AMH-4725), and Nassau Fort in Banda Neira (AMH-4721). These maps were georeferenced and overlaid with modern satellite imagery to reconstruct the historical context of the colonial spice monopoly and fortifications in the North Maluku Province, specifically in Ternate, Ambon, and Banda Neira. Complementary visual documentation was integrated through photographs of surviving fort structures, such as the gate of Fort Nieuw Victoria, the backdrop of Belgica Fort against volcanic landscapes, and the walls of Nassau Fort. Archival maps were digitised and georeferenced against modern satellite imagery using ArcGIS Pro. Distortions in historical cartography were adjusted using ground control points (GCPs). Photographic documentation of surviving structures was used to ground-truth historical descriptions. 3.3. Data Analysis Data analysis was designed to integrate the three strands of evidence collected in this study: environmental-geographical datasets, interviews on traditional knowledge of spice cultivation, and historical cartographic sources relating to the spice trade. Each strand was first processed using domainappropriate techniques (e.g., GIS standardisation, interview transcription and coding, archival digitisation) before being brought into a comparative analytical framework. Codes and categories were initially derived deductively from these three domains and refined inductively as new insights emerged during iterative analysis. The three strands were then triangulated to generate broader interpretive themes that underpin the assessment of OUV. Figure 2 illustrates this integrated process, depicting how data collection, processing, and analysis converged to inform the study’s findings. Figure 2. Schematic flow of data collection, processing, and analysis. 4 RESULTS 4.1. Academic Evaluation To provide historical clarity and avoid broad or ambiguous time markers, this section begins with a chronological synthesis of ecological, cultural, and political milestones relevant to Maluku’s spice heritage. The timeline (Figure 3) integrates archaeological evidence, ethnographic records, and colonial archives to situate the evaluation of heritage properties. Figure 3. Chronological overview of Maluku’s spice landscape. The chronology of Maluku’s spice heritage spans more than three millennia, demonstrating a continuous interaction between ecology, culture, and politics. Archaeobotanical evidence indicates that nutmeg was already used on Ay Island as early as 1500–1000 BCE, marking one of the oldest documented uses of spices in subsistence and ritual practices (Lape, 2018). By the 5th century CE, Southeast Asian spices had entered long-distance Indian Ocean trade networks and reached South Asia and Europe (Averbuch, 2022). The 13th and 14th centuries witnessed intensified exchanges as Arabian, Indian, and Chinese merchants established settlements along the northern coasts of Java and Maluku (Ismail, 2009). In the 15th and 16th centuries, the rise of the Kie Raha confederation, uniting the four Sultanates of Ternate, Tidore, Jailolo, and Bacan, consolidated spice governance and formalised ritual agroforestry traditions (Rinaldi, 2017). European contact began in the early 16th century, with the Portuguese establishing forts in Ternate in 1512, followed by Dutch expansion culminating in the 1621 Banda conquest and the 1667 Treaty of Breda, which underscored the immense !"#A%&' ()A"&*+,"' !?#A#BC?'AE)*#HAI-BIE'*-E K/AMCN'MC#*EOP'?MC?I4E RS!T#HE'PIE?A#NIE'*-E*/M8IBEMPII4E4IAI?MI-9EWA'*MI-9E'*-E 8'C*M'C*I-EC*E;#/PE?#88/*CM;<E =S!>?'MEA#?'AEMIP84E#PE@*#HAI-BIE-I4?PCAIE4#CA9EP'C*B'AA9E#PE 4I'4#*'AE?#*-CMC#*4EB#PE4WC?IEB'P8C*B<E CS!T'NIE;#/E#A4IPNI-E??'*BI4EC*EB'P8C*BEMI??*Ca/I4E#PE I*NCP#*8I*M'AE?#*-CMC#*4E'?P#44EBI*IP'MC#*4<E bCM/'A4E'*-EKIPI8#*CI4E RS!>?'MEPCM/'A4E#PEM'A##4E'PIE#A4IPNI-E-/PC*BEWA'*MC*B9E ?'PNI4MC*B9E#PEWP#?I44C*B<E =S!K'*E;#/E-I4?PCAIEWP'?MC?I4EAC@IE!"#AB&'()B*"H,"HE#PE&-"KB L"0"EC*E;#/PE?#88/*CM;<E CS!cPIEM?IPIEBI*-IPI-EP#AI4E#PEAIACIB4E?#**I?MI-EHCM?E4WC?IE ?/AMCN'MC#*<E dP'AEeP'-CMC#*4E'*-EfI8#P;E RS!>?'ME4M#PCI4E#PE?C4M#PC?'AE'??#/*M4EgISBS9E1O#"P"4B*"H"5B1O4A9E 1O#"P"4B6TH45TOKhE'PIEM#A-EC*E;#/PE?#88/*CM;E'A#/ME4WC?I4<E =S!K'*E;#/E4?'PIEIi'8WAI4E#BE8"9"4":8"("4"E4#*B4E#PEW#I84E PIA'MI-EM#E?A#NI4E'*-E*/M8IB<E CS!T#HE-#EM?I4IE#P'AEMP'-CMC#*4E?IAWEMP'*48CME?/AM/P'AE8I8#P;9E I4WI?C'AA;E'A#/MEINI*M4EAC@IEM?IEM'*-'ERk=RE8'44'?PI<E TIBI8#*C?El;4MI84E RS!>?'MEC4EM?IEP#AIE#BEM?IE4/AM'*'MIE'*-EM?IE4CB*CBC?'*?IE#BE ?/AM/P'AE4;8A#A4E#BEM?ICPEW#ACMC?'AEW#HIPEC*Em#PM?Ef'A/@/<E =S!T#HE'PIEM?IEM'*-'En4A'*-4EP/AI-EA;EM?IE;K"H,B8"P"<E ! THE MALUKU ARCHIPELAGIC LANDSCAPE: EXPLORING AND EVALUATING THE OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE… 59 geopolitical value of nutmeg (Milton, 1999). During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) dominated through forced labour and ecological interventions such as the introduction of canary tree shade systems, while local sultanates declined under colonial hegemony. In the 20th century, Maluku was incorporated into the Indonesian state, and its spice legacy became embedded in national heritage narratives. This region’s steep volcanic terrain and maritime climate create distinct microclimates. Located within the Pacific Ring of Fire, the Maluku Islands have evolved through tectonic activity that produced fertile volcanic soils (see Figure 4). Notable active volcanoes, such as Mount Gamalama (Ternate) and Banda Api (Banda), and the inactive Tidore (Kie Matubu), have enriched the land through repeated eruptions. Volcanic soils, such as Entisols, Ultisols, and Andisols (Ishak et al., 2024; Neswati et al., 2019), are rich in nutrients, including nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, iron, aluminium, and sulphur (Hirzel et al., 2025). Weathering of volcanic ash enhances soil fertility and water retention, supporting spice cultivation. Geological evidence also suggests that a submerged or collapsed volcanic system may have influenced early settlement and agriculture in the region (Suhendro et al., 2022). The comparison between Kalimantan and Banda underscores the unique environmental-geographical basis of Maluku’s spice landscape (Figure 5). Kalimantan (Borneo), situated in a monsoonal climate and lying outside the main arc of the Ring of Fire, exhibits a diverse landform assemblage, including extensive alluvial plains, fluvial–marine systems, karst, and volcanic zones. Its soil distribution is dominated by Oxisols (no. 2) in volcanic areas, which are highly weathered and nutrient-poor, as well as vast expanses of peatland underlain by Histosols (no. 1). These edaphic conditions are generally unfavourable for long-term agroforestry of spice crops, being either leached of nutrients or excessively waterlogged. Figure 4. Physical geography of the Banda Arc region compiled from secondary sources. Geomorphology from the Geospatial Information Agency (2020). The Asia–Pacific Ring of Fire distribution is adapted from the National Geological Catalogue 2014. The cross-section of the Banda Arc and volcanic landforms follows Darman (2014), highlighting active volcanoes Gunung Gamalama (1) and Gunung Api Banda (3), and the inactive Gunung Tidore (2). Rainfall patterns and climate classification are based on Aldrian (2001). License: Creative Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0). In contrast, Banda, which lies within a distinctive local climatic regime specific to the Maluku archipelago, is geomorphologically defined almost exclusively by volcanic landforms (Neswati et al., 2019). The corresponding soils are largely Ultisols (no. 3), moderately weathered but relatively more fertile than Oxisols, and thus capable of supporting clove and nutmeg cultivation over successive generations. This marked contrast highlights why Banda’s volcanic islands could sustain enduring spice agroforestry traditions, whereas Kalimantan’s soils and landforms predisposed it towards other vegetation systems, such as peat swamp forests, rather than high-value perennial crops. Figure 5. Comparative landforms and soils of Kalimantan and Banda. Spatial data were retrieved from the Geospatial Information Agency Catalogue (2020). The isolation of Maluku’s volcanic islands has fostered unique ecosystems, including the 300-year-old Afo clove trees in Ternate and native nutmeg trees in Banda, reflecting centuries of human interaction with spice ecologies (Mahulette et al., 2019). Archaeobotanical evidence from Ay Island confirms nutmeg use dating back 3,500 years, highlighting its cultural and economic significance (Lape, 2018). Recent research by Kusuma et al. (2025) highlights the diversity of clove varieties, reinforcing the importance of spice cultivation in Maluku’s agricultural and cultural identity. Both archaeological and oral evidence emphasise the historical depth of spice cultivation. Clove cultivation is integral to Maluku’s history, with limited archaeological evidence on the Afo clove, but cultural knowledge about its cultivation remains vital. As an elder from Tidore explained, “The Kapata is not only a story, it tells us when to plant and when to harvest” (elder, Tidore, aged 63). This demonstrates how Kapata songs preserve agricultural knowledge, linking cultural traditions to seasonal cycles of spice cultivation. The significance of nutmeg is equally profound, evidenced by the discovery of 3,500-year-old nutmeg residues in pottery from the PA1 site, the earliest known human use of nutmeg (Lape, 2018). This is further supported by Lape’s (2002) archaeological work (Figure 6), which documents nutmeg’s integral role in the local economy long before colonial influence. The continued emphasis on nutmeg’s importance in oral histories, alongside 60 Solahuddin Nasution, Muhamad I. Kersapati, Stelios Lekakis, Christina L. Geros, Aswandi Aswandi… archaeological findings, highlights the enduring connection between cultural narratives and spice cultivation in Maluku. Figure 6. Radiocarbon dates from sites in the Banda Islands from Lape (2002). Samples BN1-3-195, BN2-2-210, and BN42-246 are from the lowest excavated strata in their respective sites. *AA: NSF-University of Arizona AMS Facility; Beta: Beta Analytic. **Calibrated using University of Washington Quaternary Isotope Lab Calib 4.1.2 (1999). The map is recreated by the authors. Linguistic diversity is evident in spice names; cloves are called buwalawa or gomode in Tidore, and nutmeg is gosora in Ternate. Spice farming is deeply ritualistic, involving taboos, planting calendars, and ceremonial practices, often led by women and elders. In Ternate and Tidore, Baku Ambe Tangan sees communities working overnight to process cloves, while in Banda, Asar Pala integrates nutmeg harvesting with rituals like smoke-drying (para-para) and gendered planting beliefs. According to a male farmer in Tidore, “During the clove harvest, we gather as a community, especially in the evenings, to process cloves together, this is called Baku Ambe Tangan” (male farmer, Tidore, aged 48). Similarly, a female farmer from Banda shared, “The smoke-drying process using parapara during nutmeg harvest and the Asar Pala is an important festive event in our society” (female farmer, Banda, aged 56). These rituals reflect the significant role that community, tradition, and seasonal cycles play in spice farming. Oral traditions such as Hikayat Tanah Hitu and Hikayat Lonthoir narrate local history and spice economies (van Donkersgoed & Farid, 2022). The Belang war canoe, once used in conflict and trade, is now a cultural icon of Banda, featured in ceremonial races during festivals like Banda Neira. Its launch is accompanied by the dance, a martial performance of ancestral warfare and honour, using vibrant costumes, Cakalele, and traditional weapons. According to a male farmer from Banda, “The Belang and the Cakalele dance are symbols of our pride and strength, reminding us of our heritage and the struggles we faced” (male farmer, Banda, aged 60). Together, these symbolise living heritage and communal pride (Harnisa et al., 2025). Oral forms like Kapata (Ternate and Tidore) and Kabata (Banda) continue to preserve historical memory and cultivation knowledge. In Banda, Kabata songs (also known as Onotan Sarawandan) commemorate the trauma of the 1621 massacre and exile, reinforcing identity and resilience through poetic remembrance (Kaartinen, 2012). A female elder from Banda explained, “Our Kabata songs not only tell our history but also remind us of our resilience, passed down to us through the generations” (female elder, Banda, aged 68). The roles within spice cultivation are gendered, with men primarily involved in land clearing, planting, and governance. As a male farmer from Tidore explained, “We are responsible for clearing the land and planting the spice trees, while the women lead the rituals and storage” (male farmer, Tidore, aged 53). Men also play a significant role in the governance of land use. A younger male farmer added, “We follow the rules set by the elders about where and how to plant, respecting the boundaries they set” (youth farmer, Tidore, aged 24). Women, on the other hand, take on roles related to rituals, seed storage, food processing, and the preservation of oral traditions. A female farmer from Banda shared, “While the men work the land, we focus on storing seeds for the next season, processing the food, and teaching the children the old songs and stories” (female farmer, Banda, aged 58). “Ba’ukup also uses spices (cloves) for mothers’ postpartum care (female farmer, Halmahera, aged 48). These gendered roles highlight the complementary contributions of both men and women to the spice farming practices in Maluku, ensuring the continuity of both agricultural and cultural traditions. Figure 7. Field observation and inventory of spice heritage sites and practices in Maluku (source: authors’ field documentary). The present spatial distribution, condition assessments, threats, and stewardship arrangements of these living heritage practices are summarised in Figure 7, which combines mapped locations with an inventory of their current status. This visual substantiates claims of continuity while highlighting existing vulnerabilities and custodianship. Maluku’s spice trade was historically rooted in the Kie Raha (four mountains) confederation, which united the sultanates of Ternate, Tidore, Jailolo, and Bacan. These polities were not passive arenas for later colonial intervention but dynamic centres of governance and trade, managing the collection and circulation of cloves and nutmeg through tribute systems. Villages paid spices to the sultan, whose authority encompassed political, economic, and spiritual domains. As Song and Mansur (2021) note, the sultanates’ power was entwined with control over external trade networks, enabling THE MALUKU ARCHIPELAGIC LANDSCAPE: EXPLORING AND EVALUATING THE OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE… 61 Ternate, in particular, to dominate regional routes well before European arrival. Figure 8. Overlays of historic maps of Ternate, Ambon, and Banda Neira aligned to modern satellite basemaps using GCPs. The georeferencing process matches shared features (forts, shorelines, bastions) to present-day coordinates, allowing assessment of spatial accuracy. Residuals ranged from 14–55 m, with overall RMSE values of ~24 m (Neira), ~33 m (Ambon), and ~38 m (Ternate). Key forts in the Maluku Islands, such as Fort Oranje (A) in Ternate, Fort Victoria (B) in Ambon, and Forts Belgica (C) and Nassau (D) in Banda Neira, are depicted in original plans and present-day photos. Source: KITLV, Leiden University Libraries. License: Creative Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0). Ownership of spice-producing trees was central to these arrangements. Cengkeh Usaha (cloves cultivated through personal effort) carried both economic and symbolic weight, with ownership often marked by stones as signs of ancestral ties. During Dutch attempts to monopolise the trade, these trees became sites of quiet defiance. As an elder from Tauro, Halmahera, recalled, “The clove trees were planted in secret, under the Sultan’s directive, to defy the VOC’s extirpation policy” (elder, Tauro, aged 68). Another elder from Ternate remembered, “We knew the VOC wanted to take control of everything, so we planted cloves in the hills where they could not see” (elder, Ternate, aged 72). Such clandestine planting shows that VOC interventions did not erase local practices but instead produced hybrid landscapes where hidden cultivation, tribute systems, and colonial surveillance coexisted. The VOC attempted to consolidate control through fortifications and regimented plantation schemes. Historical maps from KITLV show an extensive network of forts in Ternate, Ambon, and Banda Neira (Figure 8), while letters from Francois van Boekholtz in Banda to Batavia document the flow of spices to Makassar, Surabaya, Batavia, and Singapore (Figure 9). These sources illustrate the VOC’s intent to centralise distribution, but local responses complicated this vision. Farmers in Banda continued to rely on smallholder nutmeg groves, sustained through Asar Pala rituals and parapara smoke-drying, blending subsistence and ritual with the demands of global markets. Figure 9. Historic records of spice production and distribution to Makassar, Surabaya, Batavia, and Singapore, and letters from Banda to Batavia by Francois van Boekholtz concerning spice exports. Source: National Archive of the Republic of Indonesia. License: Creative Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0). Colonial interventions also had ecological feedback. The introduction of canary trees as shade for nutmeg reflected Dutch attempts at standardisation, yet ecological realities, including pest outbreaks and soil depletion, forced adaptations. Local farmers, drawing on long-standing ecological knowledge, adjusted cultivation methods to maintain productivity. This interplay created what might be seen as hybrid systems: neither wholly colonial plantations nor purely indigenous traditions, but negotiated adaptations to a shifting ecological and political landscape. Nierstrasz (2008) highlights how the VOC militarised agriculture through forced labour and extirpation policies, displacing many local systems. Yet even here, agency remained. As one elder from Ternate put it, “The arrival of the Dutch meant that we had to grow spices in their plantations, and those who resisted were punished” (elder, Banda, aged 72). While coercion was real, continuity of local farming knowledge and ritual practice also endured beneath colonial impositions. The persistence of cengkeh usaha, the clandestine planting of cloves, and the oral traditions surrounding cultivation demonstrate that change was never unidirectional. Perhaps the most symbolic instance of the geopolitical stakes of nutmeg came with the 1667 Treaty of Breda, in which Rhun Island was exchanged by the English for Manhattan (McGregor & Dragojlovic, 2024). This exchange underscores the extraordinary value attributed to Maluku’s spices in the 17th century. Yet for local communities, these global shifts were refracted through everyday practices, clandestine planting, ritual harvests, and the maintenance of oral memory, anchoring continuity amid upheaval. Rather than a linear transformation toward industrial-scale plantations, the history of Maluku’s spice trade reflects a contested process of negotiation, 62 Solahuddin Nasution, Muhamad I. Kersapati, Stelios Lekakis, Christina L. Geros, Aswandi Aswandi… resilience, and hybridisation between colonial ambitions, local agency, and ecological realities. 4.2. Nomination Guidance This analysis evaluates the Maluku Spice Heritage Landscape against UNESCO World Heritage criteria (i–x), providing clear reasoning for each, as shown in Table 3. Criteria (ii), (iii), (iv), (v), (vi), (ix), and (x) offer the strongest basis for OUV. Criterion (ii) is fulfilled through historical exchange networks such as the Kie Raha sultanates, the Treaty of Breda, and maritime traditions, paralleling sites such as the Old Town of Galle and its fortifications, inscribed under criterion (iv) for its fusion of Portuguese–Dutch forms with South Asian traditions (UNESCO, 1988). Criterion (iii) is demonstrated by long-standing spice rituals and oral traditions (e.g., Kapata and Kabata), akin to the Living Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras and the Subak system of Bali (UNESCO, 1995; UNESCO, 2012). Criterion (iv) is evidenced by the integration of forts, town layouts, and plantation organisation, reinforcing Maluku’s uniqueness compared to other fort–town plantations. Criterion (v) emerges from the sustainable agroforestry and maritime practices that remain vital today. For criterion (vi), the global resonance of the Treaty of Breda and its human consequences indeed exceeds the local or regional scale. Regarding the natural criteria, criteria (ix) and (x) are strongly supported. Maluku is the only natural habitat of cloves and nutmeg, placing it in the rare company of sites like the Vallée de Mai (Seychelles) (UNESCO, 1983). The agroforestry biodiversity here underlines criterion (ix). Criteria (vii) and (viii) are partially addressed through the volcanic seascapes of Banda. While visually dramatic, these features do not quite match globally unique volcanic sites such as Jeju Volcanic Island and Lava Tubes, inscribed under criterion (vii) for its exceptional geological features such as the Geomunoreum lava tube system and fortress‑like tuff cones (UNESCO, 2007). Whereas, criterion (i) concerning a “masterpiece of human creative genius” is acknowledged but evaluated as less compelling in comparison to the most iconic fortifications, such as Galle or Fort Jesus. In sum, while not every criterion applies equally, the combined evidence across cultural and natural values establishes Maluku as a globally significant cultural-natural landscape. Regarding the natural criteria, criteria (ix) and (x) are strongly supported. Maluku is the only natural habitat of cloves and nutmeg, placing it in the rare company of sites like the Vallée de Mai (Seychelles) (UNESCO, 1983). The agroforestry biodiversity here underlines criterion (ix). Criteria (vii) and (viii) are partially addressed through the volcanic seascapes of Banda. While visually dramatic, these features do not quite match globally unique volcanic sites such as Jeju Volcanic Island and Lava Tubes, inscribed under criterion (vii) for its exceptional geological features such as the Geomunoreum lava tube system and fortress‑like tuff cones (UNESCO, 2007). Whereas, criterion (i) concerning a “masterpiece of human creative genius” is acknowledged but evaluated as less compelling in comparison to the most iconic fortifications, such as Galle or Fort Jesus. In sum, while not every criterion applies equally, the combined evidence across cultural and natural values establishes Maluku as a globally significant cultural-natural landscape. Authenticity is evaluated through Marshall’s eight dimensions (A1–A8), which encompass material, functional, intangible, and contextual values (Marshall et al., 2011). In Maluku, authenticity is evident in the architectural form of colonial forts such as Belgica and Nassau (A1), the surviving material fabric of coral-stone masonry and the symbolic Afo clove (A2), and the continuity of spice cultivation rituals, including Asar Pala and Baku Ambe Tangan (A3). Traditional management systems, such as the agroforestry integration of nutmeg, clove, and canary, reflect continuity in ecological knowledge (A4). Location and setting are preserved in the volcanic landscapes of Banda and Ternate (A5), while oral traditions sustain language and ritual practice (A6). Spirit and feeling remain embodied in commemorations of the 1621 Banda massacre and in ancestral songs such as Onotan Sarawandan (A7). Table 3. 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Tourism Management, 90, 104458. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2021.104458 Author Contributions: Writing – original draft, S.N.; Writing – review & editing, M.I.K.; Supervision, S.L.; Writing – review & editing, C.L.G.; Conceptualisation, A.A.; Validation, M.F.; Formal analysis, P.N.S.; Formal analysis, H.R.; Data curation, Z.N.; Methodology, F.F.; Investigation, M.A.V.; Supervision, Funding acquisition, M.A.T.; Writing – analysis, B.S.; Writing – review & editing, T.T. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. Data Availability Statement: The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.ata available upon request. Funding: This research was supported by the Directorate of Cultural Development and Utilization, Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology of the Republic of Indonesia, under contract number 466/F5/KB.18.05/PPK II/2024. SUBMITTED: JUNE 2025 1st REVISION SUBMITTED: AUGUST 2025 2nd REVISION SUBMITTED: OCTOBER 2025 ACCEPTED: NOVEMBER 2025 REFEREED ANONYMOUSLY PUBLISHED ONLINE: 1 DECEMBER 2025