Preparatory material for the roundtable discussion

Preparatory Material for the Roundtable Discussion Sümeghy, Dávid, Borbála Göncz, György Lengyel, Ádám Németh, Zsolt Németh, Lilla Tóth 2025 FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 1 This working paper was developed in the context of the project MIGWELL – Well-being and Migration: the Hungary – Austria Migration Nexus Work Package 4: ‘Policy options’ MIGWELL is an FWF–NKFIH International Joint Project. In Austria the project is funded by the Austrian Science Fund. In Hungary the project has been implemented with the support provided by the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund (Ministry of Innovation and Technology of Hungary), financed under the ANN funding scheme. Project code: I 5616 (in Austria), 139465 (in Hungary) Project duration: 01.02.2022 – 31.07.2025 (in Austria), 01.12.2021 – 31.05.2025 (in Hungary) Project Partners: Institute for Urban and Regional Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences Centre for Empirical Social Research at the Corvinus University of Budapest Department of Finno-Ugrian Studies, University of Vienna Scientific Advisory Board: Department of Sociology, University of Vienna Hungarian Demographic Research Institute Hungarian Central Statistical Office MIGWELL’s website: LINK MIGWELL’s outputs will be uploaded to: LINK Inquiries can be directed to: Institute for Urban and Regional Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, [email protected].at or Centre for Empirical Social Research at the Corvinus University of Budapest, [email protected] Suggested citation: Sümeghy, D., Göncz, B., Lengyel, Gy., Németh, Á., Németh, Zs., and Tóth, L. (2025) Preparatory material for the roundtable discussion. MIGWELL Project Deliverable, No. 4.1. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 2 MIGWELL at a glance The MIGWELL project focuses on the nexus of migration and well-being in Hungary and Austria. Using quantitative and qualitative research methods, it seeks to explore the impacts of migration on subjective well-being in the case of Hungarian immigrants in Austria as well as the effects of subjective well-being differences on emigration potential in Hungary. The approach of this project is innovative not only because it links the concepts of ‘well-being’ and ‘migration’, but also because it interprets their two-way causal relationship within one research framework. Since the Covid-19 pandemic might have a profound impact on both pillars, MIGWELL will also reflect on the rapidly changing socio-economic and well-being related issues that have emerged due to the epidemic throughout the life cycle of the project. The theoretical expansion of these concepts and the empirical findings of the project may contribute to more effective policies in both countries. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 3 1. Summary of the Results Our research sheds new light on the mutual relationship between migration and subjective wellbeing by examining one of Central Europe’s most active migration routes: from Hungary to Austria. With over 100,000 Hungarians now living across the border, our study uncovers how the subjective well-being (e.g., life satisfaction, stress levels, happiness, optimism) shifted after relocation. While most migrants report greater happiness and financial stability, challenges such as overqualification, language barriers, and loneliness remain significant. What drives people to leave, and what helps them feel at home in a new country? Why do some migrants thrive, while others struggle to adapt despite improved economic conditions? Does active transnationalism (such as sending remittances or visiting Hungary frequently) help or hinder the migrant experience? And how are changes in subjective well-being tied to the way migrants evaluate the success of their journey? Short summary of the results Our research explores the dynamic interplay between migration and subjective well-being through the lens of Hungarian migration to Austria. One branch of the study investigated the drivers behind emigration from Hungary, comparing those inclined to leave with those who choose to stay. While this may be of less direct relevance to Austrian media, some particularly striking findings are included here. The second and more prominent focus centers on the over 100,000 Hungarians currently residing in Austria. We examined how their well-being, especially its subjective dimensions, has evolved as a result of migration. Using a combination of qualitative methods (narrative, cognitive, and focus group interviews) and quantitative data (EU-wide, representative, and convenience sample surveys), we gained a comprehensive view of this migration corridor. Following the fall of the Iron Curtain, a stark disparity in life satisfaction levels emerged between Austrians and Hungarians, a phenomenon dubbed the “Happiness Iron Curtain.” While Hungary has seen significant gains in life satisfaction in the 2010s, a notable gap remains: Austrians still score 1.14 times higher on average (7.9 vs. 6.9 on a 0-10 scale). Even more striking is the income gap. When accounting for purchasing power and inflation, the average Austrian earned 2.3 times more than their Hungarian counterpart in 2022, one of the largest discrepancies between neighboring countries in Europe. Unsurprisingly, 85% of those considering migration to Austria cited financial reasons among their top three motivations. Yet only 57% of Hungarians already living in Austria did so, suggesting that escaping financial hardship may be particularly emphasized along this migration route. Supporting this, 60% of prospective migrants are willing to accept jobs below their qualifications. We found a strong causal link between low life satisfaction and migration intent. Notably, those aiming for Austria FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 4 report the lowest levels of satisfaction compared to other destinations, while holding the highest hopes. This mismatch presents challenges for integration and long-term well-being, highlighting the need for targeted policy responses. The average life satisfaction score among Hungarians in Austria is 7.4, sitting midway between the Austrian and Hungarian national averages. Respondents reported high satisfaction with income, public services, and green spaces, but less contentment with social connections and leisure time. Interestingly, some personal variables affect well-being differently among migrants than among those who remain in Hungary. For example, having a partner does not correlate with higher life satisfaction in Austria, while the negative impact of perceived social exclusion is stronger. Also, while absolute income predicts happiness in Hungary, relative income plays a bigger role in Austria, migrants evaluate themselves in comparison to similarly qualified Austrians. We assessed changes in well-being due to migration using retrospective and causal models. The results are clear: migration increases life satisfaction. Our causal model showed a 0.81-point rise, with 70% of respondents reporting higher scores post-migration. Gains were especially pronounced among men and those with lower qualifications. Alongside rising life satisfaction, we observed declines in stress and depression and increases in positive emotions such as happiness and calm. The only notable drawback was a slight increase in loneliness, particularly among those who left partners or children behind. The largest boost was in optimism (+1.26), and the sense of life’s meaning also improved, especially for more educated migrants. Only 4.5% felt migration had failed to meet their expectations. Interestingly, subjective well-being changes were not strongly correlated with how people evaluated their migration experience, but were closely tied to return intentions. Even after controlling for other factors, lower life satisfaction was significantly associated with a desire to return to Hungary. The exception? Those who migrated with the specific aim of helping to establish a better future in Hungary. We identified four major challenges affecting the subjective well-being of Hungarians in Austria: overqualification, language barriers, weakening of social relationships, and transnational ties. Nearly one in four employed Hungarian migrants is overqualified for their current job, a situation more common among women. Overqualification increases the likelihood of an unsuccessful migration by 8%, raises the risk of stress by 19%, and lowers job satisfaction by 11%. It also correlates with reduced income, feeding back into overall life satisfaction. While 88% of our respondents had at least conversational German skills, 27% of potential migrants speak no German at all. Limited language proficiency leads to fewer friendships, less leisure activity, and greater feelings of social exclusion, ultimately reducing life satisfaction and increasing the likelihood of returning home. Our analysis revealed an unexplained income gap of around €1,500 annually between Austrian and Hungarian workers, even after accounting for sector, age, family status etc. Yet most interviewees did not report experiencing discrimination in the workplace. Transnational activity remains high: frequent travel back to Hungary, ongoing support from home, and regular FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 5 remittances are common. Few Hungarian migrants are fully disconnected from their country of origin. Trust in the Austrian government and media far exceeds that in their Hungarian counterparts. Certain forms of transnational engagement, like receiving support from home, are positively associated with well-being. Remittances also correlate with higher job satisfaction. However, leaving partners or children behind is linked to a 13% drop in reported happiness. 2. Themes for the MIGWELL Roundtable Discussion 2.1 Specificities of Migration Between Hungary and Austria Background Austria has traditionally been a top destination for Hungarian migrants. The MIGWELL survey found that Austria is particularly attractive (compared to those who want to move to another country) to potential emigrants who are relatively less educated, less satisfied with life, primarily motivated by financial reasons, and more willing to accept jobs for which they are overqualified. But they are also the ones who would move with higher expectations and higher hopes. Discussion questions • What could be the reason for this? Why might the social background and attitudes of emigrants who want to move to Austria or elsewhere be different? • How typical or specific is the Hungary - Austria migration nexus? • How generalisable are these findings beyond this specific context? 2.2 Changes in Subjective Well-Being (SWB) Background The MIGWELL project shows that SWB plays a key role in both migration motivations and how migration experiences are perceived. On the one hand, life satisfaction is lower among those considering emigration, compared to those who want to stay in Hungary. On the other hand, life satisfaction typically increases after migration to Austria. However, this improvement is uneven. Relatively smaller gains in subjective well-being are seen among women, those moving to rural areas, overqualified migrants, those who migrated for relational reasons, and those frequently traveling back to Hungary. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 6 Discussion questions • What explains these disparities? What external influences play a role in this beyond the ones we have taken into account? • How do initial motivations and actual challenges shape migrants’ perceptions of success? • What are the main challenges migrants face, and what policies or good practices could address them? 2.3 Brain Gain or Brain Waste: Overqualified Migrants Background Many migrants around the world work below their qualification level, which may lead to a decrease in perceived social status and subjective well-being, and which impacts both sending and receiving economies. MIGWELL survey indicate that ca. 60% of potential emigrants are willing to accept such situations, and ca. 30% of our Hungarian respondents in Austria do so, though some still report being satisfied. Discussion questions: • How serious is the problem of overqualification? • What determines whether it is an acceptable compromise or a tragedy for someone? • What policies or practices in sending and destination countries could help mitigate its negative effects? 2.4 Return Migration: Motivations, Challenges, and Possibilities Background Return migration is shaped by multiple factors and can be seen as either a success (target earners) or failure, reflected in SWB. Beyond psychological and emotional aspects, is a “smooth” return migration truly feasible? Is Hungarian society and the labour market prepared to reintegrate returnees? The MIGWELL project reached relatively few returnees, so our findings here are limited. Discussion questions: • How do you see the possibilities and challenges of return migration? FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 7 • What policies or practices could support successful reintegration? • What are the key dilemmas and challenges faced by returning Hungarians? 2.5 Key Topics for Further Research (optional) Discussion question: • In your view, what are the most important areas for future research to better understand migration from Hungary, and specifically migration from Hungary to Austria?