The Mediterranean as the EU Human Rights Boundary

The Pluriverse of Human Rights The impasse currently affecting human rights as a language used to express struggles for dignity is, to a large extent, a refection of the epistemological and political exhaustion which blights the global North. Since the global hegemony of human rights as a language for human dignity is nowadays incontrovertible, the question of whether it can be used in a counter-hegemonic sense remains open. Inspired by struggles from all corners of the world that reveal the potential but, above all, the limitations of human rights, this book offers a highly conditional response. The prevailing notion of human rights today, as the hegemonic language of human dignity, can only be resignifed on the basis of answers to simple questions: why does so much unjust human suffering exist that is not considered a violation of human rights? Do other languages of human dignity exist in the world? Are these other languages compatible with the language of human rights? Obviously, we can only fnd satisfactory answers to these questions if we are able to envisage a radical transformation of what is nowadays known as human rights. Herein lies the challenge posed by the Epistemologies of the South: reconciling human rights with the different languages and forms of knowledge born out of struggles for human dignity. Boaventura de Sousa Santos is Emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Coimbra (Portugal), and Distinguished Legal Scholar at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (USA). He has written extensively on globalization, sociology of law and the state, epistemology and social movements. One of his most recent publications The End of the Cognitive Empire: The Coming of Age of Epistemologies of the South (2018). Bruno Sena Martins is a senior researcher at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra and co-coordinator of the Doctoral Program Human Rights in Contemporary Societies. He was Vice-President of CES/UC Scientifc Board and Co-coordinator of the Democracy, Citizenship and Law Research Group (DECIDe). His research interests include racism, disability, human rights and colonialism. Epistemologies of the South The global North has faced growing diffculty in making sense of the broad changes sweeping the world, from the fnancialization and neo-liberalization of the world economy to the growth of inequality on an unknown scale in its persistence, extension and diversifcation of segregation, discrimination and violence. Uneasiness has been growing within the social sciences at the feeling of inadequacy and even irrelevance of current work and established theory in its attempt to get to grips with such a world. The main idea underlying this series is that the experience of the world is much broader than the Eurocentric understanding, and what is known as the global South has been for centuries—and remains in contemporary times—an inexhaustible source of experiences, knowledges, political and social innovations, and celebrations of difference. Challenging the canonical and Eurocentric epistemological tradition, including the social sciences and humanities themselves, this series innovates through the encounter and dialogue with other epistemologies that have historically emerged in the South. Series Editor: Boaventura de Sousa Santos, University of Coimbra (Portugal) Epistemologies of the South Justice Against Epistemicide Boaventura de Sousa Santos Knowledges Born in the Struggle Constructing the Epistemologies of the Global South Edited by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Maria Paula Meneses Demodiversity Towards Post-Abyssal Democracies Edited by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Maria Paula Meneses The Pluriverse of Human Rights The Diversity of Struggles for Dignity Edited by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins The Pluriverse of Human Rights The Diversity of Struggles for Dignity Edited by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins First published 2021 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Taylor & Francis The right of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Santos, Boaventura de Sousa, editor. | Martins, Bruno Sena, editor. Title: The pluriverse of human rights: the diversity of struggles for dignity/edited by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins. Description: New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Epistemologies of the south Identifiers: LCCN 2020055587 | ISBN 9781032012216 (hbk) | ISBN 9781032012223 (pbk) | ISBN 9781003177722 (ebk) Subjects: LCSH: Human rights. | Dignity. | Social change. Classification: LCC JC571 .P575 2021 | DDC 323–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020055587 ISBN: 978-1-032-01222-3 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-01221-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-17772-2 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India Contents List of Contributors Preface Acknowledgements vii xi xiii Introduction BOAVENTURA DE SOUSA SANTOS AND BRUNO SENA MARTINS 1 PART I Human Frontiers 19 1 Human Rights, Democracy and Development BOAVENTURA DE SOUSA SANTOS 21 2 “A Being Who is Not Made to Suffer”: On the Difference of the Human and on the Differences of Humans JOÃO ARRISCADO NUNES 41 3 On the Coloniality of Human Rights NELSON MALDONADO-TORRES 62 PART II Struggles and Emergences 83 4 Revisiting the Bhopal Disaster: Times of Violence and Latitudes of Memory BRUNO SENA MARTINS 85 vi Contents 5 Pluralism and the Post-Minority Condition: Refections on the “Pasmanda Muslim” Discourse in North India KHALID ANIS ANSARI 106 6 Picturing Law, Reform and Sexual Violence: Notes on the Delhi Protests of 2012–2013 PRATIKSHA BAXI 128 7 Women and Mass Violence in Mozambique during the Late Colonial Period MARIA PAULA MENESES 148 8 Women’s Human Rights, Legal Mobilization and Epistemologies of the South CECÍLIA MACDOWELL SANTOS 168 9 The Power of Racism in Academia: Knowledge Production and Political Disputes MARTA ARAÚJO AND SILVIA R. MAESO 186 10 The Roma Collective Memory and the Epistemological Limits of Western Historiography CAYETANO FERNÁNDEZ 205 11 Rights, Confnement and Liberation: Rearguard Theory and Freedom of Movements JULIA SUÁREZ-KRABBE 218 12 The Mediterranean as the EU Human Rights Boundary ANGELES CASTAÑO MADROÑAL 237 Conclusion BOAVENTURA DE SOUSA SANTOS AND BRUNO SENA MARTINS 256 Contributors Khalid Anis Ansari is Senior Assistant Professor (Sociology) and Director of Dr. Ambedkar Centre for Exclusion Studies & Transformative Action (ACESTA) at Glocal University, India. He broadly works in the feld of social and cultural theory and takes keen interest in both grassroots organizing and scholarly interventions to publicize the history of resistance movements, particularly the sociopolitical aspirations of subordinated caste Pasmanda Muslims. He was awarded the HIVOS PhD Fellowship—Pluralism Knowledge Programme (2010–2013) for his doctoral work on caste movements among Indian Muslims with the University of Humanistic Studies (UvH), Utrecht, the Netherlands. Marta Araújo holds a PhD from the University of London (2003). She is Principal Researcher at the Centre for Social Studies (CES) since 2005, where she lectures in the PhD Programmes “Democracy in the 21st Century” and “Human Rights in Contemporary Societies”. She is Guest Lecturer in the Black Europe Summer School (International Institute for Research and Education, Amsterdam). She has published internationally, and currently is a member of the Editorial Board of publications on sociology, race and education, in Brazil, Britain, Portugal and the United States. Her research interests centre on the (re)production and challenging of racism and Eurocentrism, with a particular interest in education. Pratiksha Baxi is Associate Professor at the Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, holds a doctoral degree from the Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi. She has an abiding interest in researching the social life of law, violence and gender. She has published widely on rape, sexual harassment, “honour crimes”, mass violence, medical jurisprudence, politics of judicial reform, access to justice, and feminism. She has authored Public Secrets of Law: Rape Trials in India (Delhi: OUP, 2014). This book is an ethnographic account of rape trials in Gujarat. Baxi initiated and continues to lead the Law and Social Sciences Research Network (LASSnet), anchored at the Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University. This interdisciplinary network has brought together more than fve hundred scholars, researchers and lawyers from different parts of the world viii Contributors Angeles Castaño Madroñal holds a PhD in Social Anthropology from the University of Seville and is Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Seville, Spain. She is Coordinator of the group “Estudios para el Desarrollo ICoDeS Medi-África” of the University of Seville. She is currently working on interculturalism, racism and subalternities in Andalusia from the perspective of decolonial studies, with a focus on the Mediterranean context. Cayetano Fernández is a junior researcher at the Centre for Social Studies (CES), currently integrated in the project POLITICS—The politics of anti-racism in Europe and Latin America: knowledge production, decision-making and collective struggles, particularly in the research stream “Cultures of Scholarship and State Universities: the study of racism and (post)colonialism in higher education”. In collaboration with the University of Granada (Spain) and other entities, he has been working in several researches related to Roma in different felds. Currently, his research interest focuses on Racism in Academia, particularly, in the anti-gypsyism produced in the feld of the so-called Romani Studies. He is also a founder-member of the Roma Decolonial organization Kale Amenge, a collective project which aims to link knowledge production and Roma advocacy. Silvia R. Maeso holds a PhD in Political Sociology from the University of the Basque Country. Silvia is Principal Researcher at Centre for Social Studies (CES) and member of the Research Group on Democracy, Citizenship and Law (DECIDe). She lectures in the PhD Programmes: “Democracy in the 21st Century” (FEUC/CES) and “Human Rights in Contemporary Societies” (CES/IIIUC); and in the International Master “Roads to Democracy(ies)” (UC/University of Siegen). She was recently awarded a Consolidator Grant, funded by the European Research Council, with the project POLITICS—The politics of anti-racism in Europe and Latin America: knowledge production, decision-making and collective struggles. Nelson Maldonado-Torres is Professor of Latino and Caribbean Studies, and of Comparative Literature at Rutgers University, New Brunswick. Director of the Rutgers Advanced Institute in Critical Caribbean Studies. Former President of the Caribbean Philosophical Association (2008–2013), and 2018–2019 Academy of Sciences of South Africa’s Distinguished Visiting Scholar, his publications include Against War: Views from the Underside of Modernity (Duke UP, 2008), and the collection of essays La descolonización y el giro decolonial, compiled by the Universidad de la Tierra (Chiapas, Mexico) in 2011. He has published a numerous articles and book chapters, and has also guest edited two special issues on “mapping the decolonial turn” for the journal Transmodernity. Contributors ix Bruno Sena Martins is a senior researcher at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra and co-coordinator of the Doctoral Program “Human Rights in Contemporary Societies”. He was Vice-President of CES/UC Scientific Board and Co-coordinator of the research group “Democracy, Citizenship and Law Research Group (DECIDe)”. His research interests include racism, disability, human rights and colonialism. He has undertaken ethnographic fieldwork in Portugal, India and Mozambique. Maria Paula Meneses, a Mozambican scholar, is currently a principal researcher at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra. Previously she taught at Eduardo Mondlane University (Mozambique) and University of Seville (Spain). At the heart of her research interests are the relations between knowledge, power and societies, paying special attention to people who experienced the violence of the colonial encounter. Among the books she edited are Law and Justice in a Multicultural Society: The Case of Mozambique (with Boaventura de Sousa Santos and João Carlos Trindade, 2006); Epistemologías del Sur (Epistemologies of the South, with Boaventura de Sousa Santos, 2009); and Mozambique on the Move. Challenges and Reflections (with Sheila Khan and Bjorn Bertelsen, 2018). João Arriscado Nunes is Professor of Sociology at the School of Economics and Senior Researcher at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra. Co-coordinator of the Doctoral Program “Governance, Knowledge and Innovation” and a member of the coordinating team of the project ALICE— Strange Mirrors, Unexpected Lessons, directed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos and funded by the European Research Council. Boaventura de Sousa Santos is Emeritus Professor of Sociology and director of Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra (Portugal), and Distinguished Legal Scholar at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (USA). He has written and published widely on the issues of globalization, sociology of law and the state, epistemology and social movements. Among his most recent publications are Cognitive Justice in a Global World: Prudent Knowledges for a Decent Life (2007); Epistemologies of the South: Justice against Epistemicide (2014); If God Were a Human Rights Activist, Stanford University Press (2015); Épistémologies du Sud (2016); Decolonising the University. The Challenge of Deep Cognitive Justice (2017); The End of the Cognitive Empire: The Coming of Age of Epistemologies of the South (2018). Cecília Macdowell Santos holds a PhD in Sociology from the University of California-Berkeley and a Master in Law from the University of São Paulo. She is Researcher at the Centre for Social Studies (CES) at the University of Coimbra and Professor of Sociology at the University of San Francisco (USF). At CES, she is a member of the Research Group on Democracy, Citizenship and Law (DECIDe), co-coordinates the PhD program on “Human Rights in 2 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins Condemned to irrelevance or cynical exploitation, the most harmful consequence of the crystallization or acritical celebration of human rights is that it undervalues struggles and forms of knowledge which, in many regions of the world, offer resistance to present inequalities and past injustices. Concepts of human dignity are emerging, forged from these struggles and knowledge, which could be combined with the language of human rights if the latter could be conceived of as a key element in an intercultural and emancipatory ecology of ideas of human dignity. This is the paradox which we must examine. Potentially, human rights has a plasticity that could enable it to form part of the radical agendas for resistance in the context of counter-hegemonic struggles. However, it has been held hostage to a form of metonymic reasoning that chains it to an understanding of the world that is reduced to a Western understanding. In an attempt to overcome this metonymic reasoning in the search for counter-hegemonic narratives, we have adopted the epistemologies of the South. As formulated by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, this is a set of inquiries into the construction and validation of knowledge born in struggle, of ways of knowing developed by social groups as part of their resistance against the systematic injustices and oppressions caused by capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy (Santos, 2014). Envisaging human rights as a counter-hegemonic language implies understanding why unjust suffering and so many violations of human dignity are not recognized as violations of human rights. Not only is the vulnerability of life unequally distributed throughout the world, but there are certain enduring perspectives on empathy and recognition of humanity which still prevent certain lives and forms of suffering from qualifying as “grievable” (Butler, 2004). In the same sense, Njabulo Ndebele, referring to racism as the key defning element of borders in the context of South Africa, denounces what he describes as the “global sanctity of the white body” (2007: 137), a body attributed with an inviolable status, in inverse proportion to the vulnerability of the black body. This interpretation presents us with the need to confront the problematic relationship between the hegemonic language of human rights and the enduring hierarchies between humans, based on differences between their bodies, livelihoods, ancestry, gods, desires and passions, memories and the territories they inhabit. We must also address the way in which certain violations of human dignity are recognized and ranked within interpretative frameworks and plans of action determined by geopolitical realism and imperialism (Falk, 2009), the rationale for the intermittent presence of humanitarianism (Agier, 2010; Barnett, 2011) and the construction of vulnerable victims devoid of knowledge or agency (Das, 2007; Merry, 2007). These frameworks of understanding reveal how violations of human rights are registered (but not recognized as such) without sounding the rallying cry of “never again” to make any effective changes to the structures responsible for distributing precariousness within human dignity. Envisaging human rights as part of a collective of languages of dignity would imply beginning with a profound understanding of the voices (the cries and Introduction 3 murmurs), struggles (resistance and riots), memories (traumatic and triumphant) and bodies (wounded and insubmissive) of those subalternized by modern hierarchies based on capitalism, colonialism and patriarchy. It involves producing a sociology of absences (Santos, 2006, 2014), revealing the existence of the inhabitants of the “zones of non-being” (Fanon, 1952), zones that have been dispossessed, yet are capable of remarkable resurgence. Only then will it be possible to understand the grammars of dignity in terms of the different senses of the human that emerge from the contexts in which they are lived. Essentially, we are referring to the limitless experience of the world in which the “epistemologies of the South” are rooted (Santos, 2014), which brings us closer to the reality of those who are fghting for the right to be considered human (Baxi, 1986). Since the South is most clearly defned by the fact that it has been silenced, listening carefully to these forms of resistance and resurgence presents a challenge that is more diffcult than it may seem and it is highly likely that some of these silences have been reproduced in the pages of this book. The task which it proposes is precisely that of thinking critically about the absences, emergences and possible intercultural translations that can be used beyond conventional human rights. From this, we can advance with a provisional mapping of what we term post-abyssal human dignities, necessarily constructed upstream of what we consider to be the abyssal genealogy of human rights. In order to do so, it is important to begin by looking at the past and present of conventional human rights. Hegemonic or Conventional Human Rights The search for a counter-hegemonic concept of human rights must start with an understanding of the historical path by which it is has come to be conventionally understood and defended or, in other words, the current dominant concepts associated with its liberal, individualist and Western matrix and the prevailing frst-generation liberties (civil and political rights). The global hegemony of human rights as a language of human dignity coexists alongside the disturbing realization most of the world’s population is not the subject of human rights, but the object of its discourse. In this sense, the way in which the discourse of human rights has been consolidated, by separating subjects and objects, is aptly described by Makau Mutua (2001), who argues that a founding metaphor exists in the “savages, victims and saviours” triad, from which hegemonic practises and discourses have been established for human rights. Many of the limitations that can be identifed in the emancipatory potential of conventional human rights are linked to a triumphalist teleology which sees the notion of human dignity conveyed in human rights as the product solely of Western history and culture, which should be universalized as an unconditional human asset. It assumes that all other alternative grammars of human dignity which have competed with it throughout history are inherently inferior in ethical or political terms. 4 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins This “teleological illusion” (Santos, 2015) leads the temptation to draw up a linear narrative that establishes its own precursors. Thus, as Samuel Moyn observes, it is common to fnd historical narratives which defne such diverse elements as the natural law of Aristotle, Christian universalism, natural law, the United States Declaration of Independence (1776), the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (France, 1789) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) (Moyn, 2010) as the precursors of the current international system of human rights. This linear narrative is the result of the bias which is introduced by reading history backwards, so that the past is constructed on the basis of the current hegemony of the Eurocentric concept of human rights. We have argued (Santos, 2015) that this linearity is implausible, given that at any point in history different ideas of human dignity would have been competing against each other and the triumph of one, in this case human rights, is a contingency that can be explained a posteriori but could not have been foreseen in any deterministic sense. Thus, the historical triumph of human rights has very often translated into a violent reconfguration of history: the same acts which—viewed from the perspective of other concepts of human dignity—were acts of oppression or domination are reconfgured as acts of emancipation and liberation when carried out in the name of human rights. This reconfguration is characteristic of a broader process inherent to Western modernity: on the one hand, it demands the unequivocal superiority of Western traditions, clearing them of associations with the colonial-racist matrix whilst, on the other hand, it masks the fact that the monocultural affrmation of the West is based on the continuing appropriation of traditions and knowledge from other continents and places in the world,1 made possible by the colonial project. As Aníbal Quijano (2005) and Enrique Dussel (2000) have shown, the epistemological arrogance of Western modernity is the other face of the arrogance of the modern colonial conquest. One good example of this construction of a linear narrative for human rights is the precedence that has been established for the declarations resulting from the independence of the United States of America, the French Revolution and the human rights system established after the Second World War.2 In fact, had it not been for the Second World War and the impact of the Holocaust, there is nothing to suggest the emergence of human rights, frstly because the values on which they are based were not even minimally disseminated or incorporated into public opinion and, secondly, because human rights are the by-product of a traditional system of intergovernmental politics (Falk, 1999). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was only ratifed internationally due to a combination of bad conscience, indifference and cynicism on the part of heads of state, and the idealism of certain, less important, diplomats (Falk, 2000, 2009; Glendon, 2001; Moyn, 2010). In fact, until the 1970s, human rights had a negligible impact on struggles for human dignity that was virtually limited to strategic denunciations exchanged between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. The Introduction 5 consensus was that civil and political rights took precedence over economic and social rights. In the 1970s, however, human rights began to play an unforeseen leading role in the international arena when it was adopted as the only available emancipatory narrative in the face of the apparent failure of the socialist utopia and the crisis in the idea of the nation state (Moyn, 2010). The fact that human rights took root internationally within a liberal matrix which conceived of them as individual rights, thus prioritizing civil and political rights, cannot be separated from the way in which were imposed on the ruins of the socialist utopia. In fact, as many other authors have noted, the emergence of human rights as a language of dignity from the 1970s onwards coincides with the indisputable hegemony of neoliberalism worldwide in the face of the collapse of the socialist regimes. Moreover, the terms of this historic convergence have been the subject of some interesting discussions, such as the debate between Susan Marks and Samuel Moyn. Focussing on the historical interpretation of human rights produced by Moyn in The last utopia (2010), Susan Marks (2013) accuses the author of failing to consider the extent to which the consolidation of the human rights movement from the 1970s onwards was instrumental in the establishment and spread of a neoliberal regime characterized by its promotion of privatization, deregulation and the dismantling of the Welfare State. She emphasizes, for example, the way in which this connection surfaces in the work of Naomi Klein (2007), who considers the emergence of the human rights movement a relevant condition for the consolidation of neoliberalism. The key question was, faced with escalating neoliberalism, how human rights could create a culture of denouncing the abuses of neoliberalism without confronting the structural conditions which make these abuses possible. Moyn responded by repeating that the emergence of human rights and the consolidation of neoliberalism were historically contemporaneous and identifed what he claimed were common negative conditions, namely the focus on post-colonial and developmentalist states, a commitment to prioritize the individual and individual liberties, and a lack of faith in the state, even when the success of both these projects depended on it (Moyn, 2014: 155, 156). However, for Moyn the relationship between neoliberalism and human rights ends with these shared negative conditions and the fact that the hegemonic establishment of both was contemporaneous, since he considered it excessive, on the basis of the existing data, to talk about any interdependence or synergy (conversely, Moyn considers that the interdependence between imperialism and human rights is stronger, although intermittent). Yet, even though he rejects the idea of any deep complicity or co-dependency with neoliberalism, Moyn recognizes that the discourse of human rights has been powerless to produce a systemic critique of socioeconomic relations that are increasingly defned by the unequal distribution of wealth. Instead of criticizing human rights, Moyn claims that the critics of neoliberalism should acknowledge its unsuitability, as an apolitical language, to contest economic, structural and systemic inequalities, 6 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins implying that there is a need for other languages of dissent that would serve this purpose better. Regardless of how both authors understand the relationship between human rights and neoliberalism, and despite the potential for human rights to form part of systemic and anti-capitalist struggles, this debate is suffciently illustrative of the urgent need for a hermeneutics of suspicion to be applied to what we have termed conventional human rights. Teleological triumphalism is thus unsustainable, due to the arbitrary nature of its defnition of the precursors of human rights, the evident kaleidoscope of manufactured linearities, and its celebration of an impassive present. In fact, it is not possible to conceive of, or celebrate, an emancipatory path without boldly confronting the systematic “dignity takings” (Atuahene, 2014) organized by capitalism, colonialism and patriarchy. The second problem with triumphalist teleology in our view is that it does not give suffcient consideration to the different concepts of humanness represented in what is claimed to be the historical genealogy of human rights. Obviously, this is an opportunity to cite Aristotle’s defence of natural slavery or the many supporters of the revolutions that took place at the end of the eighteenth century, who would sing the praises of the inalienable rights of man without ever considering that they could apply to slaves or women. However, focussing only on the emergence of the international human rights system in the previous century, Balakrishnan Rajagopal (2009) states that it was created with a “birth defect” due to the fact that it was constituted with a blatant lack of input from certain non-Western cultures and communities. Equally, Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) has argued that an intercultural script is needed for human rights. To this day, Rajgopal affrms, human rights has never recovered from this birth defect, mainly due to its failure to respond to colonialism, the most important political question of the twentieth century—a vast narrative in which the Cold War was only one of the many storylines. Here too, the anti-systemic weaknesses of the international human rights system are evident. In fact, the deliberate lack of any reference in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) to the self-determination of peoples at a time when half the world was under the yoke of colonialism must be considered signifcant, nor can we ignore the irrelevance, until late on, of the language of human rights, to the majority of anti-colonial struggles. In this sense, the “Declaration of the Colonial Peoples of the World” (1973), delivered by Kwanme Nkrumah in 1945 at the end of the Pan-African Congress in Manchester, clearly prefgures the omission that was a defning feature of the UDHR, approved three years later. However, the point is not to denounce how far the human, which is the basis of conventional human rights, ostensibly excluded a signifcant section of humanity until very recently. This allegation may even be countered by the claim that its progressive openness should be celebrated. What should be understood is how human rights are based on a value system which is fundamentally anti-humanist in terms of how it establishes hierarchies and forms of Introduction 7 sub-humanity. In other words, human rights have an abyssal genealogy (Santos, 2015). Some of the key processes which structure inequalities in the contemporary world (such as racism, sexism or oppression of the disabled) and the founding violence of Eurocentric modernity (such as political-military colonialism, slavery and genocide of indigenous peoples) are related in various ways to ontological policies which naturalize bodies and essentialize hierarchies within an unequal distribution of human prerogatives. Human Rights and Abyssal Thinking A critical reading of conventional human rights cannot fail to recognize that its potential is circumscribed within the paradigmatic framework of modern Western thinking. To a certain extent, as we have argued (Santos, 1995), it is possible to see Western modernity as a paradigm founded on the tension between social regulation and emancipation. However, this tension fails to consider the situation of those who are considered less human and whose existence is also defned by the dichotomy of appropriation/violence. The point is that modern Western thinking is based on an invisible distinction between metropolitan societies and colonial territories (Santos, 2007, 2014). Moreover, the regulation/emancipation dichotomy only applies to metropolitan societies: it would be unthinkable to apply it to colonial territories, since they lie on the other side of the line. Modern Western thinking is therefore abyssal thinking, profoundly determined by the creation of two separate universes: the universe “on this side of the line” and the universe “on the other side of the line”. Although it is invisible, this division is so consistent that “the other side of the line” disappears as a reality. The appropriation/violence dichotomy has always operated in colonial societies, although the force exerting the tension can remain invisible precisely because it takes place on the other side of the line, in a space made non-existent and therefore incapable of compromising Western claims for the universality of the regulation/emancipation dichotomy or, in other words, claims for the universality of the emancipatory potential of human rights. As an emancipatory discourse, human rights were historically designed to operate on this side of the abyssal line, in metropolitan societies. This is because the idea that humanity comprises a shared project, namely universal human rights, lies at the centre of the modernist imagination. This humanist imagination was incapable of understanding that, once combined with colonialism, capitalism would be unable to abandon the concept of the sub-human as an integral part of humanity. Within the colonial-racist nexus there is a close link between epistemology and ontology, clearly emphasized by Nelson Maldonado-Torres (2007), who proposed the concept of the coloniality of being, alongside the coloniality of knowledge and power. This awareness of abyssal exclusions should emphasize the way in which, throughout history, women have faced an accumulation of patriarchal and heterosexual oppression 8 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins together with exclusion based on racialization and colonial hierarchy (Spivak, 1999; Lugones, 2007). The colonial zone is therefore the social territory of modernity, created and most effciently preserved by a violent system, yet at the same time suffciently demarcated by abyssal lines to ensure that the violence deployed there is structurally invisible or irrelevant in the metropolitan zone. The abyssal lines of modernity enable us to conceive of abysses which, even today, leave vast populations in the global South exposed to colonialism, its legacies and the asymmetries of the modern world system, defned on the basis of the oceanic expansionism of the Iberian peoples at the end of the ffteenth century. However, given their power to separate realities and people, abyssal lines operate not only in terms of geopolitical borders and the seas and walls that divide up worlds but also in the interstices, subtly separating adjacent realities, sometimes in the same street and city. In fact, if we consider, for example, the “little Europes” which, in various places throughout the world, defned the privilege of the settlers in colonial territories, or the signifcant presence of enslaved African subjects in colonial Europe from the ffteenth century onwards, we fnd a centuries-old, racially policed proximity in openly “familiar” areas between the metropolitan and the colonial.3 Having inherited the legacy of the many colonial experiences in the world, including internal colonialism, and aware of the fows of economic globalization and migrations characteristic of the present day, we have to understand the abyssal line on the basis of our capacity to recognize it both in the “imperial South” and in the experience of the immigrant with no papers working clandestinely in the cities of the global North. Thus, the colonial as constituted by the abyssal lines of modernity emerges as a metaphor for those who see their life experiences as taking place on the other side of the line. To a great extent the abyssal lines of modernity are best characterized, in the words of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, by their power to create non-existence: The division is such that “the other side of the line” vanishes as reality becomes non-existent and is indeed produced as non-existent. Nonexistent means not existing in any relevant or comprehensible way of being. (Santos, 2007: 45) The ontological limit of conventional human rights, as part of Western modernity, is the impossibility of recognizing the full humanity of subjects who are abyssally excluded. This is because being understood in any relevant or comprehensible way means, above all, having the power to represent the world as one’s own, on one’s own terms. The Western understanding of the universality of human rights cannot conceive of the existence of different principles of human dignity and social justice. Therefore, we must face the fact that human beings who are not acknowledged by human rights are never going to see them as belonging to them, thus establishing their irrelevance as a counter-hegemonic Introduction 9 or post-abyssal language for a large part of the world. Herein lies the epistemological challenge of reconciling human rights with the different languages and forms of knowledge born out of struggles for human dignity. This is why the abyssal line is such a central idea to the epistemologies of the South. Post-Abyssal Dignities and the Epistemologies of the South Although the legacy of conventional human rights shows how limited its emancipatory possibilities have been, this does not, in our view, prevent it from being resignifed on the basis of other forms of knowledge and loci of enunciation. It is therefore important to recognize that human rights can be a language of power or resistance, and of hegemony or counter-hegemony (Santos, 1995, 1999). Acknowledging the many struggles in which human rights has pursued emancipatory agendas and not wishing to waste this experience, we are seeking to broaden its horizons and infltrate the narrow certainties it encompasses, in an attempt to determine the extent to which it can be challenged and mobilized in the name of post-abyssal dignities based on the epistemologies of the South. From this perspective, human rights need to be reinvented, in dialogue with other grammars of dignity, to overcome the abyssal exclusions established by the monocultural arrogance of the modern Western paradigm which created it. This implies focussing on the distinction between abyssal and non-abyssal exclusions and giving priority to the latter. In the epistemologies of the South, the priority given to abyssal exclusions and the struggles which oppose them is due to the fact that the epistemicide caused by the modern Eurocentric sciences is far more destructive on the other side of the abyssal line. It is also because the epistemologies of the North—even at the heart of critical perspectives inspired by emancipatory ideas, such as those frequently expressed in terms of conventional human rights—are unaware of the massive universe of extermination, knowledge and struggle that has been placed on the other side of the line. However, establishing this priority does not mean that non-abyssal exclusions are not important: the global fght against modern domination will never be successful if it does not include them. We certainly aim to criticize modern science and Eurocentric law for hiding the fact that the humanity governed by the tension between regulation and emancipation (metropolitan socialization) is only possible in capitalist, colonial and patriarchal societies because of the persistent reproduction of the dehumanized, the group of racialized and gendered bodies governed by the tension between appropriation and violence (colonial socialization). The ideal behind the pluriverse of the human which this book aims to explore is to defeat the abyssal lines of modernity. Among the procedures in the epistemologies of the South that urge us to expand the present and contract the future, we would defne the “ecology of knowledges” and “intercultural translation” (Santos, 2007, 2014) as fundamental to a post-abyssal displacement of human rights. The ecology of knowledges sets out a perspective on human rights constructed on the basis of the 10 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins epistemologies of the South which is essentially founded on a categorical rejection of the universalist claims of modern Western science and law. However, in arguing that the criteria for validating knowledge cannot be external to the knowledge they validate, the epistemologies of the South also reject ahistorical, neutral and absolutist relativism which does not allow for perspectives anchored in a situated reality.4 Thus, in the fght against oppression and the search for alternatives, knowledge must be validated in terms of its usefulness in maximizing the possibility of success for struggles against oppression. Therefore, human rights do not take precedence over other forms of knowledge and narratives of dignity, nor should they be subject to a priori invalidation. Even knowing that human rights fnds it diffcult to confront abyssal exclusion, that it often takes the form of civilizational arrogance, and that in its present form it is humanitarian and palliative by nature, it is not appropriate to immediately invalidate the struggles in which it may prove useful. Stripped of the universal arrogance that brought it into existence, human rights could become part of an ecology of knowledges dedicated to the struggle against oppression and the affrmation of various narratives of human dignity. This ecology of knowledges must frst be linked to a “sociology of absences” (Santos, 2014), which can make visible and amplify violations of human dignity which are not known and recognized as a such in the epistemological, ontological, empathetic, historical and media frameworks produced by the global consciousness of the Western matrix. Moreover, since the ecology of knowledges is fuelled by a “sociology of emergences” (Santos, 2014) from which a future with concrete possibilities can be planned, this will involve recognizing struggles which give life and meaning to human rights and vernacularize them in practice. Our second proposal is intercultural translation, returning to the idea that the emancipatory possibilities for rights essentially depend on their intercultural reinvention (Santos, 1999). Rajagopal states that “languages of emancipation are multiple and have a contradictory and sometimes uneasy relationship with what we call ‘international human rights’” (2009: 59). Through intercultural translation, human rights are drawn into dialogue with cultures, theologies and political agendas which displace them, bringing them closer to the South and the struggles for existence, and reconstitute them through emerging notions of humanity that aim to dislodge the commonplaces of narratives of social emancipation and reconstruct their horizons. The proposal to move towards the South to resignify the borders of humanity, as constituted by conventional human rights, is not merely a matter of decentring to create more inclusive concepts. It involves the challenge of making global social justice dependent on global cognitive justice and acknowledging the obvious shrinking of Europe due to its evident political exhaustion, which at present does not enable it to produce any alternative ideas (Santos, 2017). It is also justifed by the fact that events and global conficts in the South very often anticipate those which occur later in the North, as argued by Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff (2012), Introduction 11 amongst others. The issue therefore is how the effects of the global capitalist vortex are frst felt in the global South, where they prefgure the oppression and struggles that will come to affect the global North. In our view, a counter-hegemonic concept of human rights will always have to be intercultural, given that it is produced from translations of different political ontologies (Mol, 1999, 2002) which redefne and expand the grammars of human dignity in each place and time within the contingencies of struggles. We draw on Ian Hacking’s understanding of ontology, associated with the process of “dynamic nominalism” (2002: 26), to affrm that what is made to exist is the result of the historical dynamics of naming and the subsequent use made of names. In this sense, the notion of human dignity is defnitively constructed within the historical struggles that name and claim it. The emerging notions of humanity which must confront Western human rights and engage it in dialogue are not emergent because they are new—in fact many maintain vital links with their ancestry. As James Clifford observed with regard to the resurgence of indigenous identity in the Americas, “cultural endurance is a process of becoming” (2013: 7) or, in other words, cultural resilience very often produces an ontology of being within the struggle that gives it meaning, thus creating and recreating it. Therefore, it is these long-postponed dialogues that will have to be new. In this sense, it is important to foster mutual understanding among struggles which aim to eliminate or reduce unequal power relations and transform them into relations based on shared authority through discourses and practices that develop connections directed towards a “subaltern cosmopolitanism” (Santos, 2018). This ongoing task of translating from concrete struggles for dignity is certainly more post-abyssal than any illustrious general theory on what human dignity might be. At a time when democratic, economic and ecological challenges call for renewed politics of existence and grammars of good living, the vitality of anticolonial, anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist struggles nowadays offers Western modernity the only opportunity to reinvent itself, ironically on the basis of forms of humanity which it has so eagerly subjugated. The ALICE Pluriverse This book and the texts which it contains are to a large extent the result of exchanges and learning generated by the ALICE project.5 In addition to the case studies which come from the project, we have included the work of researchers who are tracking the struggles and resistance of those reinventing the grammars of dignity on a daily basis throughout the world. A pluriverse of languages, geographies and bodies engaged in struggle emerge from the texts in this book: populations subjected to humanitarian interventions throughout the world, displaced by the right to development, the embodied memories of the survivors of the Bhopal disaster, populations on the peripheries of Brazilian cities, members of the Pasmanda Muslim movement in India, 18 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Bruno Sena Martins Santos, Boaventura de Sousa (2015), If God Were a Human Rights Activist. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 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