Concep ual F amewo k o he S udy o he
Subjec i e Well-being–Mig a ion nexus
Resea ch Repo
Ádám Néme h, Bo bála Göncz, Jose Kohlbache , Gyö gy Lengyel, Zsol Néme h,
U sula Reege , Lilla Tó h
Augus 2022
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This wo king pape was de eloped in he con ex o he p ojec MIGWELL – Well-being and
Mig a ion: he Hunga y – Aus ia Mig a ion Nexus
Wo k Package 1: ‘Se ing he amewo k’
MIGWELL is an FWF–NKFIH In e na ional Join P ojec . In Aus ia he p ojec is unded by he
Aus ian Science Fund. In Hunga y he p ojec has been implemen ed wi h he suppo p o ided by he
Na ional Resea ch, De elopmen and Inno a ion Fund (Minis y o Inno a ion and Technology o
Hunga y), inanced unde he ANN unding scheme.
P ojec code: I 5616 (in Aus ia), 139465 (in Hunga y)
P ojec du a ion: 01.02.2022 – 31.07.2025 (in Aus ia), 01.12.2021 – 31.05.2025 (in Hunga y)
P ojec Pa ne s:
Ins i u e o U ban and Regional Resea ch a he Aus ian Academy o Sciences
Cen e o Empi ical Social Resea ch a he Co inus Uni e si y o Budapes
Depa men o Finno-Ug ian S udies, Uni e si y o Vienna
Scien i ic Ad iso y Boa d:
Depa men o Sociology, Uni e si y o Vienna
Hunga ian Demog aphic Resea ch Ins i u e
Hunga ian Cen al S a is ical O ice
MIGWELL’s websi e: LINK
MIGWELL’s ou pu s will be uploaded o: LINK
Inqui ies can be di ec ed o: Ins i u e o U ban and Regional Resea ch a he Aus ian Academy o
Sciences, [email p o ec ed].a o Cen e o Empi ical Social Resea ch a he Co inus Uni e si y o
Budapes , bo bala.goncz@uni-co inus.hu
Sugges ed ci a ion: Néme h, Á., Göncz, B., Kohlbache , J., Lengyel, Gy., Néme h, Zs., Reege , U., and
Tó h, L. (2022) Concep ual F amewo k o he S udy o he Subjec i e Well-being–Mig a ion Nexus.
MIGWELL Wo king Pape s, No.1. 61 p.
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Table o con en s
1. In oduc ion ............................................................................................................................................. 5
2. The main ypes o spa ial mobili y and he ocus o MIGWELL ........................................................ 5
2.1 Mig a ion: an o e iew o de ini ions and ypologies .............................................................................. 5
2.2 The ocus o he MIGWELL p ojec ......................................................................................................... 6
2.3 Re u n mig a ion ....................................................................................................................................... 7
3. Rele an mig a ion heo ies ................................................................................................................... 8
3.1 Push-and-pull model ............................................................................................................................... 10
3.2 Neoclassical models ................................................................................................................................ 10
3.3 A mosaic o con empo a y mig a ion heo ies ........................................................................................ 12
3.4 The new economics and sociology o mig a ion: a mic o-le el app oach .............................................. 13
3.5 Mac o-s uc u al models ......................................................................................................................... 14
3.5.1 Dual labo ma ke heo y ........................................................................................................................ 14
3.5.2 Wo ld-sys ems heo y ............................................................................................................................. 15
3.5.3 Mig a ion ansi ion model ...................................................................................................................... 16
3.5.4 Mig a ion cycles ...................................................................................................................................... 16
3.6 Ne wo k heo y: a meso-le el app oach .................................................................................................. 17
3.7 Aspi a ions and capabili ies: a me a- heo e ical amewo k ................................................................... 19
3.8 Mig a ion heo ies and hei po en ial expansions .................................................................................. 20
4. Concep ual amewo ks o well-being ................................................................................................. 20
4.1 Objec i e indica o s app oach ................................................................................................................. 21
4.2 The e olu ion o he concep o subjec i e well-being ........................................................................... 22
4.2.1 Happiness app oach ................................................................................................................................ 22
4.2.2 Capabili y app oach ................................................................................................................................ 23
4.2.3 The OECD Guidelines on Measu ing Subjec i e Well-being ................................................................. 24
4.3 In eg a ed, mul idimensional well-being amewo ks ............................................................................. 25
4.3.1 The OECD well-being amewo k .......................................................................................................... 27
4.3.2 The WeD amewo k .............................................................................................................................. 29
5. Well-being and mig a ion ..................................................................................................................... 30
5.1 Rela ionship be ween he objec i e and subjec i e dimensions o well-being ........................................ 30
5.1.1 Theo ies on he nexus o income and subjec i e well-being ................................................................... 30
5.1.2 The ole o e e ence g oups and social compa isons ............................................................................. 31
5.2 The subjec i e well-being – mig a ion nexus.......................................................................................... 32
5.2.1 Empi ical s udies and gene alized conclusions ....................................................................................... 32
5.2.2 Social connec edness and subjec i e well-being ..................................................................................... 34
5.2.3 Mig a o y aspi a ions, capabili ies and subjec i e well-being ................................................................ 36
5.3 Subjec i e well-being and mig a ion plans unde condi ions o ex eme unce ain ies .......................... 36
6. The concep ual amewo k o MIGWELL ......................................................................................... 38
6.1 MIGWELL and he mig a ion heo ies ................................................................................................... 38
6.2 MIGWELL and he concep o well-being ............................................................................................. 39
6.3 Resea ch ques ions and me hods ............................................................................................................. 41
6.4 Expec ed esul s ...................................................................................................................................... 43
Li e a u e ............................................................................................................................................................... 47
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MIGWELL a a glance
The MIGWELL p ojec ocuses on he nexus o mig a ion and well-being in Hunga y and
Aus ia. Using quan i a i e and quali a i e esea ch me hods, i seeks o explo e he impac s o
mig a ion on subjec i e well-being in he case o Hunga ian immig an s in Aus ia as well as
he e ec s o subjec i e well-being di e ences on emig a ion po en ial in Hunga y. The
app oach o his p ojec is inno a i e no only because i links he concep s o ‘well-being’ and
‘mig a ion’, bu also because i in e p e s hei wo-way causal ela ionship wi hin one esea ch
amewo k. Since he Co id-19 pandemic migh ha e a p o ound impac on bo h pilla s,
MIGWELL will also e lec on he apidly changing socio-economic and well-being ela ed
issues ha ha e eme ged due o he epidemic h oughou he li e cycle o he p ojec . The
heo e ical expansion o hese concep s and he empi ical indings o he p ojec may con ibu e
o mo e e ec i e policies in bo h coun ies.
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1. In oduc ion
This concep pape , as he main deli e able o WP1, aims o p esen and c i ically analyse he
ele an heo e ical amewo ks o mig a ion and well-being, he wo pilla s o MIGWELL. I
is a p esen a ion o he esea ch s a e, which e eals he s eng hs as well as he weaknesses o
hese concep s and, abo e all, does no omi c i ical e lec ions. This pape aims o se e as a
well- ounded heo e ical basis o he u he empi ical s eps in he nex wo k packages o he
p ojec , which is p ima ily conce ned wi h he mig a ion and emig a ion o Hunga ian ci izens
o and om Aus ia, and he consequences he eo o hei well-being.
The p ojec is p ima ily o ien ed owa ds he social sciences, bu by no means excludes he
impo ance o economic heo ies and psychological app oaches. The la e play a ole especially
o well-being, a concep ha has so a been analysed mainly in e ms o social psychology.
Wi h he inc easing complexi y o in e na ional mig a ion p ocesses, mig a ion esea ch has
also begun o ake a g ea e in e es in he ways in which di e se mig a ion si ua ions in luence
indi idual well-being. In iew o he abundance o ela ed concep s in he schola ly li e a u e,
his speci ica ion is necessa y o gua an ee he concise ope a ionaliza ion o he concep s in he
o m o ques ion ba e ies in quan i a i e su eys in he nex s eps o he p ojec .
The p ojec does no build on one speci ic heo e ical app oach; i a he akes app op ia e
elemen s om di e en app oaches, which a e linked acco dingly. A e a sho e iew o he
ele an heo e ical amewo ks o mig a ion (Chap e 3) and well-being (Chap e 4), a b ie
explana ion will also be p o ided o how MIGWELL concei es hese concep s and he
ela ionship be ween hem.
2. The main ypes o spa ial mobili y and he ocus o MIGWELL
2.1 Mig a ion: an o e iew o de ini ions and ypologies
Whe eas spa ial mobili y gene ally e e s o he mo emen o people ac oss di e en physical
loca ions, mig a ion is conside ed a “ ela i ely pe manen mo emen o indi iduals, amilies,
and g oups om hei place o usual esidence” o ano he se lemen (Boyle 2009).
Dis inguished om sho e -dis ance o ms o spa ial mobili y, which a e domina ed mainly by
housing- ela ed mo es, mig a ion ends o ake place o e longe dis ances, ei he wi hin o
be ween coun ies. The Uni ed Na ions Depa men o Economic and Social A ai s de ines an
in e na ional mig an as “any pe son who changes his o he coun y o usual esidence”,
excluding mo emen s due o “ ec ea ion, holiday, isi s o iends and ela i es, business,
medical ea men o eligious pilg images”. Pe sons who a e absen om hei coun y o o igin
o a pe iod o h ee o wel e mon hs a e conside ed sho ‐ e m in e na ional mig an s. I his
pe iod exceeds wel e mon hs, hey appea in s a is ics as long‐ e m in e na ional mig an s (UN
1998: 17). The e m “usual esidence” is used o e e o he place “a which a pe son no mally
spends he daily pe iod o es , ega dless o empo a y absence o pu poses o ec ea ion,
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business, medical ea men o eligious pilg image o , in de aul , he place o legal o egis e ed
esidence” (EC 2007).
The e a e se e al o he ways o ypi ying mig a ion p ocesses. Fo ins ance, mig a ion can be
olun a y o o ced (see asylum seeke s and e ugees),
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egula o i egula . Mig a ion is
conside ed i egula when he mo emen o pe sons akes place in b each o he laws,
egula ions, o in e na ional ag eemen s go e ning en y in o o exi om he coun y o o igin,
ansi , o des ina ion). Beside hese legal ca ego ies, mig a ion can u he mo e be classi ied
acco ding o di e en mo i a ions: wo king o en olling in educa ion ab oad, uni ying amily,
and so o h. Based on he di ec ion o mo emen , we can dis inguish be ween emig a ion,
immig a ion, e u n mig a ion (see in de ail: Chap e 2.3), e-emig a ion, second- ime
emig a ion, ansilien mig a ion, and ci cula mig a ion (King 1986, Fassmann e al. 2018).
Howe e , a new o m o mig a ion has also become p e alen in he las ew decades, due o
he highe pe meabili y o na ional bo de s and new echnologies in anspo and
communica ion, such as low-cos ai lines and web-based VoIP applica ions, e.g. Skype o
Vibe . Mo ing be ween wo coun ies despi e ne e eally lea ing and ne e eally a i ing,
and belonging o mo e han one communi y a he same ime, ins ead o li ing in one coun y
acco ding o one se o na ional and cul u al no ms, has been desc ibed as ansna ional
mig a ion in he li e a u e. This “liquid” o m o mig a ion o en leads o he pe manen spli ing
o amilies and he main enance o wo households o e a longe ime pe iod, he de elopmen
o hyb id iden i ies, and a high in e ac ion wi h he coun ies o o igin and des ina ion a he
same ime (Fassmann 2002, Glick Schille e al. 1995, Upegui-He nandez 2014 e c.).
In o icial s a is ics, he e m “mig a ion backg ound” e e s o he ances y o he pa en s o
he pe sons conce ned. (Acco ding o S a is ics Aus ia, pe sons whose pa en s we e bo h bo n
ab oad a e de ined as people wi h a mig a ion backg ound.) Simila ly, child en who a i e in
ano he coun y oge he wi h amily membe s a e labeled as he “in-be ween” o “1.5
gene a ion” in he li e a u e (Schneide and C ul 2012). Al hough all o hese gene a ions would
be wo h o in es iga ion, he MIGWELL p ojec has been designed o analyse he subjec i e
well-being o Hunga ians who ha e decided o mo e o Aus ia o who in end o lea e Hunga y.
2.2 The ocus o he MIGWELL p ojec
The e o e, MIGWELL ocuses on po en ial s aye s and po en ial emig an s in Hunga y, i s -
gene a ion, pe manen (long- e m) immig an s in Aus ia who ha e a i ed om he e i o y
o Hunga y
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, as well as e u n mig an s who ha e decided o mo e back o Hunga y om
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I mus be no ed ha i is no always possible o dis inguish be ween olun a y and o ced mig a ion. Al hough
he lines a e ou inely d awn o sepa a e o ced om olun a y mig an s in e e yday p ac ice, he bounda ies
be ween he wo ca ego ies in ac a e o en blu ed (Bakewell 2021).
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Mig an s wi h Hunga ian e hnic iden i y and/o Hunga ian ci izenship om o he neighbou ing coun ies
(Slo akia, Uk aine, Romania, Se bia, C oa ia, and Slo enia) do no belong o he main a ge g oups o he p ojec .
Howe e , hei expe ience migh also con ibu e o he be e unde s anding o he mig a ion–subjec i e well-being
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Aus ia. Daily o weekly c oss-bo de commu e s a e no included. The e o e, s udies on his
o m o spa ial mobili y will only be men ioned in passing. Simila ly, al hough we a e awa e o
he cu en immense nume ical dimensions and he impo ance o o ced mig a ion, his
mig a ion ype is delibe a ely excluded om MIGWELL. Howe e , he p ojec may co e
ansna ional mig an s, should we each a easonable numbe o hem du ing he nex wo k
packages (Figu e 1).
Figu e 1. The main ypes o spa ial mobili y and he ocus o he MIGWELL p ojec (Sou ce: own design)
2.3 Re u n mig a ion
Since Hunga ian e u n mig an s cons i u e a a ge g oup o he p ojec , i is wo h dedica ing
a subchap e o he concep ualiza ion o he phenomenon. Un il he 1970s, mig a ion was
ypically seen as a linea p ocess, ending wi h he inal, li elong decision o lea e one coun y
and se le in ano he . Empi ical s udies s a ed o pay a en ion o e u n mig a ion due o he
inc ease in he numbe o e u nees om No h Ame ica and Aus alia o Eu ope and due o he
e u n o gues wo ke s du ing he economic ecession (King 1986). Today, e u n mig a ion is
o en seen as a po en ial means o e u ning inancial, social, and cul u al capi al and knowledge
o he coun y o o igin (G ube and Néme h 2020). Ye , in he li e a u e, conside ably less
a en ion has s ill been paid o decision-making p ocesses in he con ex o e u n mig a ion (see
e.g. Dumon and Spiel ogel 2008, Lados and Hegedűs 2016).
Ce ase (1974) has de eloped a ypology based on he empi ical obse a ions o I alian e u nees
nexus in a Cen al Eu opean con ex . They will no be s ic ly excluded om he quali a i e in e iews bu hey
will ep esen a mino i y among he in e iewees.
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om he USA. “Re u n o ailu e” and “ e u n o conse a ism” mainly pe ain o people who
ha e spen 1-5 and 5-10 yea s in he a ge coun y. The o me is p edominan ly he esul o
unsuccess ul in eg a ion in o he new socie y and he exis ence o s ong social ies wi h he
coun y o o igin. Re u nees wi hin he second ca ego y we e ypically a ge ea ne s who
mig a ed wi h he explici goal o ea ning and sa ing money. Al hough hey mos ly succeeded
in o e coming hei ini ial di icul ies in he hos coun y, hey e u ned wi h he in en ion o
enjoying a be e li e in hei coun y o o igin. F om an economic poin o iew, he “ e u n o
inno a ion” (a e 10-20 yea s o li ing ab oad) is he bes -case scena io o he coun y o
o igin. These e u nees equen ly un ansna ional businesses and play an impo an ole in
connec ing hei coun ies o o igin and des ina ion in he ansna ional space (e.g. D io i e al.
2010, P edoje ic-Despic e al. 2016). “Re u ning o e i emen ” is he ou h ca ego y. A he
end o hei wo king pe iod, people o en decide o e u n because o nos algia, hei social ies
ha s ill exis , and he mo e a o dable housing condi ions in hei coun y o o igin.
Al hough Ce ase’s ypology is a good s a ing poin o u he empi ical s udies, i mus be
no ed ha hese ca ego ies a e ce ainly no uni e sal. Due o i s geog aphical p oximi y,
Aus ia o ins ance ac s as a kind o “mig a ion labo a o y” o Hunga ian mig an s, since hey
can easily mo e back i hei mig a ion p ojec should ail. Thus, in his speci ic nexus, he ime
ame o he ca ego ies may di e ema kably.
Beyond he decisions o lea ing s. s aying, o e u ning s. emaining in he a ge coun y,
he e always is an addi ional, pe sonal and/o household-le el conside a ion o se e al aspec s.
These may ange om amily ies o labou -ma ke oppo uni ies. The decision-making p ocess
can al oge he be seen h ough he p ism o well-being. The objec i e ac o s and subjec i e
e alua ion o well-being, as well as i s cu en and expec ed le els in he u u e mus be
conside ed (abou he concep ualiza ion o he SWB – mig a ion nexus c . Chap e 5.1 in de ail).
3. Rele an mig a ion heo ies
Mig a ion is d i en by a ious complex ac o s: ea ning a be e li ing, inding a sa e and mo e
ag eeable en i onmen o li e in, be e ing one’s ca ee pe spec i es, sea ching o new
expe iences, o joining one’s amily o e hnic ne wo k ab oad. The ac o s mo i a ing people
o mig a e ha e been explo ed ex ensi ely in ex an li e a u e. Howe e , he e is no gene al
heo y ha explains he ini ia ion and pe pe ua ion o mig a ion. Ins ead, as esea ch on
mig a ion is in insically in e disciplina y and because each discipline conside s di e en
aspec s o popula ion mobili y, a mul i ude o heo ies, explana o y models, and empi ical
app oaches ha e eme ged (e.g. A ango 2000, B e ell and Holli ield 2014). These concep s help
us o unde s and why some people mig a e om a ce ain coun y o egion and o he s do no .
They u he mo e explain he indi idual and ex e nal ac o s ha a ec such decisions o mo e
o s ay, as well as he ci cums ances unde which mig a ion can be associa ed wi h bene i s –
o cos s – o he mig an s and hei places o o igin and des ina ion. Each o hese models
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wi h he ise o p opo ional wages in he seconda y sec o , which makes hese jobs una ac i e
o na i e wo ke s.
Gene ally, he dual labou -ma ke heo y does no con lic wi h he neoclassical app oaches and
NELM, bu i p esen s a demand-d i en concep . I sugges s ha he main d i e o in e na ional
immig a ion is, in ac , he de eloped economies’ ec ui men o a o eign labou o ce o ill
jobs on he seconda y labou ma ke , which is necessa y o he unc ioning o he o e all
economy (Jennissen 2004). This pull ac o has a s onge explana o y powe han do he
in e na ional wage di e en ials o he wishes o indi iduals o households – as po en ial
mig an s – in he coun ies o o igin (Massey e al. 1993).
This is he main sou ce o c i icism: he dual labou -ma ke heo y la gely igno es he push
ac o s in mig a ion sys ems. Secondly, a he beginning o he 21 h cen u y, labou ec ui men
is less impo an han i used o be some decades ea lie . The heo y u he mo e canno explain
di e en mig a ion a es, i.e. “why di e en ad anced indus ial economies, which ha e simila
economic s uc u es, exhibi a es o immig a ion ha may a y by a ac o o en, say be ween
Denma k and No way on he one hand and Swi ze land o Canada on he o he ” (A ango 2000:
290).
3.5.2 Wo ld-sys ems heo y
The wo ld-sys ems heo y (Sassen 1988, 1991) a gues ha in e na ional mig a ion is a by-
p oduc o global capi alism, c ea ed by di ec o eign in es men in de eloping coun ies and
he dis up ions ha such in es men b ings. On a global scale, mos in e na ional mig an s mo e
om he pe iphe y (poo coun ies) o he co e ( ich coun ies) because ac o s associa ed wi h
indus ial de elopmen gene a ed s uc u al economic p oblems, and hus push ac o s, in he
Thi d Wo ld. The ou es o majo in e na ional mig a ion co ido s a e de e mined by o me
colonial ela ionships. As a his o ical-s uc u al pa adigm, wo ld-sys ems heo y mainly
ocuses on “how powe ul eli es opp ess and exploi poo and ulne able people, how capi al
seeks o ec ui and exploi labou and how ideology and eligion play a key ole in jus i ying
exploi a ion and injus ice by making hem appea as he no mal and na u al o de o hings”
(De Haas 2021: 4). The wo ld-sys ems heo y does no conside he na ion-s a e as he p ima y
uni o analysis, and i demons a es a complex and nuanced model o global inequali ies
(Coccia 2019).
Ye i has been c i icized o p esen ing oo many b oad gene aliza ions and o ailing o
p esen a alsi iable hypo hesis (Massey e al 1993). Because o i s wide scope, he e s ill is a
lack o empi ically g ounded s udies jus i ying he hypo heses. In pu ing o wa d he no ion o
a uni ied wo ld connec ed by ne wo ks o global capi al, i makes wo assump ions ha do no
always hold ue. On he one hand, he wo ld-sys ems heo y o e emphasizes he ole o
globaliza ion and capi alism. On he o he hand, e en hough i claims o be a uni ied app oach
combining he sphe es o economy, poli ics, and socie y, i ul ima ely elies oo hea ily on
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economic causes o mig a ion, while la gely igno ing o he ac o s, o ins ance social ne wo ks
and socio-cul u al mode a o s (F ank and Gills 1993). As Massey e al. (1993) unde lined, o
es he wo ld-sys ems heo y one should include indica o s o p io colonial ela ionships, he
p e alence o common languages, he in ensi y o ade ela ions, he exis ence o anspo a ion
and communica ion links, he ela i e equency o communica ions and a el be ween
coun ies, e c.
3.5.3 Mig a ion ansi ion model
In he mig a ion ansi ion model, Zelinsky (1971) has desc ibed how mig a ion pa e ns
change o e ime wi h he change o economic and poli ical sys ems. This concep is he
ex ension o he “classic” demog aphic ansi ion model wi h i e dis inc phases. A p e-mode n
adi ional socie y is cha ac e ized by high e ili y and mo ali y a es and slow na u al inc ease,
while he ex en o pe manen mig a ion is gene ally low. In an ea ly ansi ional socie y, he
g owing concen a ion o employmen in u ban cen es induces dis inguishable u al-u ban
mig a ion. Whe eas e ili y a es a e s ill high, indus ializa ion is coupled wi h he
imp o emen o public heal h and educed mo ali y a es. In a la e ansi ional socie y (s age
h ee), popula ion g ow h slows down conside ably due o lowe ing e ili y a es, while spa ial
mobili y becomes mo e in ense. New o ms o spa ial mig a ion appea , such as ci cula
mig a ion pa e ns, commu ing, e i emen mig a ion, e c. (Fassmann 2011: 80). In gene al,
u ban- o-u ban mig a ion o e akes u al- o-u ban mig a ion.
Today, all Eu opean coun ies ind hemsel es in he 4 h o 5 h phase acco ding o Zelinsky’s
model: hey belong o he “ad anced” o “supe -ad anced” socie ies. S age ou is cha ac e ized
by he mo emen o people wi hin me opoli an egions: om ci y o ci y and om ci y o
subu bia. The a e o na u al inc ease is close o ze o. In s age i e, he size o he pos -indus ial
socie y dec eases in absolu e e ms. Apa om he ea lie mo emen s o people wi hin
agglome a ions, u ban- o- u al mig a ion becomes mo e impo an on accoun o be e
anspo a ion and new elecommunica ion echnologies (in e ne , home o ice).
3.5.4 Mig a ion cycles
As Fassmann e al. (2014) ha e unde lined, in e na ional mig a ion seems o ollow pa ially
o e lapping and pa ially ime-lagged mig a ion cycles. The mig a ion cycle heo y can be
conside ed a e ised e sion o he ansi ion model, which ocuses on he p ocess o he
ans o ma ion o emig a ion coun ies in o immig a ion coun ies, and o he adap a ion o hei
social and legal sys ems o he new condi ions (Fassmann and Reege 2012: 66-68). The
speci ic elemen o he model is he g adual accommoda ion o he new mig a o y
ci cums ances, a ec ed by changes in demog aphy, economy, he labou ma ke , e c. In he
ini ial phase, he demog aphic si ua ion long emains ela i ely cons an , and emig a ion is
ypically mo e impo an han immig a ion. In he ansi ion s age, a o me emig a ion coun y
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g adually becomes an immig a ion coun y, wi hou he “o icial” acknowledgmen o his
ansi ion in he poli ical ealm. In he adap a ion s age, he legisla i e gap conce ning mig a ion
and in eg a ion issues dec eases, and immig a ion becomes acknowledged as a necessa y
supplemen o he economic g ow h and he demog aphically diminishing labou ma ke . “A
new poli ical a ionali y eme ges by in eg a ing a means o con olling in e na ional mig a ion
in o a di e en ia ed legal sys em” (Fassmann e al. 2014: 24-25).
Fassmann and Reege (2012) concluded ha mos Eu opean coun ies seem o be de eloping
in a simila di ec ion and ha coun ies in he sou he n and eas e n pa s o he con inen will
in ime also become immig a ion coun ies. Among he key ac o s o en e ing he mig a ion
cycle, hey highligh ed demog aphic and economic ci cums ances, he segmen a ion o a
de eloped labou ma ke in o a p ima y and a seconda y sec o (see again he dual labou -
ma ke heo y in Chap e 3.5.1), and modes o egula ion conce ning in e na ional mig a ion.
Acco ding o Engbe sen (2012), his “his o ical, pa h-dependen app oach” ails o explain he
new, liquid o ms o con empo a y mig a ion lows o Wes e n Eu ope. Cu en in a-EU
mig a ion pa e ns di e ema kably om ea lie ones because Cen al and Eas e n Eu opean
mig an s ha e mo e eedom “ o de elop hei own mig a ion ajec o ies han in he p e-EU
enla gemen pe iod wi h i s es ic i e Wes Eu opean mig a ion egimes” (ibid: 98). Many o
hem do no se le pe manen ly bu mo e back and o h om hei sou ce coun y o ecei ing
coun ies. Since he o icial s a is ical da a a e inadequa e, and liquid mig a ion is mo e
unp edic able, new esea ch designs would be necessa y o documen hese lows, and mo e
lexible policies a e needed o deal e ec i ely wi h he new pa e ns o “las ing empo ali y”
(G zymała-Kazłowska 2005).
3.6 Ne wo k heo y: a meso-le el app oach
Beside mac o-s uc u al impac s and mic o-le el ci cums ances, he in e media e le el has also
been gaining inc easing a en ion in he li e a u e. Among he so-called meso-le el ac o s, he
esponse o na ional and local policies o mac o-economic, mac o-en i onmen al and ecen ly
global epidemiological p ocesses (e.g. Guadagno 2020), as well as ce ain mig a ion s ee ing
ins i u ions such as he In e na ional O ganiza ion o Mig a ion (IOM) o he UN Re ugee
Agency (UNHCR) may also a ec mig a ion p ocesses. Social ne wo ks also play an essen ial
ole in s imula ing mig a ion by educing he isks o mig a ion, e.g., ge ing o know abou
possibili ies o wo king o s udying in a o eign coun y. In his chap e we will ocus on
ne wo k heo y, which ocuses on he explana ion o he “pe pe ua ion”, ins ead o he
“ini ia ion” o in e na ional mig a ion (Massey e al. 1993).
Acco ding o his hypo hesis, go e nmen policies and o he mac o-s uc u al ac o s shape
geog aphically bundled pa hways, linking pa icula social g oups and places o e space. Once
such ini ial pa e ns a e se , mig an ne wo ks and eedback p ocesses known as “cumula i e
causa ion” end o gi e mig a ion p ocesses hei own momen um and he eby ep oduce such
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pa e ns (Massey 1990, De Haas 2021). Thus, mig a ion o ges ne wo ks which hen eed he
e y mig a ion ha p oduced hem. These ne wo ks can be in e p e ed as “se s o in e pe sonal
ies ha link mig an s, o me mig an s, and non-mig an s in o igin and des ina ion a eas
h ough he bonds o kinship, iendship, and sha ed communi y o igin.” (Massey 1988). The
ne wo k i sel eme ges as an ac o in he mig a ion p ocess because i in luences mig an s’
decisions ega ding hei mig a ion des ina ions.
Ne wo k e ec s can be classi ied as i s -o de eedback mechanisms, which a e endogenous
o he mig a ion p ocess i sel (De Haas 2010: 1590). Ne wo ks in luence bo h he scale o
mig a ion and he so ing o mig an s ac oss coun ies, as hey p o ide an “incen i e o eplica e
he des ina ion choices o ea lie mig an s” (Be oli, 2010: 262). Mig a ion p ocesses p ac ically
ise abo e he condi ions ha had o iginally caused hem. They end o de elop an independen
exis ence, among o he hings due o ne wo k o ma ion (Ligh e al. 1990).
The concep o ne wo ks includes he assump ion o a isk-di e si ica ion model and add esses
he cumula i e causes o mig a ion as a esul o educed social, economic, and emo ional cos s
o mig a ion pu suan o he o ma ion o mig a ion ne wo ks (Ligh e al. 1990). These p o ide
suppo o would-be as well as newly a i ed mig an s in hei new con ex . Such suppo could
ake he o m o inancial help, p ac ical in o ma ion ha eases he mig a ion p ocess, job
oppo uni ies, e c. (Massey e al. 1993). Acco ding o his model, amilies alloca e labou
among hei membe s wi hin he cons ain o hei own needs and aspi a ions in a cos -e icien
and isk-minimizing way. Gi en ha choice, he educed cos o mig a ion enhances he numbe
who can and will choose o lea e, hus inc easing he olume o mig a ion (Van Mee e en and
Pe ei a 2013). The e o e, wha e e mac o-socie al poli ical o economic condi ions may
ini ially ha e caused mig a ion, expanding mig a o y p ocess becomes “p og essi ely
independen ” o he o iginal causal condi ions.
Much o he exis ing li e a u e has ocused on he ways in which s ong ies o he des ina ion
communi y can acili a e mig a ion by p o iding access o in o ma ion abou jobs (Munshi
2003, 2014, Bo jas 1992) and ma e ial suppo o ecen a i als (Munshi 2014). The ole o
he home ne wo k is ambiguous. On he one hand, obus isk-sha ing ne wo ks can pa ially
p o ide insu ance agains he isk o empo a y mig a ion (Mo en 2015), making i easie o
people o lea e. On he o he hand, s ong sou ce ne wo ks can also discou age pe manen
mig a ion i mig an households a e subsequen ly excluded om isk-sha ing ne wo ks.
Because i in oduced a sociological dimension, ne wo k heo y has imp o ed he mechanical
and economis ic push-and-pull models as well as he wo ld-sys ems concep (De Haas
2010:1587). Howe e , al hough he e is gene al consensus ha social ne wo ks play an
impo an ole in mig a ion decisions, he exac na u e o his ole is s ill unclea . This ambigui y
s ems om a lack o eliable da a on bo h mig a ion and he s uc u e o social ne wo ks
(Blumens ock and Xu Tan 2016). Exis ing esea ch explains he expansion o es ablished
mig an ne wo ks, bu gene ally ails o explain hei ini ial, selec i e c ea ion and di e en
ajec o ies. Th ough i s ocus on ne wo ks, his esea ch has obscu ed mig a ion- acili a ing
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eedback mechanisms ope a ing h ough changes caused by mig a ion in he sending and
ecei ing con ex s.
Van Mee e en and Pe ei a (2013) c i icized ha he cen al a gumen o ne wo k heo y is
la gely ci cula , assuming ha mig a ion con inues ad in ini um. Thus, i p o ides li le insigh
in o mig a ion-unde mining eedback mechanisms ha can lead o he b eakdown o ne wo k
sys ems o e ime (De Haas 2010:1612). O he c i iques o his app oach ha e poin ed o he
ele ance o ies beyond communi y, such as employe s, go e nmen o icials, a icke s, and
mig a ion b oke s (e.g. K issman 2005:4 .). El ick and Lewandowska (2008: 718), o
example, ound ha “agen s” a e signi ican ac o s in mig an ne wo ks, who can be ega ded
as pe pe ua o s o mig a ion wi hin hese ne wo ks. Collye (2005: 699 ) emphasized ha
social ne wo k heo y canno explain mig a ion lows o e ugees and asylum seeke s a all.
3.7 Aspi a ions and capabili ies: a me a- heo e ical amewo k
Based on his empi ical obse a ions in Mo occo, De Haas (2021) poin ed ou ha al hough
local li ing condi ions imp o e signi ican ly, people’s gene al li e aspi a ions may inc ease
e en as e . The g owing aspi a ions – and, in pa allel, he g owing capabili ies – o mig a e
seem o be esponsible o an inc easing numbe o emig an s “despi e, o pa adoxically a he
because o , signi ican imp o emen s in local li ing s anda ds”. This line o hough does no
i wi hin he mains eam mig a ion models.
This me a- heo e ical amewo k concep ualizes di e en o ms o mig a ion as a unc ion o
aspi a ions
3
and capabili ies o mig a e. While “mig a ion aspi a ions a e a unc ion o people’s
gene al li e aspi a ions and pe cei ed geog aphical oppo uni y s uc u es”, mig a ion
capabili ies “a e con ingen on posi i e ( eedom o) and nega i e ( eedom om) libe ies” (De
Haas 2021: 17). These a e concep ually dis inc bu empi ically in e connec ed no ions. Fo
ins ance, imp o ed educa ion and g owing media exposu e may inc ease mig a ion aspi a ion
because hey expand pupils’ awa eness o al e na i e li es yles and he ela i e na u e o weal h.
In o he wo ds, he access o in o ma ion pe se ends o change people’s ideas abou he “good
li e”. In his way, inc easing capabili ies can inc ease aspi a ions.
Acco ding o he aspi a ions-capabili ies amewo k, mig a ion should be seen as people’s
capabili y o choose whe e o li e – including he op ion o s ay – a he han as he ac o
mo ing i sel . The e o e, mo ing and s aying a e, in ac , complemen a y mani es a ions o
mig a o y agency. As De Haas (2021: 30-32) a gued, he esea ch ocus on people’s mig a o y
aspi a ions and capabili ies would help us unde s and be e how he p ocesses o social
ans o ma ion and de elopmen shape in e na ional mig a ion pa e ns. In his me a- heo e ical
3
As De Haas has emphasized, mig a o y aspi a ions ha e wo b oad dimensions: ins umen al (means- o-an-end)
and in insic (i.e. well-being-a ec ing).
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amewo k, he in e connec ion be ween mig a ion and well-being is s onge han any o he
mig a ion heo ies in he pas (see u he : Chap e 5.2.3).
3.8 Mig a ion heo ies and hei po en ial expansions
Con empo a y mig a ion heo ies play an essen ial ole in unde s anding in e na ional mig a ion
pa e ns and he decision-making p ocesses behind hem. Howe e , as A ango emphasized
(2000: 293), he heo e ical a en ion should shi om sea ching he causes o in es iga ing
o he ela ionships o in e na ional mig a ion in he u u e. These ela ionships could include
poli ical ac o s (e.g. admission policies ha conside ably shape he di ec ion and olume o
mig a o y lows), cul u al consequences (e.g. he cos s o cul u al adap a ion o he modes o
mig an inco po a ion), o socie al ans o ma ions, including changed amily and kinship ies,
ansna ionalisa ion, e c. One o he po en ial di ec ions o his heo e ical expansion migh be
a s onge linkage be ween he concep o mig a ion and he concep o well-being.
4. Concep ual amewo ks o well-being
F om he 1950s onwa ds, conce n has been g owing ha he dominan amewo ks in
economics canno add ess he challenges o ou socie y in a apidly changing wo ld adequa ely.
The insigh ha a na ow ocus on economic ac o s and some widely used indica o s such as
GDP do no e lec people’s wel a e has played a key ole in he ise o he concep o well-
being (S igli z e al. 2009, OECD 2011, Adle and Seligman 2016, Coul ha d e al. 2018).
The wo d i sel is no new a all. I has been used loosely and abs ac ly o cen u ies (Milne -
Gulland e al., 2014). The oo s o he concep da ing back o A is o le, la e e i ed especially
by Ben ham (A is o le 2009, Ben ham 2013). Du ing he las decades o he 20 h cen u y, he
gene al in e es in well-being esea ch g ew ema kably (see e.g. Eas e lin 1974, Diene 1984,
Kahneman e al. 1999), and he opic ecei ed addi ional a en ion ollowing he inal epo o
he Commission on he Measu emen o Economic Pe o mance and Social P og ess, chai ed
by Ama ya Sen, Joseph S igli z, and Jean-Paul Fi oussi (S igli z e al. 2009). In he wake o
he global inancial c isis, he wo ld- amous economis s emphasized he u gen necessi y o
shi ing he ocus o policy make s’ and scien is s’ a en ion om p oduc ion and g ow h o a
conce n o sus ainable human well-being. Howe e , wi hou concep ualiza ion, he e m migh
ep esen a mul i ude o ways in which well-being is concei ed, and his is a po en ial sou ce
o con usion and misunde s anding.
The S igli z epo s imula ed ini ia i es a ound he wo ld o de elop a cohe en amewo k o
he unde s anding o well-being (see e.g. Allin and Hand, 2014, McG ego and Sumne 2010,
OECD 2011, UK ONS 2011), and an inc easing numbe o s a is ical agencies ha e launched
a ge ed su eys o measu e i . Al hough he e is s ill no uni e sally accep ed heo e ical
amewo k, he iews ha well-being mus be unde s ood as mul idimensional, and ha apa
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om he objec i e aspec s o li ing condi ions, i mus be conside ed how people eel abou
hei li es – i.e., hei subjec i e well-being (SWB) – seem widely accep ed as common
denomina o s.
4.1 Objec i e indica o s app oach
The a emp s o quan i y well-being ini ially elied on easily measu able objec i e componen s
ha e lec ed people’s li e ci cums ances on a na ional le el. The idea o comp essing
in o ma ion on economic and social a ibu es in o one composi e index da e back o he mid-
20 h cen u y (see e.g. Baue 1966). The popula me ics, such as he Physical Quali y o Li e
Index (Mo is, 1979), he Human De elopmen Index, HDI (UNDP 1990), he Human Po e y
Index (UNDP 1997), he Mul i-Dimensional Po e y Index, MPI (Alki e and Fos e 2011) o
he Index o Sus ainable Economic Wel a e, ISEW (Daly and Cobb, 1989) a e good examples
o hese e o s. Mos o hese indices ha e been sugges ed o eplace o supplemen GDP as
he key indica o o economic policy wo ldwide. Agg ega ing a ious objec i e indica o s (e.g.
in he case o HDI: g oss na ional income pe capi a, li e expec ancy a bi h, mean yea s o
shooling and expec ed yea s o schooling) ac oss di e en domains is a sha ed cha ac e is ic.
These a e no explici ly well-being measu es bu hey al eady deal wi h a limi ed ange o
ac o s ha migh be ele an o well-being.
F om a na ow ocus on objec i e measu es o de elopmen o wel a e, he indica o s ha e
become mo e complex and mul idimensional o e he las decades, expanding o include
subjec i e componen s ( e iewed in King e al. 2013). Indices such as he Happy Plane Index,
he Na ional Well-being Index, and he Be e Li e Index ep esen ansi ions owa d in eg a ed
well-being amewo ks (see Chap e 4.3) because hey al eady con ain li e sa is ac ion o
happiness da a as subjec i e elemen s. Howe e , hey place s ong emphasis on quan i a i ely
measu able, objec i e dimensions, and hey s ill aim o p o ide one o only a ew compa able
indices on a na ional le el.
In 2006, he New Economics Founda ion in oduced he Happy Plane Index (HPI) by
agg ega ing li e expec ancy a bi h, ecological oo p in pe capi a, and subjec i e li e
sa is ac ion (see e.g. Ma ks e al. 2006). Concep ually, i app oxima es mul iplying li e
sa is ac ion and li e expec ancy and di iding ha by he ecological oo p in . The index is
weigh ed o gi e highe sco es o na ions wi h lowe ecological oo p in s. In he same yea ,
Vemu i and Cons anza (2006) published he Na ional Well-being Index (NWI). One o he bes -
known indica o s is he Be e Li e Index (BLI), which elies on bes p ac ices o building
composi e indica o s (OECD 2008; see in de ail: Chap e 4.3.1).
Al hough well-designed composi e indices a e use ul o dis illing complex opics in o easy- o-
communica e nume ical alues, hey ha e limi a ions and hey “canno be used o policy
e alua ion” pe se (OECD 2011: 26).
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4.2 The e olu ion o he concep o subjec i e well-being
Beside he ela i ely easily measu able objec i e componen s o well-being, esea ch on he
subjec i e ac o s has also been gaining inc easing a en ion o e he pas decades (Diene 1984,
1994, Eas e lin e al. 2010, Kahneman and K uege 2006 e c.). Subjec i e well-being (SWB)
gene ally cap u es people’s hough s and eelings abou he quali y o hei li e ci cums ances.
I is usually measu ed acco ding o psychological esponses, such as li e sa is ac ion, au onomy,
social connec edness, o pe sonal secu i y (Diene 2012, Ry and Keyes 1995).
Al hough no ions such as “happiness” ha e been widely ecognized as cen al elemen s o
quali y o li e in e e yday pa lance, hey we e deemed beyond he scope o s a is ical
measu emen un il ecen ly. O e he las h ee decades, an inc easing body o e idence has
shown ha he slippe y e m o subjec i e well-being can be ope a ionalized and measu ed in
p ac ice. The in es iga ion equi es quan i a i e as well as quali a i e me hods (e.g. Cam ield
e al. 2009, Diene and Suh 1997). The in e na ional su eys and he scien i ic in es iga ions
based on hem a e able o suppo policy-making because hey go beyond objec i e in o ma ion
abou li ing condi ions and esou ces, and see well-being h ough he eyes o he people.
The e olu ion o he concep has en ailed nume ous in e p e a ions since he 1970s, when he
i s a emp s we e made o associa e happiness and sa is ac ion wi h wel a e (Eas e lin 1974,
Sci o sky 1976). Since hen, he app oaches and me hods aiming a unde s anding wha people
belie e hey need in o de o achie e a good quali y o li e, and measu ing hei deg ee o
sa is ac ion wi h he ex en o which hese needs a e me , ha e become mo e sophis ica ed (King
e al. 2013, McG ego e al. 2009, Veenho en 2008 e c.). While he e ms “u ili y”, “pleasu e”,
“happiness” and “subjec i e well-being” we e used mo e o less in e changeably in he pas ,
4
oday he e is a gene al ag eemen ha subjec i e well-being should be “an umb ella e m o
he di e en alua ions people make ega ding hei li es, he e en s happening o hem, hei
bodies and minds, and he ci cums ances in which hey li e” (Diene 2006). The ollowing
pa ag aphs summa ize he mos impo an app oaches ha ocus on he cogni i e, a ec i e, o
psychological elemen s o subjec i e well-being.
4.2.1 Happiness app oach
The happiness app oach and he capabili ies app oach p o ide di e en answe s o he ques ion
whe he happiness is an ul ima e goal o jus one componen o a good li e. Wi hin he happiness
app oach he e a e wo main s eams o scien i ic in es iga ion.
The hedonic in e p e a ion o subjec i e well-being elies on he u ili a ian concep o pleasu e
and i is equen ly ope a ionalized in e ms o li e sa is ac ion and a ec s. The li e sa is ac ion
in e p e a ion is cogni i e as well as e alua i e and equi es o he indi idual o make e alua i e
s a emen s abou di e en a eas o li e and abou li e as a whole (Boyce e al. 2010, Ch is oph
4
On hei di e ences see Cam ield and Ske ing on 2008 o Selezne a 2011.
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2010, Dumludag, 2014 e c.). Sa is ac ion is usually unde s ood a las ing s a e o well-being.
Happiness is close o he e ms ‘a ec ’ o ‘a ec i e well-being’ used in psychology li e a u e
(Di Fabio and Palazzeschi 2015, G aham 2009, Laya d 2005, e c.). Posi i e and nega i e
emo ions e lec a mo e co po eal and ansi o y s a e o well-being, which a e ypically
su eyed wi h e e ence o a sho e ime ame, o ins ance he mos ecen wo weeks.
Ne e heless, i is impo an o unde line ha sa is ac ion and emo ions can be sepa a ed in
heo y, bu hey migh be in e ela ed in p ac ice, since people’s emo ional expe iences
in luence hei e alua ion o li e sa is ac ion (D agolo e al. 2018). As Kahneman e al. (1999)
summa ized: in a hedonic app oach, subjec i e well-being can be seen as an index o
psychological wellness, while happiness e e s o he accumula ed momen s o expe iencing
pleasu e, and he absence o pain (Diene e . al 1999, Selezne a 2016).
Eudaimonic well-being is expounded in he adi ion o humanis ic psychology. This
componen o SWB does no co espond o one in e nal s a e only in he way ha emo ions o
sa is ac ions do; a he , i u ilizes indi iduals’ sel - epo s on a b oade sui e o elemen s ha
a e necessa y o people o lou ish and o ul il hei po en ial. Eudaimonic well-being e lec s
he eeling o meaning and pu pose in li e, accomplishmen , as well as he aspec s o belonging,
sel -es eem, and sel -ac ualisa ion (Cla k e al. 2008, Di Fabio and Palazzeschi 2015, Vi e sø
2016). As Ryan and Deci (2001) poin ed ou , he eudaimonic app oach is based on he iew o
people li ing in acco dance wi h hei ue sel (daimon) and ge ing ma e ial and non-ma e ial
ewa ds while cons uc ing a good li e. “Some o he ac ions migh p oduce pleasu e
(happiness), bu no enhance well-being i he ac ions con adic he daimon” (Selezne a 2016).
Mig a ion can be in e p e ed as an escape om an anomic socie y (which can mani es i sel in
s a us disc epancy) o as an inno a ion, as inding new means o eaching goals in socie y
(Me on 1957).
Some analys s, such as Diene (1984), Kahneman e al. (1999), o Kahneman and K uege
(2006), end o use he hedonic app oach, while o he s op o a de ini ion ha includes
measu es o good psychological unc ioning as well as pu pose in li e (e.g. Vi e sø 2016).
4.2.2 Capabili y app oach
The e is ye ano he concep used in subjec i e well-being esea ch, known as he capabili y
app oach, which c i icizes u ili a ian happiness and ins ead b ings indi idual-speci ic
capabili ies in o ocus. I emphasizes he impo ance o a pe son’s au onomy in achie ing
alued “ unc ionings”. Acco ding o Sen (1985), “ he s anda d o li ing is eally a ma e o
unc ionings and capabili ies and no a ma e di ec ly o opulence, commodi ies, o u ili ies”.
To pu i simply: i is no he hings ha people ha e ha make hem well, bu wha hey a e
able o do and achie e wi h hose hings.
One o he chie s eng hs o Sen’s amewo k is ha i is lexible and exhibi s a conside able
deg ee o in e nal plu alism, which allows esea che s o de elop and apply i in many di e en
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ways (Alki e 2002: 8-11, 28-30). Sen e uses o endo se a ixed o de ini i e lis o capabili ies
as objec i ely co ec o p ac ical and s a egic easons (Cla k 2002: 54). Ins ead, he a gues
ha he selec ion and weigh ing o capabili ies depend on pe sonal alue judgemen s (which
a e pa ly in luenced by he na u e and pu pose o he e alua i e exe cise). Sen also indica es
ha his app oach can be used o assess indi idual ad an age in a ange o di e en spaces.
C i icism cas s doub on he use ulness o he app oach o making in e pe sonal compa isons
o well-being in he p esence o po en ial disag eemen s abou he alua ion o capabili ies,
including he ela i e weigh s o be assigned o hese capabili ies (e.g. Bei z 1986). Sen was
op imis ic abou achie ing ag eemen abou e alua ions: he sugges ed ha he in e sec ions o
di e en people’s ankings a e ypically qui e la ge (Sen 1985: 53-56). He has also p oposed a
ange o me hods, including he in e sec ion app oach o ex ending incomple e o de ings
(Sai h 2001). Finally, he in o ma ional equi emen s o Sen’s app oach can be ex emely high
(see Alki e 2002: 181, Sen 1994). E alua ing social s a es ypically depends on acqui ing da a
on mul iple unc ionings. In some cases, howe e , he ele an social indica o s a en’ a ailable.
Mo ing om unc ioning o capabili y complica es he exe cise d as ically, as addi ional
in o ma ion is equi ed on coun e ac ual choices (which canno be obse ed) as well as ac ual
choices (Cla k 2005). Despi e hese ope a ional di icul ies, many c edible inno a i e a emp s
ha e been made o measu e well-being in he unc ioning and capabili y space (e.g. Cla k 2002).
4.2.3 The OECD Guidelines on Measu ing Subjec i e Well-being
While subjec i e well-being has been examined ex ensi ely in he academic li e a u e o
decades, he lack o a consis en se o ques ions has hampe ed he in e na ional compa abili y
o da a o a long ime. B idging his gap was he main mo i a ion o he OECD (2013a) o
elabo a e he Guidelines on Measu ing Subjec i e Well-being. These Guidelines o e an
in eg a ed app oach and p opose a solu ion o s a is ical agencies o ollow a s anda dized
su ey s uc u e wi h s anda dized me hodology. The ole o he documen is p ima ily o
p o ide ad ice on bes p ac ice and “assis da a p oduce s in mee ing he needs o use s by
b inging oge he wha is cu en ly known on how o p oduce high quali y, compa able
measu es o subjec i e well-being” (ibid: 9).
Subjec i e well-being is aken o be “good men al s a es, including all o he a ious
e alua ions, posi i e and nega i e, ha people make o hei li es and he a ec i e eac ions o
people o hei expe iences”. This b oad de ini ion encompasses he h ee elemen s o SWB
men ioned abo e:
• Li e sa is ac ion – a e lec i e assessmen o a pe son’s li e o some speci ic aspec o i .
• A ec – a pe son’s eelings o emo ional s a es, ypically measu ed wi h e e ence o a
pa icula poin in ime.
• Eudaimonia – a sense o meaning and pu pose in li e, o good psychological unc ioning
(ibid: 10).
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Dumludag 2014, and Chap e 5.1.2 below).
The nega i e impac po ayed by he ela i e income hypo hesis is in sha p con as wi h he
unnel e ec (Hi schman and Ro hschild 1973), which occu s when he success o a e e ence
g oup c ea es a base o op imis ic expec a ions and con ibu es o a posi i e SWB change. (The
au ho s used he me apho o a a ic jam in a unnel. When he a ic in a lane s a s o mo e,
d i e s in he o he s lane akes his signal as an indica ion o “ligh a he end o he unnel”.)
Thus, as Capo ale e al. (2009) poin ed ou , people may in e p e any posi i e signals in ad e se
and unce ain si ua ions o p edic an imp o emen in hei own si ua ion o occu soone o
la e . The p esence o he unnel e ec has been con i med by, among o he s, Capo ale e al.
(2009) and Senik (2008).
The income ank hypo hesis s a es ha people’s sel - a ed li e sa is ac ion is p ima ily
in luenced by he ela i e anked posi ion o hei income wi hin hei social compa ison g oup.
“Income and u ili y a e no di ec ly linked: Inc easing an indi idual's income will inc ease his
o he u ili y only i anked posi ion also inc eases and will necessa ily educe he u ili y o
o he s who will lose ank” (Boyce e al. 2010: 471). In o he wo ds, he anked posi ion o an
indi idual’s income, a he han he income pe se o i s ela ion o a e e ence income, is
bene icial o well-being (Quispe-To eblanca e al. 2021). Se e al s udies suppo he income
ank hypo hesis, including Cla k and Senik (2014), Quispe-To eblanca e al. (2021) and Wood
e al. (2012).
I mus be no ed ha causal e ec s a e s ill unde deba e in he scien i ic li e a u e, and ha he
hypo heses men ioned abo e ha e a ely been es ed in he con ex o mig a ion un il now.
5.1.2 The ole o e e ence g oups and social compa isons
Re e ence g oups seem o play a key ole in e alua ing subjec i e well-being. Since he e m
i sel has been coined by He be Hyman (1942), i has p o ided use ul insigh in o social
beha iou and has been used in he explana ion o a ious beha iou pa e ns. A e e ence g oup
is a g oup agains which an indi idual e alua es his o he si ua ion o conduc . The membe ship
g oup and e e ence g oup can be he same, bu hey can also be di e en ; hey a e no mu ually
exclusi e. The e m e e ence g oup has been used in wo ways, o mean ei he a g oup o which
he indi idual aspi es o membe ship o a g oup whose alues, no ms, and a i udes se e as
poin s o e e ence o he indi idual. In ei he case, he c ucial ea u e is ha he indi idual
adap s his/he a i udes and beha iou o model hose o he membe s o he e e ence g oup.
The cu en unde s anding o he e e ence g oup assumes ha e e ence g oups change o e
he cou se o an indi idual’s li e and ha we selec om a speci ic se o e e ence g oups o
compa ison a a gi en ime and in a gi en si ua ion. A p e iously posi i e e e ence g oup may
become nega i e o e ime (Newcomb 1943). Fo some issues, a pa icula e e ence g oup will
p o ide he basis o compa ison, o o he issues, he e e ence g oup will be di e en . Fo
example, ou poli ical a i udes a e measu ed agains a di e en g oup han ou holiday habi s.
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The di ec ions o compa ison s ems om a ious pe sonali y needs and mo i a ions and ha e
di e en consequences ega ding he psychological balance and SWB o a pe son. Wills (1981)
in oduced he concep o downwa d compa ison. Downwa d social compa ison is a de ensi e
endency ha is used as a means o sel -e alua ion. When people look a ano he indi idual o
g oup ha hey conside o be wo se o han hemsel es in o de o eel be e abou hemsel es
o hei pe sonal si ua ion, hey a e making a downwa d social compa ison. Resea ch has
sugges ed ha social compa isons wi h o he s who a e be e o o supe io , o upwa d
compa isons, can lowe sel -es eem, whe eas downwa d compa isons can ele a e sel -es eem.
Downwa d compa ison heo y emphasizes he posi i e e ec s o compa isons in inc easing
one’s subjec i e well-being (ibid). Al hough social compa ison esea ch has sugges ed ha
upwa d compa isons can lowe sel - ega d, Collins (1995) indica es ha his is no always he
case. Indi iduals make upwa d compa isons, whe he consciously o subconsciously, when
hey compa e hemsel es wi h an indi idual o compa ison g oup ha hey pe cei e as supe io
o be e han hemsel es in o de o imp o e hei iews o sel o o c ea e a mo e posi i e
pe cep ion o hei pe sonal eali y. Upwa d social compa isons a e made o sel -e alua e and
sel -imp o e in he hope ha sel -enhancemen will also ollow. In an upwa d social
compa ison, people wan o belie e hemsel es o be pa o he eli e o supe io g oup, and
make compa isons highligh ing he simila i ies be ween hemsel es and he compa ison g oup,
unlike a downwa d social compa ison, whe e simila i ies be ween indi iduals o g oups a e
disassocia ed (Suls e al. 2002). Rega ding he ci cums ances ha de e mine he di ec ion o
social compa ison, Aspinwall and Taylo (1993) emphasized he dynamic ela ionship be ween
a ec /mood, sel -es eem, and h ea as key mode a o s o choosing upwa d o downwa d
compa isons.
5.2 The subjec i e well-being – mig a ion nexus
5.2.1 Empi ical s udies and gene alized conclusions
Al hough he e is s ill no uni e sal de ini ion o happiness o li e sa is ac ion, i is i mly
belie ed ha indi iduals usually ac o imp o e hei well-being and ha his is he inal goal
o hei choices and ac ions (Selezne a 2011: 140). F om his pe spec i e, olun a y mig a ion
can be conside ed a ool o each he desi ed ou come o inc easing well-being. Howe e ,
whe eas he e is a as amoun o li e a u e examining he nexus o ma e ial li e condi ions and
mig a ion (Chap e 3) as well as he ma e ial and subjec i e aspec s o well-being sepa a ely
(Chap e 5.1), he hi d e ex o his heo e ical iangle, he SWB-mig a ion nexus, has jus
s a ed gaining a en ion in he las yea s (e.g., IOM 2013, OECD 2017, Hend iks and Ba am
2018).
Since e y ew in e na ional su eys a e explici ly designed owa ds measu ing mig an s’ well-
being ou comes, li le is ye known abou he consequences o mig a ion o subjec i e well-
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being and pa icula ly abou he e ec s o SWB on mig a ion in en ions and/o decisions.
9
Empi ical esul s sugges ha mig an s expe ience lowe le els o li e sa is ac ion han na i es
do in gene al (Bal a escu 2007, Bobowik 2011, OECD 2017), ha second-gene a ion
immig an s seem o be unhappie han hei i s -gene a ion coun e pa s (Sa i 2010, Senik
2011), and ha emig an s a e usually less sa is ied wi h hei li es han s aye s (Ba am 2011,
Knigh and Guna ilaka 2010). These conclusions and explana ions howe e a e a om
consis en , and o he s udies e en show opposi e esul s (e.g. Lengyel 2012, E linghagen 2012,
I le s 2015).
The di e gence o indings no only a ises om ob iously di e en his o ical and geog aphic
con ex s bu also om he lack o a s anda dized, cohe en heo e ical amewo k. The
in es iga ions ha e p edominan ly used c oss-sec ional da a o compa e immig an s and na i es
in hos coun ies (Bal a escu 2007, Ba am 2010, Sa i 2010, Göncz e al. 2012) o emig an s
om and s aye s in he sending coun ies (Ba am 2013, E linghagen 2012). Al hough bo h
app oaches p o ide use ul in o ma ion, none o hem can adequa ely demons a e a causal
impac pe se. On he one hand, simply compa ing emig an s wi h simila people who emained
in hei coun y o o igin can be misleading, since well-being gains may e lec unobse ed
di e ences in abili y, isk ole ance, o mo i a ion (McKenzie e al. 2010). On he o he hand,
neglec ing p e-mig a ion expe iences obscu es e e se causali y, i.e., i does no ule ou
selec i i y biases, whe eby dissa is ied people may be mo e likely o mig a e (S illman e al.
2015). In he absence o longi udinal da a, he e a e wo al e na i e op ions
10
: o c ea e a wo-
pe iod syn he ic panel wi h s a is ical ma ching (e.g., Nikolo a and G aham 2015) o o ask
esponden s o es ima e hei gene al li e sa is ac ion e ospec i ely, p io o and a e
mig a ion (e.g., Ami and Riss 2014).
In spi e o hese me hodological conce ns and somewha di e gen conclusions, a g owing
numbe o academic pape s has demons a ed ha he sepa a ion o ma e ial and imma e ial
de e minan s and hei subjec i e pe cep ions does make sense because hey can in luence
mig a ion decisions and he pos -mo e e alua ions in di e en ways (e.g. G aham and
Ma kowi z 2011). Two di ec ions o SWB al e a ions a e gene ally aking shape in he
li e a u e, namely inc eased e sus dec eased pos -mo e li e sa is ac ion (De Jong e al. 2002).
E en hough mig an s’ absolu e incomes may ise, hei o iginal expec a ions can be me wi h
disappoin men and hei SWB may be educed. Reasons o his phenomenon can include he
physical dis ance om hei sa e social and amily ne wo ks, he linguis ic and cul u al dis ance
9
P e ious s udies di e ge in hei es ima ion o he deg ee o which mig a ion in en ions can be conside ed a good
indica o o he ac ual ac o mig a ion. Ne e heless, i mig a ion is concei ed as a selec ion p ocess, hen
in en ions and he ac ual ac can be conside ed di e en phases o he whole p ocess (Göd i and Feleky 2013).
The e a e no many longi udinal s udies ha can measu e whe he and o wha ex en in en ions u n in o he eal
ac . Acco ding o a s udy done in he Ne he lands be ween 2005 and 2007/2010, 24% o he exp essed in en ions
had u ned in o ac ual mig a ion by 2007 and 34% by 2010 (Van Dalen and Henkens 2013), and mig a ion in en ion
was ound o be he main p edic o o he ac ual ac . A simila s udy in Hunga y ound ha 20% o men and 12%
o women had u ned hei mig a ion in en ions in 2003 in o he ac by 2007 (Há s 2008).
10
Fo a unique excep ion see S illman e al. 2015.
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om he hos socie y, o he unexpec edly eme ging us a ion ha s ems om inding
hemsel es in a lowe posi ion compa ed o membe s o he na i e popula ion (Ba am 2010:2,
S illman e al. 2015:86).
11
While he se -poin heo y claims ha indi iduals ha e hei own se poin s o SWB and e e
o ha se poin once he psychological impac o majo li e e en s has dissipa ed, subs an ial
and pe manen upwa d o downwa d changes in li e sa is ac ion a e also obse able in he
con ex o mig a ion (Headey 2008). As Nowok e al. (2011) ha e summa ized, mig an s o en
expe ience us a ion and dissa is ac ion be o e hei depa u e, whe eas hey eel happiness
and high expec a ions du ing he p ocess o mig a ion bu educed SWB in he pos -mo e phase.
I also means ha no only people’s own pas income and he e e ence g oup’s li ing s anda d
bu also hei expec a ions o he u u e is an impo an elemen o SWB- ela ed compa isons.
The dynamics o hese changes causes he empo al luidi y o well-being, which p esen s a
ema kable me hodological challenge o empi ical s udies (McG ego 2007). This
phenomenon is consis en wi h he ela i e income hypo hesis men ioned in he p e ious
chap e , and has “simila DNA” wi h B ickman and Campbell’s (1971) “hedonic eadmill”
hypo hesis om he psychology li e a u e as well as “p e e ence d i ” om he economics
li e a u e (Van P aag 1971). As Headey e al. (2008: 68) poin ed ou , people end o “change
hei p e e ences in esponse o wha o he s ha e and wan ”. Since people’s aspi a ions and
social ela ionships a e pe manen ly changing, wha eally ma e s o hem in he assessmen o
hei quali y o li e may also change as a consequence o adap a ion o he new ex e nal
ci cums ances (Eas e lin 2005, Nussbaum 2001, Quizilbash 2006). In he con ex o mig a ion,
his p ocess en ails he change o he e e ence g oups oo – e.g., new neighbou s, new
colleagues, and a new hos socie y, e y o en wi h highe a e age li ing s anda ds – which
play he ole o a benchma k o compa isons. Thus, when immig an s change hei e e ence
g oup (see again Chap e 5.1.2), he compa isons hey make may become less a ou able, so
ha hey may be mo e mise able han be o e, ega dless o he ac ha hei objec i e si ua ion
migh ha e imp o ed signi ican ly.
The heo e ical backg ound o he mechanisms men ioned in his chap e , including di e ences
be ween he sho - e m and long- e m dimensions o e alua ion, is s ill no well g ounded.
Quali a i e me hods can p o ide impo an insigh in o he dynamics o he adap i e
p e e ences, he changing e e ence g oups, he ela ional dimension o well-being, e c.
5.2.2 Social connec edness and subjec i e well-being
The nexus be ween subjec i e well-being and he concep s o social capi al (Bou dieu 1986,
Coleman 1990, Pu nam 1995, Tzanakis 2013 e c.) and social cohesion (e.g. Chan e al. 2006,
11
Cul u al and linguis ic di e ences c ea e ba ie s implying “cos s ha po en ial mig an s likely conside in
deciding whe he o mig a e and whe e o go” (Adse à 2015) bu he exis ence o la ge immig an communi ies
may encou age u he mo es and dec ease mig a ion cos s (Pede sen e al. 2008).
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D agolo e al. 2016, Schie e and Noll 2017) has been gaining inc easing a en ion in he
li e a u e. These a e closely in e ela ed concep s, bu agg ega ed indica o s o cohesion a e
mo e app op ia e o mac o analyses, whe eas da a on he indi idual le el should be used o
analyse he ela ionship be ween social capi al and subjec i e well-being (Klein 2013).
Ne e heless, while s udies ha e ound posi i e links be ween social connec edness and li e
sa is ac ion in gene al (e.g. Anheie e al. 2004, Bjø nsko 2003, D agolo e al. 2018),
ela i ely ew ha e conside ed how social ne wo ks a ec SWB wi hin immig an communi ies
(e.g. Xu and Palme 2011, Tegegne and Glan ille 2018).
Familial ela ions de ini ely belong o he key ac o s ha po en ially shape mig an s’ subjec i e
well-being and i s ela ionship wi h hei decisions o mo e o s ay. P elimina y quali a i e
s udies ha e al eady e ealed ha no only he way mig an s na a e hei li e his o y is shaped
by gende -speci ic di e ences, bu hei pe cep ions o subjec i e well-being is also o en
“gende ed”. Cen al-Eu opean mig an s end o ame hei own mig a ion in e ms o well-
being, and he na a i e o amilial well-being is qui e common, pa icula ly in he case o
emale esponden s (Ko ács and Melegh 2001, Melegh and Ko ács 2008).
The success o in eg a ion migh also be an impo an ac o o mig an s’ SWB changes. In
gene al, in eg a ion e e s o he p ocess by which mig an s become accep ed in o socie y, bo h
as indi iduals and as g oups. I is a wo-way p ocess o adap a ion – and a o m o
accul u a ion
12
– ha equi es e o s bo h om mig an s and om he hos socie y. Ul ima ely
i is useless o a pe son o be eady o in eg a e i he hos en i onmen does no suppo him
o he in his p ocess. The changes ha immig an s unde go in ol es a leas six a eas:
language, cogni i e s yles, pe sonali y, iden i y,
13
a i udes, and accul u a i e s ess. The cause
o p oblema ic ou comes o en s ems om he di e en accul u a ion expec a ions o he hos
socie y and he accul u a ion o ien a ion adop ed by he immig an s (Bou ish e al. 1997, Van
Oudenho en e al. 1998). In es iga ing he social connec ions be ween mig an s and membe s
o he hos popula ion (and he subjec i e pe cep ions o hese ela ionships) is essen ial o a
be e unde s anding o he SWB–mig a ion nexus.
12
Depending on he deg ee o which mig an s main ain hei cul u al he i age and/o hei ela ion wi h he hos
socie y, Be y (1997) iden i ied ou main accul u a ion s a egies: assimila ion (posi i e ela ions wi h he hos
socie y a e dominan ly impo an ), sepa a ion (main aining one’s own cul u e is o sole impo ance),
ma ginaliza ion (none o hese ou comes is impo an ) and in eg a ion (i is impo an bo h o main ain cul u al
iden i y and o ha e posi i e ela ions wi h he hos socie y).
13
Accul u a ion is connec ed wi h he issue o iden i y change (Do idio e al. 2005). The model o de-
ca ego iza ion desc ibes he p ocess ha akes place when ea lie social iden i y ca ego ies lose hei impo ance
and indi iduals ind o he mo e pe sonalized ca ego ies o iden i y wi h. E hnic o na ional iden i y ca ego ies in
he EU can o ins ance be eplaced by mo e indi idualis ic o idiosync a ic ca ego ies such as p o essional
pe o mance, li es yle, o ideology (B ewe and Mille , 1984; Wilde , 1981).
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5.2.3 Mig a o y aspi a ions, capabili ies and subjec i e well-being
In he aspi a ions-capabili ies amewo k (Chap e 3.7) mig a ion and SWB a e connec ed on
wo le els. On he one hand, De Haas’ concep is hea ily inspi ed by Ama ya Sen’s (1999)
capabili ies app oach o human well-being (Chap e 4.2.2). De Haas emphasized ha people
could de i e well-being om ha ing po en ial access o mobili y eedom, i espec i e o
whe he hey applied hese eedoms. “The cen al idea is ha he e y awa eness o ha ing he
eedom o mo e and mig a e can add o people’s li e sa is ac ion, in he same way ha eedom
o speech and eligion, he igh o o ganise p o es ma ches o o un o o ice can con ibu e
o people’s well-being, i espec i e o whe he o no hey e en ually use hose eedoms.
Con e sely, i people do no enjoy such eedom, hey a e likely o expe ience his as a o m o
well-being-dec easing dep i a ion” (De Haas 2021: 18). Rega ding mig a o y aspi a ions, De
Haas expanded he no ion o mig a o y agency in o he subjec i e ealm. Mig a ion aspi a ions
e lec people’s gene al li e p e e ences and hei subjec i e pe cep ions o he quali y o li e in
he cu en place o li ing as well as hei pe cep ions abou oppo uni ies elsewhe e. This line
o hough is consis en wi h many o he well-being app oaches, summa ized in Chap e 4.
5.3 Subjec i e well-being and mig a ion plans unde condi ions o ex eme unce ain ies
Clima e change, pandemic, wa , ene gy sho age, ood c isis: people a ound he wo ld a e oday
acing se ious physical and exis en ial h ea s. In he wake o global “mul ic ises”, he sense o
unce ain y may ema kably in luence bo h subjec i e well-being and mig a ion aspi a ions.
Howe e , in con as o isk, which includes p obabilis ic chances, he ou comes o unce ain y
a e di icul o es ima e (Knigh 2006). F om a concep ual poin o iew, i is ad isable o
dis inguish be ween mic o and mac o sou ces o unce ain y. Wi hin he la e ca ego y one can
dis inguish ma e ialis and pos -ma e ialis p oblems, al hough he bounda ies a e blu ed
(Coleman 1990, Ingleha 1997, Lengyel and Vicsek 2004) (Table 3). In his con ex , insecu i y
can be in e p e ed as an ex eme and pe manen o m o unce ain y.
14
The Co id-19 pandemic
is one o he main cu en mac o sou ces o wo y and unce ain y.
Table 3. A ypology o some equen ly men ioned sou ces o wo y and insecu i y.
Sou ce: Lengyel and Vicsek (2004)
Mic o
Mac o
Ma e ialis
Own inancial condi ions
Heal h
Family li e
…
Ma e ial condi ions o he coun y
C ime
Wa
Pandemic
Ene gy c isis
…
Pos -ma e ialis
Global en i onmen al p oblems
De elopmen o science and echnology
…
14
Fo mo e de ails see e.g. Boehnke e al. 1998, Occhiane o 1997, Schwa z and Melech 2000.
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Li e has changed d ama ically in mos coun ies as a esul o Co id-19. The pandemic’s wo s
e ec has been he wo million dea hs in 2020; i ep esen s a ise o nea ly 4% in he annual
numbe o dea hs wo ldwide. The e has been g ea e economic insecu i y, anxie y, and
dis up ion o e e y aspec o li e (Helliwell e al. 2021). The implemen a ion o es ic i e
measu es o con ol he pandemic – including na ionwide closu es o schools and o he public
ins i u ions – has challenged he physical and men al heal h o many people. Recen case s udies
om all o e he wo ld p o ide e idence ha he pandemic nega i ely a ec ed people’s
psychological well-being (e.g. G ay e . al 2020, O u e al. 2020, Pa ick e al. 2020, Gassman-
Pines e al. 2020). As O’Conno e al. (2020) unde lined, based on a su ey om he Uni ed
Kingdom, he adul popula ion was pa icula ly s ongly a ec ed in he ini ial phase o he
pandemic. While he le els o loneliness and he symp oms o dep ession did no change
signi ican ly du ing he Co id-19 wa es, suicidal idea ion inc eased o e ime. Subg oup
analyses showed ha women, young people (18–29 yea s), hose om socially disad an aged
backg ounds and hose wi h p e-exis ing men al heal h p oblems had wo se men al heal h
ou comes du ing he pandemic ac oss mos ac o s.
G eyling e al.’s (2021) esul s om Aus alia, New Zealand and Sou h A ica showed ha
lockdowns we e associa ed wi h a decline in happiness, ega dless o he cha ac e is ics o he
coun y o he ype and du a ion o lockdown egula ions. Lades e al. (2020) unde lined ha
du ing lockdowns, he ime spen ou doo s (going o walks, ga dening, pu suing hobbies e c.)
was associa ed wi h ma kedly aised posi i e e ec s and educed nega i e emo ions. In
Ge many, he c isis lowe ed he li e sa is ac ion o indi iduals, especially o pa en s wi h
young child en, o women, and o pe sons wi h lowe seconda y schooling quali ica ions. The
la ges dec eases we e seen o amilies wi h oddle s and p eschoole s, and he li e sa is ac ion
a es inc eased wi h he age o he child en (Huebene e al. 2021).
Based on he annual da a om he Gallup Wo ld Poll, global li e e alua ion and happiness
ankings p o ed s able; he same coun ies emained on he op o he lis (Finland, Iceland,
Denma k, and Swi ze land). Using da a om 95 coun ies, he Wo ld Happiness Repo 2021
(Helliwell e al. 2021: 13-56)
15
concluded ha he numbe o people who said hey we e wo ied
o sad g ew signi ican ly wo ldwide. Simila ly, he epo ed equency o s ess showed a
ema kable inc ease in 2020. Howe e , while “ he pandemic’s oll on nega i e emo ions is
clea ”, he li e e alua ion sco es p o ed almos unchanged om 2017-2019 o 2020 on a global
scale; in 26 coun ies hey ha e inc eased, in 20 coun ies hey ha e dec eased signi ican ly
(ibid: 24). Mo eo e , he e was an inc ease in he sha e o people who el well- es ed and who
had done some hing in e es ing on he day p io o hei in e iews. The e was a signi ican
d op in he epo ed equency o heal h p oblems oo. The measu emen s o Pe o ic e al.
15
In 2020, he Gallup Wo ld Poll eam could no conduc ace- o- ace in e iews. The shi om compu e -assis ed
pe sonal in e iews (CAPI) o compu e -assis ed elephone in e iews (CATI) may ha e changed he pool o
esponden s in some coun ies. Howe e , he “da a sugges ha he e ec s o he me hod change a e unlikely o
ha e been la ge enough o he wo ld as a whole o mask any la ge d ops” (Helliwell 2021:24).
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(2021) yielded su p ising esul s wi h inc easing sco es o happiness in he Czech Republic,
compa ed o p e ious yea s.
2020 is expec ed o be a his o ical nadi o in e na ional mig a ion, since mig a ion lows in
he OECD a ea a e es ima ed o ha e allen by 46 pe cen in he i s semes e o 2020. In
gene al, mig an s seem o be disp opo ionally exposed o he socio-economic e ec s o he
c isis; in all coun ies o which da a a e a ailable, immig an s’ unemploymen has inc eased,
compa ed o hei na i e-bo n pee s (OECD 2020). Since Hunga ian wo ke s in Aus ia a e
concen a ed in sec o s ha a e mo e a ec ed by he economic down u n (e.g., he hospi ali y
indus y, 24-hou home nu sing) simila p ocesses migh be obse able. The way in which he
economic ecession, as a consequence o he lockdowns and o he poli ical measu es o con ol
he pandemic, in luences he ca ee pa e ns, he mig a ion decisions, and he well-being o
mig an s will be also s udied in he MIGWELL p ojec h ough a ba e y o a ge ed su ey
ques ions and in e iews. Finally, we plan o ask he in e iewees how unce ain hey eel abou
he u u e and wha hey conside o be he main sou ces o unce ain y in he shadows o he
pandemic as well as he economic and ene gy c isis caused by he Uk ainian wa .
6. The concep ual amewo k o MIGWELL
6.1 MIGWELL and mig a ion heo ies
The mig a ion heo ies ha we e summa ized in Chap e 3 a e no necessa ily con adic o y.
The causal p ocesses ele an o in e na ional mig a ion migh ope a e on mul iple le els
simul aneously. I is en i ely possible ha indi iduals engage in cos -bene i calcula ions o
maximize income, ha households ac o minimize isks, and ha he socioeconomic con ex
wi hin which hese decisions a e made is de e mined by s uc u al o ces ope a ing a na ional
and in e na ional le els (Papademe iou and Ma in, 1991). As Cas les e al. (2014) ha e
s essed, each o hese heo ies has i s place, and a ull unde s anding o mig a ion equi es
con ibu ions om many o hem.
Thus, ins ead o building on one speci ic mig a ion heo y only, MIGWELL akes elemen s
om di e en concep s. Fo he pu pose o he p ojec , mic o- and meso-le el app oaches a e
especially ele an . Al hough he concep o well-being has long no been linked explici ly o
any mig a ion heo ies, he new economics and sociology o mig a ion (NELM) ha e al eady
highligh ed he impo ance o pe cei ed dep i a ion and some o he subjec i e aspec s o
mig a ion decision-making. Acco ding o NELM, mig a ion migh be an op ion o households
owa ds ob aining a sus ainable li elihood by a oiding de e io a ion o household po e y and
imp o ing capabili ies and esilience (De Haan e al. 2002). The push-and-pull concep is
widely conside ed ela i ely ou da ed. Ye , push-and-pull ac o s migh se e as use ul ools
du ing he MIGWELL in e iews and ocus g oups. These no ions migh o e a meaning ul,
easy- o-unde s and way o people o e alua e and in e p e hei indi idual mig a ion decisions
in he con ex o subjec i e well-being. Since he exis ence o mig an ne wo ks can play a
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signi ican ole in he decision-making p ocess as well as in pos -mo e subjec i e well-being
changes, people’s connec ions wi h he expa ia e communi y will also be su eyed. This
endea ou equi es he conside a ion o ne wo k heo y as a meso-le el app oach.
Mig a ion cycles p o ide a key mac o-le el concep o pu he Hunga y-Aus ia mig a ion
nexus in o a wide con ex . Al hough Eu opean coun ies do no necessa ily pass hough hese
phases in his exac o de o a he same pace, and al hough he model o mig a ion cycles does
no e lec explici ly on he liquid o ms o mig a ion, he concep helps us o g asp he dynamics
o in e na ional mig a ion ansi ion in Eu ope. While Aus ia, o ins ance, al eady ep esen s
a ypical immig a ion coun y whe e he socio-demog aphic challenges o he wel a e s a e –
such as an ageing popula ion, leading o inc eased p essu e on he heal hca e and elde ly ca e
sys em (Ka ona and Melegh 2020) – induce an inc easing demand o immig an wo ke s,
Hunga y is in a ansi ion phase whe e bo h di ec ions o mig a ion low a e simila ly impo an ,
al hough i s mig a ion balance is nega i e in ela ion o Aus ia and o he Wes e n coun ies. In
ela ion o ha , he dual labou ma ke heo y migh also be ele an o MIGWELL. People’s
labou -ma ke posi ioning be o e and a e mig a ion, and hei ela ionship wi h hei income
and subjec i e well-being is an impo an aspec o his p ojec . Finally, he p ojec will e lec
on he aspi a ions-capabili ies app oach oo, by in es iga ing mig a ion inclina ions and
in en ions o Hunga ians li ing in Hunga y and o po en ial e u nees om Aus ia.
6.2 MIGWELL and he concep o well-being
Since he seconda y da a sou ces o he MIGWELL p ojec (EU-SILC, Hunga ian mic ocensus)
p incipally ollow he OECD Guidelines, all o hei SWB a iables a e necessa y o a
compa a i e analysis. As he ecommended ques ion modules sugges , “o e all li e e alua ions
should be assessed i s , ollowed by eudaimonic well-being, wi h mo e speci ic ques ions abou
ecen a ec i e expe iences asked nex and domain-speci ic ques ions las ” (OECD 2013a:
161-171) (Table 2).
Table 2. A simple model o SWB measu emen and ela ed ques ion examples, based on he OECD Guidelines
(2013a: 33, 253-262). The lis o sub-componen s and ques ions is illus a i e a he han exhaus i e.
Measu emen
concep
Li e sa is ac ion
A ec
Eudaimonic well-being
Sub-componen s
O e all li e sa is ac ion, sa is ac ion wi h
income, sa is ac ion wi h accommoda ion,
sa is ac ion wi h heal h s a us, e c.
Happiness, ange ,
wo y, e c.
Meaning and pu pose,
au onomy, compe ence
Recommended
ques ion modules
1. Li e sa is ac ion
4. Domain sa is ac ion
2. A ec
3. Eudaimonia
Ques ion
examples
O e all, how
sa is ied a e you
wi h li e as a whole
hese days? (0-10)
How sa is ied a e you
wi h you income /
accommoda ion /
wo king condi ions /
heal h / pe sonal
ela ionships e c.?
O e all, how o en
did you eel happy /
calm / wo ied /
i ed / ang y /
dep essed / sad /
s essed e c. hese
days?
To wha ex en do you
eel: he hings you do in
you li e a e wo hwhile /
you a e ee o decide
how o li e you li e / ha
you a e op imis ic abou
you u u e? e c.
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Howe e , subjec i e well-being canno be su icien ly measu ed on i s own, wi hou
conside ing he esou ces ha people ha e and he ela ionships ha in luence hei ac ions
(McG ego 2007). The e o e, subjec i e e lec ion on li e sa is ac ion, a ec , and eudaimonia
will be ou ocal poin – again, based on p e-de ined EU-SILC a iables ha a e essen ial o a
compa a i e analysis – while addi ional se s o ques ions on he ma e ial and ela ional
dimensions a e expec ed o p o ide deepe insigh in o he dynamics o he mig a ion-SWB
nexus. (P e ious examples o me hodological adap a ions can be ound, e.g., in B i on and
Coul ha d 2013, Te Lin elo e al. 2018.) The e o e, MIGWELL applies a hyb id app oach in
concei ing well-being, inspi ed by bo h he OECD and he WeD concep s (Figu e 4).
Figu e 4. The ela ionship be ween he objec i e and subjec i e dimensions o well-being on a pe sonal le el
acco ding o MIGWELL (Sou ce: own design)
In p ac ice, ou goal will be o iden i y some ele an , objec i e, obse able ac o s o well-
being (household income, employmen s a us, housing quali y, e c.) and he social connec ions
ha people pe cei e as he mos impo an in e ms o he deg ee o hei in luence on mig a ion
beha iou and SWB. Responden s should iden i y, e alua e, and ank hei ela ionships by
impo ance. On he one hand, he s onges in luence on mig a ion decisions migh be
associa ed wi h mac o-le el (e.g., dissa is ac ion wi h sala y o s a e bu eauc acy), meso-le el
(e.g., ensions wi hin he communi y, dissa is ac ion wi h he quali y o local public se ices)
16
o e en mic o-le el ela ionships such as amilial ela ions.
16
Migali and Scipioni (2019) poin ed ou ha mig a ion po en ial ends o inc ease signi ican ly along wi h
people’s dec easing sa is ac ion wi h local public se ices, e.g., heal hca e o educa ional ins i u ions, and ha he
in luence o his ela ionship can be s onge han ha o income.
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