The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism

Linguistic Forum Published by MARS Publishers Published by Licensee MARS Publishers. Copyright: © the author(s). This article is an open access article distributed under the terms andconditions of the (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). The Afro A Ritual to Face Correspondence: EstupiñánLince María Lorena <m [email protected] Received: June 30, 2025 Accepted: Abstract The Afro-Ecuadorian chigualo , a traditional funerary ritual performed for deceased children under seven years old, stands as a powerful expression of cultural resilience, spiritual continuity, and resistance to systemic marginalization. This sociolinguistic research explores how functions not only as a mourning practice but as a dynamic sociocultural tool through which Afro Ecuadorian communities confront historical and contemporary forms of racism and omission. Through the analysis of oral histories and literature searches, Esmeraldas, Guayaquil and Manta , this study highlights the role of into a celebration of life, identity, and communal solidarity. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, interviews with cultural leaders, journalistic and scientific publications, this research stablishes the difference between chigualo, arrullo a funerary custom, but a living archive of resistance. As such, it plays a cruci Afro-Ecuadorian identity. The Afroecuadorian search for divine presence amid human suffering. It contrasts despair and faith through symbolic and liturgical language. Symbols such transcendence and resistance to racial violence. These symbols transform communal grief into a ritual of hope, reconciliation, and theological resilience. Keywords: Ecuador, chigualo, arr ullo, funeral, rac ISSN (Online) 2707 Volume http://doi.org/ 10.5281/zenodo. Published by Licensee MARS Publishers. Copyright: © the author(s). This article is an open access article distributed under the terms andconditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). The Afro -Ecuadorian Chigualo : to Face Death a nd Racism Research Article Lince María Lorena [email protected] > Graduate, Technical State University of Quevedo, Ecuador. Publication Details Accepted: November 28, 2025 Published: November , a traditional funerary ritual performed for deceased children under seven years old, stands as a powerful expression of cultural resilience, spiritual continuity, and resistance to systemic marginalization. This sociolinguistic research explores how functions not only as a mourning practice but as a dynamic sociocultural tool through which Afro Ecuadorian communities confront historical and contemporary forms of racism and omission. Through the analysis of oral histories and literature searches, primarily in the provinces of , this study highlights the role of chigualo in transforming death into a celebration of life, identity, and communal solidarity. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, journalistic and scientific publications, this research stablishes the arrullo and alabao and affirms that the chigualo in Ecuador a funerary custom, but a living archive of resistance. As such, it plays a cruci al role in sustaining The Afroecuadorian arrullo , in its modern form, explores the theological search for divine presence amid human suffering. It contrasts despair and faith through symbolic and liturgical language. Symbols such as God, the high altar, and stars convey spiritual transcendence and resistance to racial violence. These symbols transform communal grief into a ritual of hope, reconciliation, and theological resilience. ullo, funeral, rac ism ISSN (Online) 2707 -5273 Volume 7, Issue 1, 2025 10.5281/zenodo. 17764648 Pages 30-50 Published by Licensee MARS Publishers. Copyright: © the author(s). This article is an open access article Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license : nd Racism Technical State University of November 30, 2025 , a traditional funerary ritual performed for deceased children under seven years old, stands as a powerful expression of cultural resilience, spiritual continuity, and resistance to systemic marginalization. This sociolinguistic research explores how chigualo functions not only as a mourning practice but as a dynamic sociocultural tool through which Afro - Ecuadorian communities confront historical and contemporary forms of racism and omission. primarily in the provinces of in transforming death into a celebration of life, identity, and communal solidarity. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, journalistic and scientific publications, this research stablishes the in Ecuador is not simply al role in sustaining , in its modern form, explores the theological search for divine presence amid human suffering. It contrasts despair and faith through symbolic as God, the high altar, and stars convey spiritual transcendence and resistance to racial violence. These symbols transform communal grief into a The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 31 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 1. Introduction Rituals surrounding death are among the most enduring and symbolically significant expressions of human culture. These rituals serve to mourn and honor the deceased, as well as reaffirm collective identities, beliefs, and social bonds among the living. In Afro-descendant communities across Latin America, funeral rites are particularly rich in oral, musical, and performative elements blending African, Indigenous, and Christian cosmologies into unique syncretic traditions. One such tradition is the Afro-Ecuadorian chigualo, which emerges as a powerful site of spiritual continuity, communal solidarity, and cultural resistance. The chigualo is not a passive or folkloric practice; it encapsulates centuries of Afro-Ecuadorian struggle for recognition, dignity, and survival in the face of systemic marginalization. As this study contends, it is both a ritual of mourning and an embodied act of resistance against racism. To understand racism in Ecuador, it must be situated within colonial history and current structural inequalities. Since the Spanish colonial period, racial hierarchies have been fundamental to the region's social, political, and economic stratification. The educational system, in particular, reflects and reproduces racial and ethnic inequalities. As shown by Martínez Novo and De la Torre (2010), schooling in Ecuador often reinforces whiteness and marginalizes non-white students. These structures make Afro-Ecuadorians more vulnerable to invisibility, prejudice, and institutional neglect. In recent decades, scholars have documented various forms of racism beyond overt discrimination, including environmental racism in Esmeraldas (Moreno Parra, 2019), language-based discrimination (Cruel, Preciado, & Vernaza Arroyo, 2022), and anti-Blackness in education (Johnson, 2021). For example, Moreno Parra's Environmental Racism: Slow Death and the Displacement of Ancestral Afro-Ecuadorian Territory in Esmeraldas demonstrates that the dispossession of ancestral lands, health harms, and cultural erosion constitute a form of slow violence experienced by Afro-Ecuadorian communities. Similarly, in Understanding the AfroEcuadorian Educational Experience: Anti-Blackness, Schooling, and the Nation reveals how the Ecuadorian education system perpetuates exclusionary racial dynamics. Together, these works establish that racism in Ecuador is structural, multifaceted, and deeply felt. Based on these foundations, this article argues that the chigualo ritual, especially among AfroEsmeraldan communities and when reactivated during times of crisis, is an embodied response to exclusion. A funeral ritual for children under seven, the chigualo is performed with song, percussion, and community participation. It transforms private mourning into collective memory and a demand for recognition. Similar rituals exist, such as alabaos, but the chigualo is unique in its combination of grief, music, improvisation, and spiritual cosmology. This combination makes visible both life and the threats to it, such as racism, violence, and societal neglect. The political dimensions of death rituals have been theorized in the field of necropolitics. AchilleMbembe (2019) argues that modern sovereign powers manage life and determine who may die, exercising a politics of death over racialized, colonized, and marginalized bodies. These rituals The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 32 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 also serve as reminders of injustice. Nowadays, in Ecuador the chigualo is one such act. It restores dignity to deceased children and gives a political voice to Afro-Ecuadorian grief. To illustrate these claims, this article examines a recent case in Guayaquil involving the deaths of four Afro-Ecuadorian children. This event sparked public outrage and a chigualo ritual that served as both a mourning ceremony and a means of denouncing state neglect and racial injustice. It also demanded truth and reparation. This case demonstrates how the chigualo ritual can become a public display of grief and protest, challenging dominant narratives that often render the suffering of Afro-Ecuadorians invisible. This study employs a qualitative, descriptive design and relies on multiple sources, including scholarly literature on racism in Ecuador, audiovisual materials, and interviews with cultural bearers in Esmeraldas and Manabí. The data are analyzed thematically to highlight the ritual functions, aesthetic forms of the chigualo. Particular attention is paid to comparing regional usages and the semantic ambiguity of the term chigualo, examining how power relations (symbolic, political, and cultural) shape its interpretation and use. First, the next paper situates the chigualo within the broader social history of Afro-Ecuadorian marginalization. It draws on literature regarding racism, education, environmental dispossession, and state violence. Second, it provides a descriptive account of chigualo rites in Esmeraldas and Manta, focusing on performance, musicality, gender roles, and spiritual cosmology. Third, the paper analyzes the chigualo as a political ritual, especially as it is witnessed in Guayaquil, identifying how grief is transformed into a demand. This article contends that the chigualois much more than a funerary custom. It is a site of resistance, a means by which Afro-Ecuadorian communities confront death, racism, and historical erasure through song, community, and spiritual memory. The chigualo demands that the state and society acknowledge the humanity of Afro-descendant children and the political and moral weight of their lives. By centering black grief, dignity, and justice, the chigualo challenges narratives of nationhood and belonging. It is important to acknowledge the significant role of cultural and religious syncretism in Ecuador. This concept refers to the dynamic fusion of indigenous, African, and European cultural and religious elements, resulting in hybrid practices and identities that persist today. With roots in the colonial era, this process is particularly visible in the provinces of Esmeraldas and Manabí, where diverse communities including Afro-descendants, Indigenous peoples, montubios, and mestizos coexist and shape rich symbolic traditions. In Esmeraldas, Afro-descendant musical forms such as arrullos, chigualos, and alabaos fuse Catholic rituals with African spirituality. These forms serve as sacred expressions and acts of cultural resistance. Meanwhile, Manabí exhibits syncretism in its vibrant religious festivals honoring Saints Peter and Paul and in the ChigualoManabita, where Christian, Montubio, and peasant traditions intertwine. These practices reflect cultural resilience and the evolution of local identities through rituals, music, and community celebration. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 33 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 2. Literature Review 2.1 Syncretism in Ecuador Cultural and religious syncretism is defined as the process by which elements of different cultures, religions, or worldviews coexist, intertwine, and mutate to create hybrid forms of identity, ritual practice, and symbolic expression. In Ecuador, this phenomenon resulted from the colonial superposition of indigenous, African, and European cultures, and it continues to manifest in festivals, popular religiosity, music, art, and social organization (Torres-Candelejo, 2022). Cultural and religious syncretism is particularly evident in Ecuador's provinces of Esmeraldas and Manabí. These regions are characterized by the coexistence of Afro-descendant, indigenous, Montubio, and mestizo communities. These interactions have produced hybrid cultural expressions that blend African, European, and Indigenous elements. This has given rise to a popular religiosity that is rich in symbolism, resilience, and adaptation (Antón-Sánchez, 2014). In Esmeraldas, musical traditions of Afro-descendants, such as arrullos, chigualos, and alabaos, are notable examples of syncretism. Used primarily in funeral and religious rituals, these songs fuse Catholic practices with African worldviews, demonstrating the relationship between music, spirituality, and collective memory (Hinojosa-Trujillo, 2012). Ritual music serves as both an artistic expression and a form of resistance and cultural preservation against the hegemonic discourses imposed since the colonial period (García-Flores, 1984). In the province of Manabí, syncretism is notably evident in religious festivals, such as the celebrations honoring Saints Peter and Paul. These festivals integrate Catholic rites, maritime traditions, and Afro-Montubio cultural expressions, reflecting an evolving blend of identities (Domínguez-Sacón et al., 2025). Processions, dances, theatrical performances, and community banquets reflect popular religiosity, where the sacred and profane coexist and reinforce each other (Vidal-Fernández et al., 2022). Another tradition in Manabí is the ChigualoManabita, in which carols are sung alongside games and prayers during Christmas. Mieles-Mieles (2024) explains that this tradition combines Christian elements with Montubio cultural expressions, including peasant music, oral traditions, and extended family organization. 2.2 Racism in Ecuador Racism has been a pervasive structural issue in numerous societies throughouthistory, and Ecuador is no exception. This phenomenon manifests not only in individual and collective attitudes but also within the political, social, and economic frameworks of the nation. Over time, political discourse in Ecuador has played a significant role in both perpetuating and, at certain junctures, challenging racism (Castillo, 2022). Racism in Ecuador is inextricably linked to the country's complex colonial history, in which the racial hierarchies imposed by Spanish colonizers continue to reverberate into the present day. This persistence is evident in various manifestations, such as the exclusion of indigenous and AfroEcuadorian peoples from positions of power, the perpetuation of racial stereotypes in political The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 34 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 narratives, and the ongoing inadequacies ofpublic policies aimed at addressing racial discrimination (Vera, 2021). This research explores the ways in which racism has been ingrained in Ecuador. Additionally, it examines the social and cultural expressions such as arrullos, alabaos andchigualos that have sought to challenge these discourses and evaluate the extent to which they have succeeded or failed in dismantling the structural forces of racism. 2.3 The Afro-Ecuadorian “Arrullo” Arrullosor lullabies are one of the most representative musical expressions of Afro-Ecuadorian culture in Ecuador, strongly linked to oral tradition and popular religious practices, particularly within Catholicism. This cultural manifestation is transmitted intergenerationally as a mechanism for preserving identity, notable for its relevance in ritual, festive, and community contexts (CastroMina, 2021). From Valdiviezo-Dávila (2022) perspective, arrullos are divided into two categories: to the Divine and to the Human. They are dedicated to sacred figures such as God, the Virgin Mary, the baby Jesus, and the saints, with lyrical content that is religious but not liturgical in nature. The latter address everyday and existential aspects of human beings, their environment, and their emotions, with chigualo ritual were arrullois a particular type of song to the human, used in funeral rituals for children under the age of seven, as Macera (2017) shows: In the northern Esmeraldas communities, when a child dies, they sing songs for these little angels. Buenviaje means have a good trip, because whoever embarks is going on a journey.They rock the child in a blanket while saying goodbye. They accompany the grief of the mother and father with their voices and the sounds of cununos, drums, guasás, and maracas. In these events, singing fulfills symbolic and spiritual functions, aimed at facilitating the transition of the infant's soul to the afterlife, while mitigating the pain of the family through songs, games, and dances. In terms of sociocultural spaces of representation, arrullos are mainly performed in the domestic sphere, but they also extend to the streets in religious processions. In both contexts, the songs are accompanied by traditional instruments such as the bass drum, cununos, guazá, or maracas, with a musical structure based on a dialogue between a soloist and the choir, in a responsorial form. During the processions, there is widespread and spontaneous community participation, with even people outside the organized groups joining in the singing, reinforcing its collective and devotional character. 2.4 The Alabaos According to Whitten (1992), the alabaos or praises are funeralmarches led by singers and prayers of the community. This ritual is a novena, or religious celebration for nine days, in the house of the deceased, where the relatives who no longer live in the community arrive day after day. It is surprising to see how in the alabaosrituals,games and the color white are present. At night, the drums that accompany the dead mix with the voices of the singers. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 35 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Alabaos are funeral rituals for deceased adults (Jaramillo, 2006).This distinguishes them from the arrullos and chigualos. 2.5 The “Chigualo” In Colombian and Ecuadorian literature, three authors talk about the chigualo or funeral ritual; based on this data, it can be considered a ritual with songs and music for the funeral of a black child. Regarding the etymology, there are several possible theories for the word chigualo. Bravo García (2012) refers to it as a variant of the Embera, an Amerindian languageand guaguathat means child. Costales (1995) believes that its etymology could be traced back to Atacameño, African, Tsáchila and even Caribbean. Cornejo (2025) states that the origin of the word chigualo is from the region of Manabí in Ecuador and that it was extracted from some of the songs that were part of the Christmas celebration. 2.6 A Case: The Malvinas' Children In 2024, Ecuador was shocked by the murder of four children in Guayaquil, anevent that sparked national and international outrage. The children, aged between nine andfifteen, were victims of brutal violence linked to the growing wave of organized crime in the country. According to investigations, these children were not involved in illicit activities and the last research showed that the four children were kidnapped and killed by the Ecuadorian military (FGE, 2024). During the funeral ceremony of the four children (Josué, Steven, Ismael and Saúl), the AfroEcuadorian people did the chigualo ritual and sang the arrullos. But this chigualo also had a charge of resistance (Caro, 2025). Based on Moncada (2025) people interviewed at the funeral said that theywould not forget the racism embedded in this case and in all those involving attacks against innocent blacks. Black people demanded truth, justice, punishment, reparation and non-repetition. A participant, from a black dance group, said that the case of the four of Guayaquil was the last straw and that the chigualoalso aimed to make the government understand that the Afroecuadorian people have rights. 3. Methodology This study employed a qualitative, descriptive research design grounded in bibliographic and audiovisual analysis, supplemented by primary data obtained through semi-structured interviews. The objective was to explore the chigualo rite through a multidisciplinary lens, integrating both academic and community-based perspectives. 3.1 Bibliographic Research The bibliographic research phase involved a comprehensive review of primary and secondary literature. Academic books and scientific journals were consulted to establish a theoretical framework and provide context grounded in established scholarship. In addition to academic literature, local and international newspapers were analyzed to obtain insights into the socio-cultural and historical dimensions of the research topic from a community- The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 36 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 based perspective. These newspapers were selected based on publication date relevance, regional specificity, and the presence of content directly related to the research focus. 3.2 Audiovisual Materials To enrich the analysis with contemporary and culturally embedded perspectives, a selection of YouTube videos was included. These audiovisual materials were chosen based on criteria such as content relevance, and the credibility of the content creators. Each video was critically assessed for accuracy, representation, and contribution to the broader understanding of the subject matter. 3.3 Primary Data Collection via Zoom Interviews To obtain firsthand perspectives, semi-structured interviews were conducted with native Spanish speakers from Esmeraldas and Manta (two cities in Ecuador) through Zoom video calls and voice recorder. Two adult participants were selected using purposive sampling to ensure cultural and linguistic relevance. Interviews were conducted in the participants' native language (Spanish). Each session was recorded—with permission—for transcription and subsequent thematic analysis. 3.4 Data Integration and Analysis Data from all sources were triangulated to enhance validity and provide a multidimensional understanding of the research question. Thematic coding was employed to identify patterns and relationships across the various types of data. Particular attention was paid to aligning the scholarly discourse with vernacular and experiential knowledge, thereby enriching the study’s analytical depth. 4. Results and Discussion The three analyzed interviews reveal that chigualo is not just an isolated cultural practice; it is a system of meaning deeply rooted in the Afro-Ecuadorian worldview. Through music, words, the body, and community, chigualo redefines the concept of childhood death, establishes a connection to the sacred, and becomes a powerful form of symbolic and political resistance in contexts of racial violence. 4.1 Chigualo as a Ritual of Passage, Community, and Musicality In the first interview, chigualo is presented as a ritual specific to the Afroecuadorian people, activated by the death of a young child. The ceremony takes place during the wake and on the way to the cemetery. It is characterized by its collective, musical, and improvised nature, in which attendees sing verses called “arrullos” through a responsorial structure, for example: Cantemos, cantemos, vamos a cantar, el niño se ha ido y en el cielo está. No llores, negrita, por tu hijo ya, los ángeles del cielo lo van a cuidar. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 37 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Dancemos con el niño, el niño se va.1 The lullaby shifts between two primary semantic fields: Those of loss and death: Examples include "The child is gone," "He is in heaven," and "Don't cry." and that of celebration and consolation: "Let's sing," "Let's dance," "The angels will take care of him." The child represents purity, innocence, and a life cut short. The sky serves as a symbol of transcendence, rest, and eternal peace. It implies that death is not the end but an elevation. Angels embody divine protection and loving care in the afterlife. Singing and dancing have ritual value. They are not merely festive acts, but rather communal expressions of emotional catharsis where pain is transformed into song. The poetic voice takes on a comforting, collective tone. Addressing a negrita (a maternal or affectionate figure) directly and using the plural let's sing and let's dance includes the community. This expresses solidarity in grief and a search for relief through unity and spirituality. This tension between sadness and consolation is central; the poetic voice transforms the pain of a child's death into a ritual song that seeks to mitigate grief. The repetition of let’s sing and the use of imperatives don't cry, let's sing emphasize the idea that action is a form of emotional resistance. The rhythmic structure reinforces the idea that singing communicates and heals. Attendees improvise couplets expressing grief, hope, and spiritual connection while playing AfroCuban instruments such as the bass drum, cununo, guasá, and maracas (see Appendix A). Adiós, niñito, la gloria me está llamando… Adiós, niñito, la gloria me está llamando. Niñito, sube hasta el cielo, la gloria me está llamando. Anda a limpiar los caminos, la gloria me está llamando, para cuando te vayas ahí, la gloria me está llamando. Tu padre y tu madrina, la gloria me está llamando…2 The lullaby falls within the semantic field of death and spiritual transcendence. In this context, the departure of the little boy is depicted as a transition to a sacred space called glory. The constant repetition of the phrase glory is calling me acts as a central semantic axis, linking earthly and heavenly life. Semantic elements associated with travel and purification also appear (climb up to heaven, go clean the paths) reinforcing the idea of an ascending path to a divine dimension. Together, these elements articulate a dual semantic field: one of human farewell and one of hope in the immortality of the soul. From a symbolic standpoint, the little boy represents innocence and spiritual purity (traits that render him worthy of glory). In turn, this term functions as a symbol of salvation and an encounter with the divine. It evokes the heavenly glory of Christianity and the culturally shared notion of eternal fulfillment. Cleaning the paths can be interpreted as a symbol of purification before spiritual 1Extract 1: Lullaby esmeraldeño taken from the interview with participant number 1. 2Extract 2: Lullaby esmeraldeño taken from the interview with participant number 1. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 38 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 transition, a ritual preparation for entering the afterlife. The secondary characters, the father and godmother, represent the child's connection to the earthly community. Although they remain in the material world, they symbolically participate in the farewell and elevation of the child's soul. In the face of the child's death, the poetic voice adopts an attitude of serene resignation and transcendent acceptance. Rather than a heart-wrenching lament, there is a tone of acceptance of the child's departure as a natural and divine calling. The repeated use of the imperative go up and go reveals a guiding voice that accompanies the child on his journey to Heaven, giving the text a ritualistic character. In this way, the poetic voice acts as a mediator between human loss and religious hope. The repeated phrase Glory is calling me serves a fundamental semantic and aesthetic function, transforming the lullaby into a litany or ritual chant. Semantically, the musicality of the poem provides emotional catharsis by softening the pain of loss through harmonious repetition of hope. Thus, the poem communicates an experience of grief and transfigures it into a spiritual chant. In this chant, the poetic word acts as a vehicle of consolation and transcendence. This form of farewell transforms death into a shared act of cultural affirmation. As Pérez (2018) points out, Afro-descendant funeral rituals are mechanisms for community building and collective healing, as well as religious expressions. 4.2 Intercultural Differences: The Ambiguous Appropriation of the Term Chigualo In the second interview, the participant from Manabí uses the term chigualo to describe a type of lullaby or soft couplet with pious or emotional content. It is used at children's wakes and religious celebrations, such as Christmas. Unlike in the Afro-Esmeraldas context, in this case, the chigualo is an individual or family practice. It lacks the rhythmic-percussive component and is more closely linked toMontubio (from the region of Manabí) Catholic religiosity, for example: Duerme, mi niño, duérmete ya, que viene un ángel y te cuidará, y entre los cielos vas a pasear, con el buen Dios que te va a cuidar.3 The lullaby is set within the semantic field of divine protection and eternal rest. In this context, the figure of the child is central as the object of heavenly care. The terms sleep, angel, heavens and God create a semantic universe that links sleep to spiritual peace and transitioning to a higher state. In this context, sleeping becomes a metaphor for death as rest and liberation, transcending its literal meaning. The poem's maternal and calm tone suggests that death is not a definitive loss but part of a natural cycle of protection and spiritual continuity in the divine realm. The symbols that structure the lullaby (the angel, the sky, and the good Lord) refer to a Christian belief system in which the soul of a child is guarded and guided by higher powers. The dream symbolizes peace and purity, and the angel represents a mediator between the earthly and heavenly realms, ensuring the child's well-being after death. Mention of the good Lord reinforces the 3Extract 3: Lullabymontubio taken from the interview with participant number 2. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 45 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Segato, R. L. (2007). The Nation and Its Others: Race, Ethnicity, and Religious Diversity in Times of Identity Politics. Prometeo. Torres-Candelejo, J. M. (2022). Las prácticas shamánicas del pueblo Chachi en el norte de Esmeraldas, Ecuador. SciELO Preprints. https://doi.org/10.1590/SciELOPreprints.3807 Valdiviezo Dávila, L. G. (2022). El arrullo: de su presencia en la provincia ecuatoriana de Esmeraldas. Revista Estudios del Desarrollo Social: Cuba y América Latina, 10(3). http://scielo.sld.cu/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S230801322022000300012&lng=es&tlng=es Vera-Santos, R. E. (2021). Hate crime and racial discrimination in Ecuador: The case of Michael Arce in ESMIL. International Journal of Discrimination and the Law, 21(2), 117–138. https://doi.org/10.1177/13582291211002972 Vidal-Fernández, P., Navas-Guzmán, L., Quiroz-Párraga, M., & Murillo-Bustillos, H. P. (2018). Sociedad e identidad cultural manabita y su transmisión en la educación general básica en Manta. Revista San Gregorio, 1(24), 24–33. https://doi.org/10.36097/rsan.v1i24.662 Whitten, N. (1992). Pioneros Negros. La cultura Afro-Latinoamerica del Ecuador y de Colombia. AfroEcuadorian Cultural Center. http://repositoriointerculturalidad.ec/jspui/handle/123456789/4549 Appendices Appendix A Transcript of the interview with participant # 1 Date: August 23, 2025 Modality: Virtual interview (Zoom) Duration: 15 minutes, 10 seconds Participant: Interviewee 1 (Middle school teacher from Esmeraldas) Interviewer: Principal investigator of the project Entrevistadora: Buenos días. ¿Cuál es su nombre completo? Participante 1: XXXXX Entrevistadora: Un gusto. Mi nombre es XXX. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 46 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Le doy gracias a Dios por tenerla aquí, y para mí es una oportunidad muy grande de conocer sobre la cultura afroecuatoriana, ya que, a pesar de yo ser afroecuatoriana, no he vivido mucho en Esmeraldas… muy poco tiempo, solo en vacaciones: un mes, cada dos años, cada tres años. Y desconozco esta cultura. Pero quería tener la oportunidad de entrevistarle para conocer este tema, que son los chigualos y los arrullos afroecuatorianos. Entonces, si me cuenta un poquito de usted, ¿de dónde es? Participante 1: A ver, le comento. Yo soy de aquí, de Esmeraldas. Soy la directora de una agrupación de música y danza afro. Entrevistadora: Ya. Participante 1: XXXX se llama mi agrupación. Aparte de eso, compongo música afroecuatoriana, unos que otros poemas también, y me dedico a lo de la cultura, muy aparte del presente. También trabajo con chicos, fomentando la cultura para que no se pierda. Con el pasar del tiempo, usted sabe, son cosas que de pronto nos enseñaron los abuelos, y ahora la tecnología está dejando a un lado todo lo que es lo de nuestra cultura. El chigualo es una ceremonia fúnebre del cadáver de un niño menor de siete años, que se practica aquí en Esmeraldas y en el Ecuador, ¿no? A veces lo toman en algunas zonas del Pacífico, pero realmente es ecuatoriano. Esto es un ritual entonado por músicos, cantadoras, cantadores… donde se despide al niño, a la criatura, con cantos alegres —en algunas ocasiones con baile— y se asegura que el niño que ya ha fallecido va a llegar, aparentemente, al cielo, ¿no?, porque en la tierra está sin pecado. Así se dice. En la ceremonia de los arrullos son cantos a capela, una voz —como usted dice— replica dependiendo de la canción o lo que quieren expresar, y las otras personas responden como coro de acompañamiento, ¿no? Y otros palmean, y así se va cantando un recital. Es marcado por bombos, cununos, maracas, guasá, al ritmo bambuqueado, bunde y juga, ¿no? En general, cuando fallece un niño… Le doy un ejemplo, ¿no? De ahí: “Adiós, niñito, la gloria me está llamando”, ¿sí? Entonces comienza el solista. Comienza: Adiós, niñito, la gloria me está llamando. Niñito, sube hasta el cielo, la gloria me está llamando. Anda a limpiar los caminos, la gloria me está llamando, para cuando te vayas ahí, la gloria… Y así sucesivamente: Tu padre y tu madrina, la gloria me está llamando… The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 47 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Entonces eso es el solista y el coro. Y así sucesivamente va cantando mucho, mucho chigualo: que vamos a cantar al niño que se va al cielo, “no llores, negrita…”, y así sucesivamente. Y usted va expresando por medio de versos. El verso que se le venga a usted, mientras están tocando, lo envía… y la gente comienza y responde. Porque usted canta pongamos, como le estaba diciendo—, porque hay gente que se alegra y otra que sí llora… y así sucesivamente, ¿no?Y de eso se trata lo que es el chigualo. Entrevistadora: O sea, podemos decir que el chigualo es la ceremonia, y el arrullo es el canto, ¿no? Participante 1: El arrullo es el canto que se hace durante la noche, porque son angelitos. Entrevistadora: Entonces, una pregunta: ¿usted en algún momento ha tenido la oportunidad de estar en un velorio de un niño y escucharlos cantar y participar? Participante 1: Participar, sí. Entrevistadora: Entonces, una pregunta: ¿quién empieza con el canto? ¿Es alguna persona de la familia o llaman a alguien que sepa hacer estos cantos? Participante 1: Por lo general, contratan a personas que canten… que saben. Justamente es la familia, ¿no? Si en la familia alguien sabe, algún rato “mete un verso”, porque así les dicen: “meter un verso”. Están los instrumentos y comienza cualquiera. Comienzan a tocar, y quien se sabe el verso lo manda. Y así justamente la gente que sabe va metiendo un verso, y se va dando la algarabía del chigualo al niño. Nosotros hundimos el bombo en un palo, o en las casas que tienen el techo con madera… usted ve, comienza a tocar y la gente a replicar. Eso es el chigualo aquí en Esmeraldas. Entrevistadora: ¿Y eso se da en la noche anterior al momento de la… o sea, la noche del velorio, donde están en casa velando al niño, y luego se lo lleva al cementerio o en el camino al cementerio? Participante 1: A ver… el niño fallece, y en la noche del velorio uno se amanece tocando. Y si los familiares desean, pues en el trayecto que se lo lleva también se va cantando. Entrevistadora: Pero usted me decía algo: que se está perdiendo la tradición. Participante 1: Sí, se está perdiendo la tradición, porque más que todo aquí en Esmeraldas, poco le llaman la atención a nuestra cultura. Pocos son los de los arrullos. Más eso vemos en nuestra gente afro, y los abuelos conservan. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 48 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Entrevistadora: Entonces, usted ya me hizo ahorita una demostración. No sé si me puede hacer otro versito para ya culminar con esta investigación que me ha servido mucho. Me va a servir mucho poder transcribir toda esta información. Participante 1: Dice un chigualo: Cantemos, cantemos, vamos a cantar, el niño se ha ido y en el cielo está. No llores, negrita, por tu hijo ya, los ángeles del cielo lo van a cuidar. Dancemos con el niño, el niño se va. ¿Listo? Entrevistadora: ¡Muy bien! Muchísimas gracias. Ha sido una bendición poderla escuchar, poder compartir con usted hoy día. No sé si tiene algo más que compartirme al respecto de… Participante 1: Justamente, acotando un poquito con la manera de ustedes allá en Manabí de hacer un chigualo… Acá eso es un arrullo, porque uno arrulla a lo divino y a uno como persona, ¿no? Entonces, lo que ustedes hacen para nosotros es arrullo. Entonces no es igual, sino que a veces nosotros por no saber las cosas, hacemos las cosas como que no es, ¿no?, por no tener el conocimiento. Entrevistadora: Una pregunta: ¿en Navidad ustedes sí cantan estos versitos al Niño Dios? Entrevistadora: Por ejemplo, mire, le voy a dar un ejemplo de uno de los chigualos de aquí de Manabí: "Buenas noches, Niño, noche le estoy dando, con este versito le estoy saludando…" Nosotros a eso llamamos chigualo acá. Participante 1: No. Eso es el arrullo allá. Y sí, se da en Navidad. Sí, uno hace la Navidad Negra, donde se canta arrullos afro, arrullos navideños, concursos en instituciones… y eso es. Los arrullos serían a los santos, a la Virgen del Carmen, a la Virgen del Cisne, a San Antonio… Entonces, son… Entrevistadora: Qué interesante, qué interesante esta diferencia. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 49 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Muchísimas gracias. Gracias de todo corazón por haberse reunido hoy día, que es día de vacaciones, y estamos aquí en nombre de la cultura, reunidas. Un gusto conocerla. Participante 1: Gracias. ¡Lindo día! Appendix B Transcript of the interview with participant #2 Date: August 22, 2025 Modality: Face to face, the voice recorder of a Samsung Android A 23 phone was used. Duration: 10 minutes Participant: Interviewee 1 (Middle school teacher from Manta) Interviewer: Principal investigator of the project Entrevistador: Este… estoy aquí con el participante número dos, que es de Manabí. Cuéntenos, ¿de dónde es usted? Participante 2: Bueno, yo nací en Manta, pero mi familia es montubia de la zona de Junín, de Río Chico, de la zona de Calderón y Miguelillo del cantón, Portoviejo. Somos una familia que todavía guarda las tradiciones: en la comida, las costumbres, en la misma religión… Casi todos somos católicos, mantenemos tradiciones. Entrevistador: Hablando del chigualo, ¿qué se puede… qué nos puede decir? ¿Cómo, qué es el chigualo para un manabita? Participante 2: Bueno, para un manabita, un chigualo es un verso blanco, en el sentido de que son palabras suaves, canturreado, sencillo. No es pícaro como el amorfino. Es una especie de copla suave, un versito suave que se comparte en ciertas ocasiones. Entrevistador: ¿Como por ejemplo? Participante 2: Por ejemplo, para Navidad. Pero también, en la antigüedad, cuando había velorios. Nuestra costumbre manabita es que se realizaban velorios para la Virgen, para los santos, para los niños pequeños que mueren —que a esos se les llama "angelitos"—. Entonces, se organizaban velorios, y en muchos lugares de nuestra campiña se les canturreaba. No es como el arrullo… el “arrurru mi niño”, así, en el campo. Aunque también lo he escuchado de gente que viene de fuera, que tiene tradición de campo, y también en Esmeraldas. The Afro-Ecuadorian Chigualo: A Ritual to Face Death and Racism. . . LinFo www.linguisticforum.com 50 Linguistic Forum 7(1), 2025 Entrevistador: ¿Y nos puede decir un ejemplo de chigualo? Participante 2: Por ejemplo, hay uno que se canta cuando se muere un niñito: "Duerme, mi niño, duérmete ya, que viene un ángel y te cuidará, y entre los cielos vas a pasear, con el buen Dios que te va a cuidar." Entrevistador: Muchísimas gracias.