The Study of Urban Geography and City Planning

mdpi.com/journal/urbansci Special Issue Reprint The Study of Urban Geography and City Planning Edited by Rubén Camilo Lois González, Luis Alfonso Escudero Gómez and Daniel Barreiro Quintáns The Study of Urban Geography and City Planning The Study of Urban Geography and City Planning Guest Editors Rub´en Camilo Lois Gonz´alez Luis Alfonso Escudero G´omez Daniel Barreiro Quint´ans Basel •Beijing •Wuhan •Barcelona •Belgrade •Novi Sad •Cluj •Manchester Guest Editors Rub´ en Camilo Lois Gonz´ alez Department of Geography University of Santiago de Compostela Santiago de Compostela Spain Luis Alfonso Escudero G ´ omez Department of Geography University of Castilla-La Mancha Toledo Spain Daniel Barreiro Quint´ ans Department of Geography University of Santiago de Compostela Santiago de Compostela Spain Editorial Office MDPI AG Grosspeteranlage 5 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of the Special Issue, published open access by the journal Urban Science (ISSN 2413-8851), freely accessible at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/urbansci/special issues/urban geography and city planning. For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: Lastname, A.A.; Lastname, B.B. Article Title. Journal Name Year,Volume Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-7258-6043-2 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-7258-6044-9 (PDF) https://doi.org/10.3390/books978-3-7258-6044-9 Cover image courtesy of Luis Alfonso Escudero G´ omez © 2025 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Contents About the Editors ..............................................vii Preface .................................................... ix Luis Alfonso Escudero-G´omez and Rub´en C. Lois-Gonz´alez Incomplete Cities: Critical Urban Geography and the Reimagining of City Planning Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 440, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9110440 ........ 1 Asal Kamani Fard and Mohammad Paydar Place Attachment and Related Aspects in the Urban Setting Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030135 ........ 9 V´ıctor Pic´o-Guti´errez, Federico E. Gonz´alez-Ram´ırez and Luis A. Escudero-G´omez From Segregation to Fragmentation: Mapping the Recent Global Literature Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 98, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9040098 ......... 32 Alara Y¨ucel and Pamela Dur´an-D´ıaz Shrinking for Survival: Integrating Degrowth Principles into Texas Zoning Regulations Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 6, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9010006 .......... 48 Jorge Quijada-Alarc´on, Roberto Rodr´ıguez-Rodr´ıguez, Anshell Maylin, Marcelo Adames, Jaffet Zeballos, Analissa Icaza and Angelino Harris Assessing Pedestrian Network Continuity: Insights from Panama City’s Context Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 58, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9030058 ......... 67 Asghar Abedini, Farshid Aram, Amin Khalili and Elham Mirzaei Recognition and Evaluating the Indicators of Urban Resilient by Using the Network Analysis Process Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2022,6, 31, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci6020031 ......... 87 Mar´ıa Andrade Su´arez, Ux´ıa L´opez-Mejuto, Manuel Garc´ıa Docampo and Francisco-Alberto Varela-Garc´ıa Sustainability, Spatial Justice and Social Cohesion in City Planning: What Does a Case Study on Urban Renaturalisation Teach Us? Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 94, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9040094 .........100 Xunyu Zhang, Dongxu Pan, Kapo Wong and Yuanzhi Zhang A New Top-Down Governance Approach to Community Gardens: A Case Study of the “We Garden” Community Experiment in Shenzhen, China Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2022,6, 41, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci6020041 .........121 Jeremy Mattson Relationships between Density and per Capita Municipal Spending in the United States Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2021,5, 69, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci5030069 .........137 Lluis Frago, Alejandro Morcuende and David Lloberas Towards a Retailess City? A Comparative Analysis of the Retail Desertification between a Global and a Local Commercial Strips in Barcelona Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2024,8, 126, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030126 ........150 Masilonyane Mokhele and Fradreck Garatsa Spatial Economic Analysis of Manufacturing Firms Located in the Vicinity of Cape Town International Airport Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2023,7, 35, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci7020035 .........170 v Izyan Ayuni Mohamad Selamat, Sreetheran Maruthaveeran, Mohd Johari Mohd Yusof and Mohd Fairuz Shahidan Planning Tools to Revitalise Urban Vacant Land from Ecological Perspectives: A Systematic Review Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2023,7, 58, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci7020058 .........191 Grigore Vasile Herman, Tudor Caciora, Mariana Laura Herman, Mihai S ,andra and Gheorghe Codrut ,Bulz Exploration of the Relationship Between the Population and Football Stadiums in Romania Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 19, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9010019 .........207 Yang Sao Xiong and Mark E. Pfeifer Complicating ‘Suburbanization’ and Spatial Assimilation: The Complex Residential Patterns of Southeast Asian Americans in the Minneapolis-St. Paul Metropolitan Area from 1990 to 2010 Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2023,7, 110, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci7040110 ........225 Ana-Irina Lequeux-Dinc˘a, Aurel Gheorghila¸s and Elena-Alina Tudor Empowering Urban Tourism Resilience Through Online Heritage Visibility: Bucharest Case Study Reprinted from: Urban Sci. 2025,9, 63, https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci9030063 .........248 vi About the Editors Rub´en Camilo Lois Gonz´alez Rub ´ en Camilo Lois Gonz ´ alez is the Vice President of the International Geographical Union and a Professor of Geography at the University of Santiago de Compostela. He specializes in urban and cultural geography. He was also the Director of the Center for Euroregional Studies, Galicia–North Portugal. He has led several international and European Union-funded projects, including SIESTA, and multiple Spain–Portugal cross-border Interreg projects. He has authored over 200 books and chapters and more than 150 articles in academic journals. Luis Alfonso Escudero G´omez Luis Alfonso Escudero G ´ omez holds a PhD in Geography from the University of Santiago de Compostela. He is a senior lecturer in Human Geography at the Department of Geography at the University of the Balearic Islands. His research focuses on urban studies. He is the author of numerous publications, including complete books, as an editor of books and book chapters, and as an author of scientific journal articles. Daniel Barreiro Quint´ans Daniel Barreiro Quint ´ ans is a predoctoral researcher in urban geography. He holds a degree in Geography from the University of Santiago de Compostela. His research interests focus on urban governance, socio-spatial inequalities, and city planning, with ongoing projects that connect academic analysis to municipal policy and practice. He is currently involved in municipal politics. vii Urban Sci. 2025,9, 440 targeted intervention—thus illustrating how indicator frameworks can anchor equitable, resilience-oriented planning [15]. Translating these commitments into practice requires treating cities as complex, openended systems whose very incompleteness constitutes a condition of possibility for collective making and remaking [ 37 ]. In this light, we consider urban planning a central instrument for contesting predatory and socially unjust neoliberal urbanization. Advancing this agenda, what is required is a substantive realization of urban sustainability—understood, in a global perspective, as the planning and management of settlements within their social, economic, and environmental contexts so as to secure the wellbeing of current populations without compromising the ability of future generations to experience the same [ 41 ]. Moreover, recent interventions insist that the debate must shift from generic sustainability toward climate urbanism, explicitly centering mitigation, adaptation, and justice in the face of escalating climate risks—thereby aligning decarbonization with distributive and procedural equity and retooling governance to prioritize vulnerability reduction and collective capacities to act [42]. 4. Conclusions and Future Research Directions Social processes are fluid, whereas territory is too often treated as inert; yet urbanization is, by definition, unfinished. Cities are better understood as ongoing formations—contingent, experimental, and contradictory—rather than completed artifacts, a view consistent with the claim that “the urban” is an incomplete and contingent process [ 43 ]. Taking incompletion seriously implies recognizing that the geographies we inhabit remain open to reconfiguration and that urban scholarship is correspondingly provisional and iterative. In this spirit, understanding the cities we inhabit has never been more urgent. We advocate a sustained dialog between Critical Urban Social Geography and City Science that is empirically rigorous, theoretically reflexive, and publicly engaged. Such a program entails “hopeful geographies” that proactively interrogate and address pressing urban problems—housing conflict and eviction, surveillance and segregation, mental health and homelessness, gentrification and touristification—treating these not as isolated pathologies but as interdependent socio-spatial processes whose trajectories can be redirected through collective action and democratic planning. Situated within the inescapable context of the Anthropocene, the city must be reframed as part of the solution rather than persist as the problem. Doing so requires strategic optimism and a radical openness to new ideas, methodologies, and coalitions, anchored in a critical spatial perspective that foregrounds justice as both principle and practice [ 33 ]. If urbanization is necessarily incomplete, then so too is the horizon of urban possibility; the task ahead is to convert that incompleteness into a capacity for equitable transformation. Realizing this program demands more open forms of planning—arenas in which citizens, planners, and even visitors co-experiment to co-produce a more liveable city [ 44 ]. It must be grounded in broad, transparent democratic consensus that departs from the elitist and closed decision-making too often found in urban development [ 45 ]. Following Lefebvre, the urban should be organized for its users—not for speculators, capitalist developers, or the technocratic plans of experts [ 46 ]. Recentering human health and wellbeing as the telos of planning [ 47 ], we advocate alternative, radically democratic, and sustainable forms of urbanism [ 48 ]. This commitment is all the more urgent amid the rise of “anti-woke” agendas in parts of the West—which contest the very vocabulary of justice (where “woke” refers to awareness of, and concern with, racial and related social justice) and risk undermining hard-won advances in inclusion and equity [49]. 5 Urban Sci. 2025,9, 440 Looking ahead, we propose a research agenda that bridges macrostructural transformation and everyday urban life through comparative, longitudinal, and experimentally minded designs operating across macro–meso–micro scales. Future work should (i) consolidate a justice-centered climate urbanism by examining mitigation, adaptation, and loss-and-damage through distributional, procedural, and recognitional metrics; (ii) develop post-growth planning tools and evaluation frameworks that move beyond GDP toward capabilities, wellbeing, and ecological thresholds; (iii) interrogate the governance of critical infrastructures—logistics corridors and airports as well as green and social infrastructures—and their uneven effects across neighborhoods and regions; (iv) track the socio-spatial consequences of retail restructuring, platformization, and housing financialization, including displacement, surveillance, and the production of “gray spaces”; and (v) advance co-produced, open-science methods—participatory modeling, civic data observatories, causal and quasi-experimental evaluations, and auditable geospatial/AI analytics—with replication across Global North/South contexts. By aligning Critical Urban Social Geography and City Science around shared standards of rigor, transparency, and public engagement, the community can convert the acknowledged incompleteness of the urban into a generative capacity for equitable transformation, guiding planning institutions toward interventions that are empirically validated, climatically responsible, and democratically governed. Author Contributions: L.A.E.-G. and R.C.L.-G. shared an equal contribution. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: This research received no external funding. Acknowledgments: We are grateful to all authors for their research efforts and for entrusting their work to this Special Issue. We also thank the editorial team of Urban Science and all reviewers for their rigorous, thoughtful, and constructive assessments, which substantially strengthened the contributions included here. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. 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Res. Empir. Insights 2024,5, 100160. [CrossRef] Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. 8 Review Place Attachment and Related Aspects in the Urban Setting Asal Kamani Fard 1and Mohammad Paydar 2,* 1Departamento de Planificación y Ordenamiento Territorial, Facultad de Ciencias de la Construccióny Ordenamiento Territorial, Universidad Tecnológica Metropolitana, Dieciocho 390, Santiago 8330526, Chile; [email protected] 2 Escuela de Arquitectura Santiago, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Artes, Universidad Mayor, Av. Portugal 351, Santiago 8330231, Chile *Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +56-990618894 Abstract: This study reviewed previous studies on place attachment and related factors in the urban setting. Assessments were conducted on over one hundred peer-reviewed journal papers that met the selection criteria. The results were divided into six categories. Place attachment can improve each of the three dimensions of wellbeing. It can also mitigate the negative impacts of environmental stressors on wellbeing. Furthermore, traditional gardens and local landscape characteristics contribute to a stronger place attachment, depending on the degree to which they present local history and culture. Green landscapes can also help immigrants feel more connected to their community and place of origin. Social interaction has also been linked to the development of place attachment, which is stronger in low-income/deprived neighborhoods. Furthermore, higher place attachment promotes civic engagement and social trust. Place attachment also helps older people cope with aging difficulties in their living environments. Finally, there is a mutually beneficial association between place attachment and perceived neighborhood walkability, as well as a relationship between the scale of the place and the level of attachment. The various research gaps recognized by this study could be addressed in future studies to better understand the role of place attachment in creating sustainable urban environments. Keywords: place attachment; wellbeing; green landscapes; social interaction; walkability 1. Introduction Place attachment, or people’s positive connection to a particular place [ 1 ], is an important aspect of the human–environment relationship. It generally refers to the emotional connection or relationship that exists between people and particular locations, and the majority of studies see it as a strong and positive aspect [ 2 ]. However, it has a multifaceted, multidisciplinary, multidimensional, and multiparadigmatic nature [ 3 ]. Even among trained scholars in environmental and social psychology, as well as psychologists and humanistic geographers, terms like “unclear” [4], “definitional diversity” [5], “slow”, “stuck”, and “little empirical progress” [ 3 ] are used to describe research on place attachment. The most significant challenge for researchers in using the multidimensional concept of place attachment is integrating different viewpoints and approaches [5]. According to Cole et al. [ 6 ] and Scannell and Gifford [ 5 ] (person–process–place (PPP) model), place attachment includes three main dimensions: (1) a personal/cultural dimension focusing on who is attached and how places become significant through individual experiences and collectively determined meanings; (2) a place dimension that emphasizes what it is to which the person is attached, such as different physical (natural, built) and social (opportunities for interaction) features of the place; and (3) a psychological process dimension that emphasizes how the attachment comprises specific behaviors (like staying close to a place), affective bonds (like pride, love), and cognitions (like knowledge, memories). While the tripartite framework identifies important factors in the attachment process, Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030135 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/urbansci 9 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 the importance of these factors varies depending on the scale and type of the environment. For instance, studies of recreational areas in city neighborhoods include significantly varied characteristics (e.g., [ 7 ]). As a result, factors that are important in one kind of context might not be in another. Stated differently, Turton [ 8 ] argues that predictors cannot be seen as generally significant to the attachment process. Consequently, it is recommended that place attachment be contextualized rather than considered as a universal phenomenon [8]. According to studies on place attachment’s contributing factors, place attachment has been shown to improve subjective, psychological, and social wellbeing [ 9 , 10 ]. Furthermore, green and natural spaces play an important role in strengthening place attachment. Urban parks also have considerable effects on people’s wellbeing and quality of life. Exposure to nature increases an individual’s cognitive capacity, but only when nature is consistent with a salient identity [ 11 ]. According to Liu [ 12 ], landscapes that are distinctive and have significant local features help people feel more connected to their place. Local landscapes can help promote an individual’s self-identity and dependence [ 13 ]. Furthermore, nature usually has better restorative outcomes than built environments [ 14 , 15 ]. The created environment that serves as a setting for human activities is referred to as the “built environment”. Studies have shown that stress can be alleviated by (re)connecting people with nature and green spaces (e.g., Stigsdotter, [ 16 ]). One proposed mechanism for restorative environments, as conceptualized under Stress Reduction Theory, asserts that contact with restorative environments can help people block out pessimistic thoughts and ruminations, arouse positive appraisals, improve moods, and reduce stress [ 17 , 18 ]. According to Attention Restoration Theory [ 19 , 20 ], environments with four specific psychological characteristics are more likely to attract people’s involuntary attention, potentially reducing stress and restoring mental capacity. This theory has primarily focused on the bottom-up, perceptual properties of restorative environments. This mental restoration has been connected to urban green areas and is one of the indicators of both mental health and wellbeing [17]. The social arena is the next component of place that contributes to place attachment [ 21 ]. Studies have shown that social settings may affect one’s sense of wellbeing and perceived restoration in addition to relationships with nature [ 22 ]. Furthermore, given that immigrants and refugees experience a kind of discontinuity between their place of origin and their place of destination, the physical and social features of their new location may contribute to their increased place attachment and improved quality of life there [ 23 ]. This may also enhance their wellbeing as well [ 24 ]. As a result, the relationships between place attachment and these groups of people require particular attention. Furthermore, a person’s place attachment varies according to their individual and/or group characteristics. For example, previous studies have examined the relationship between place attachment and associated characteristics in a variety of age groups, including older adults, adolescents, and children [25]. Finally, perceived neighborhood walkability is one of the environmental factors affecting the formation of a place attachment [ 15 ]. Walkability is the extent to which the built environment is friendly to people who walk, which benefits the health of residents and increases the livability of cities [ 26 ]. Stronger place attachment may be associated with a positive view of the built environment in one’s neighborhood, which in turn makes one more likely to walk and engage in other physical activities [ 27 ]. Neighborhood walkability may therefore be another factor associated with place attachment. Based on the above-described relationships, this study reviews the relationships between place attachment and related factors in the urban setting. The methodology is explained in Section 2, and the findings are presented in Section 3 in six subsections. The findings are summarized and discussed in the next section, and the conclusion section highlights the most important findings in addition to presenting the key research gaps for future studies. 10 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 2. Literature Review Methods We systematically searched English language journals in databases including the Web of Science Core Collection, PubMed, Avery, the Environment Index, Medline, and Academic Search Complete. In addition, only articles from peer-reviewed journals were selected. This study only reviewed articles between 1995 and 2023. According to the introduction, a combination of the keywords including “place attachment”, “wellbeing”, “green spaces”, “social environment”, “immigrants”, “refugees”, “age groups”, and “walkability” was used. Then, we excluded papers that did not directly address our main topic (place attachment), such as those that dealt with relevant concepts such as place identity, sense of place, and place dependency. The following exclusion criteria were also applied: the articles had to be written in English, non-peer reviewed, published before 1995, or only discussing theory instead of practical application. To analyze the selected articles (108 remaining articles), summaries of each article were recorded, including the author, year, study objectives, methodology, sample, location, independent and dependent variables, and a summary of the statistical results regarding the significant and non-significant variables. Particular attention was paid to the validity and reliability of the data collection tools. Respecting the studies that used quantitative methods, regardless of the degree of correlation, attributes with positive and negative values across the selected studies were combined and marked with an asterisk (*). Three main types of associations, including “No association”, “Positive significant association”, and “Negative significant association”, were categorized through different codes. For instance, (+) was used for positive association, and ( − ) was used for negative association. The moderation effects were excluded from the association calculation. We also disregarded other kinds of data and conclusions that had nothing to do with the relationships between place attachment and its contributing factors. However, the control variables from each article were also extracted because of the potential importance of confounders or additional factors that could have affected the study’s results. The six subsections that organized the Results section were “Place attachment and wellbeing”, “Place attachment and urban greenery”, “Place attachment and cultural/social aspects”, which includes a subsection named “Place attachment and participation”, “Place attachment and immigration/refugees”, “Place attachments and gender/age”, and finally “Place attachment and walkability”. These categories were based on the primary factors related to place attachment that were addressed in the Introduction and used as keywords to find the articles. 3. Results 3.1. Place Attachment and Wellbeing The main idea of wellbeing refers to global life satisfaction [ 28 ]. Wellbeing is considered an umbrella concept in positive psychology theories that include two main categories of hedonic and eudaimonic aspects. Hedonic wellbeing mostly refers to feelings like living a good or happy life, and eudaimonic wellbeing is about life purposes and being fulfilled [ 29 ]. Place attachment can enhance all three of the dimensions of people’s wellbeing, which are generally defined within a place: subjective wellbeing (positive emotions and satisfaction) [ 28 ]; psychological wellbeing (growth, environmental mastery, positive relationships with others, and self-acceptance) [ 30 ]; and social wellbeing (social coherence, acceptance, actualization, integration, and actualization) [ 31 ]. Consequently, people can form significant connections with their surroundings through meaningful sociopsychological activities, and this type of place attachment enhances people’s wellbeing [ 32 ]. The significant role of place attachment in improving quality of life [ 33 ] contributes to better physical and mental health, better social relationships, and more pro-environmental behavior [34]. Place attachment is positively correlated with health not only at the residential level but also at the community level. Having positive feelings (e.g., satisfaction) and expressing a sense of connectedness (e.g., involvement) with physical surroundings are regarded as key indicators of place attachment; however, the degrees of both may vary between 11 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 individuals in different contexts [ 35 ]. Subjective wellbeing is positively correlated with social justice and community attachment, as demonstrated by Wang et al.’s [ 35 ] research. The study by Rajala and Sorice [ 36 ] reveals several relationships between US owners’ sense of place—acquired through private land ownership—and their wellbeing, since it provides them access to resources, security, and even improved physical health from being outside. This study examined the relationship between community environmental perception and physical wellbeing in addition to hedonic and eudaimonic factors. Berg [ 37 ] conducted follow-up interviews with the same respondents about seventeen years after they had moved to rural areas in search of a better life. The purpose of the interviews was to examine the respondents’ unique sources of attachment and how it affected their overall health. This study defines place attachment as a sub-dimension of wellbeing that is formed by “Social relations, Materialities, the Past and memories, and Emotions and affects”. In addition, different aspects of place attachment and wellbeing do overlap with each other, while there is a direct two-way relationship between place attachment and wellbeing, in which improvement in one significantly enhances the other. According to a study by Wiles et al. [ 38 ] in New Zealand, ones who did not express an affect toward their homes have had worse health outcomes, and this relationship is stronger among Indigenous communities. Similarly, Maricchiolo et al. [ 39 ] studied the relationship between different components of place attachment and wellbeing in a local Italian community by applying the “Satisfaction with Life Scale” of Diener et al. [ 40 ], “Place Attachment to the Hometown Scale” of Scopelliti and Tiberio [ 41 ], and “Local Social Identity Scale” of Paolini et al. [ 42 ]. The results of this study showed that both social identity and place identity—as sub-dimensions of place attachment—positively correlate with life satisfaction and wellbeing. In older adults, place attachment is more influenced by the subjective dimensions of wellbeing than by the objective dimensions [ 38 ]. According to Lager et al. [ 43 ], place attachment fosters and/or develops a “sense of autonomy, control, confidence, and identity” in older people, which improves their overall wellbeing. A study by Sawada and Toyosato [ 44 ] in Japan, which used Pearson’s correlation test to measure place attachment and economic status, demonstrates the important role that place attachment plays in lessening the detrimental effects of low economic status on elderly people’s wellbeing. Accordingly, to mitigate the effects of low wellbeing, the contribution of place attachment in providing emotional support, self-esteem, and mutual respect is to be noted particularly. Then, social interactions—through different activities in the neighborhood— significantly increase place attachment and positively improve the wellbeing of low-income groups. Moreover, as discovered by Yuan and Wu [ 45 ], the relationship between environmental stressors and wellbeing is mediated by place attachment and leisure activities. It demonstrates that a reduction in outdoor activity, which results from a decrease in place attachment, negatively affects the wellbeing of people, particularly older individuals. They used the scale of Lachowycz and Jones [ 46 ] to assess outdoor leisure behavior and social interaction in green zones, the scale of Ryan [ 47 ] to measure place attachment, the PERMA model scale of Seligman [ 48 ] to measure wellbeing, and the scale of Honold et al. [ 49 ] to measure environmental stressors [ 45 ]. Finally, the place attachment that older adults have to their neighborhoods can provide them with a feeling of security, which enhances their wellbeing [50]. 3.2. Place Attachment and Urban Greenery Ratcliffe and Korpela [ 51 ] investigated place attachment in preferred places by examining the features of these locations—selected by the participants—all of which were natural areas in Finland and presented their real-life experiences. The results of this internetbased survey approach showed that a place’s capacity for restoration can be enhanced by a person’s attachment to it. Cheung and Hui (2018) [ 52 ] showed that cultural bonding with greenery heritage makes people more sensitive and responsible about nature—as a collective memory—and promotes environmental awareness in the local community in Hong Kong. This study was based on a quantitative survey measuring the levels of 12 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 residents’ place attachment, perception of forest heritage, and environmental attitudes. Bazrafshan et al. (2021) [ 53 ] investigated the most effective types of urban green spaces that may contribute to enhancing attachment through place dependency. They proposed that because traditional gardens and historic parks have a shared history and memory, they are more important than contemporary parks [ 53 ]. Pedestrian accessibility, pedestrian connectivity with surroundings, and satisfaction with children’s playgrounds are three key variables that Yang et al. [ 54 ] identified through their quantitative survey in Australia using Pearson correlation and later Hierarchical Multiple Regression analysis as contributing factors to place attachment in urban parks. Liu et al. (2021) [ 13 ] found that the presence of local landscape features enhances place attachment and the restorative perception of urban green spaces. Put another way, compared to other landscape types, people tend to have a higher sense of place attachment to their native urban parks. Accordingly, the results of the Pearson correlation analysis showed a positive and significant contribution of a “higher level of local landscape characteristics, place dependent, and place identity” to “greater perceived restorativeness” of green spaces [ 13 ]. For instance, using local landscape elements in designing urban green spaces increases their restorative capacity and results in stronger place attachment. Ratcliffe and Korpela [ 51 ] used a quantitative method to investigate the mediating effect of place attachment in Finland while examining the restorative potential of places and people’s memories. They found that place memory—through place identity—contributes to restorative perceptions of a place. Menatti et al. [ 55 ] investigated the role of place attachment and place identification in landscape preference in a different study. They found that people value and prefer local natural landscapes over non-local natural landscapes when it comes to their potential for restorative capacities. Nevertheless, they concluded that place attachment had a more significant effect on restorativeness, and that these studies should also take cultural values into account. According to the studies of Liu et al. (2021) [ 13 ], the incorporation of local natural elements into urban landscape design contributes to significantly increasing the sense of place attachment, since familiarity with the environment is the key to maximizing its restorative effects. Applying a quantitative method, the Place Attachment Scale and Perceived Restorativeness Scale were used in this study, carried out in China. Similarly, Kil et al. [ 56 ] studied the health outcomes of forest therapy—slow, mindful walking in nature— among people with different levels of place attachment in South Korea. Considering the characteristics of the participants, and measuring place attachment through item factors related to place dependence and place identity, the researchers investigated the preferences of the visitors regarding their recreational experiences as well as the improvements in their wellbeing in this quantitative survey. According to their study, those with a higher sense of place attachment were mostly non-locals with more frequency in visiting and more participation in natural-water and land-based restorative activities. Supporting the urban landscape, pre-urban greenery zones around the cities are considered an important part of the ecosystem, and positive perception of the local people contributes to the sense of attachment that leads to the preservation of such a heritage [ 52 ]. Studying three types of natural, artificial, and artificial-natural features in the landscape and their relationship with emotional attachment in an urban park in China, Zhang [ 57 ] measured physiological signals—such as heart rate, eye movements, and skin conductance— by analyzing multimodal data and concluded that natural feature—particularly wild plants compared to designed ones—resulted in higher levels of attachment. However, regarding the artificial features, their contribution to place identification is associated with the degree to which they present local history and culture. Highlighting the contribution of place attachment to place meaning in an Australian natural park, Wynveen et al. [ 58 ] explored the potential relationships with a qualitative method and later measured them quantitatively. They concluded that people with different levels of attachment to the place expressed the identity and meaning of the place within distinct forms. Put another way, the importance of a particular set of meanings in a certain place to the users depends on their level of attachment to it. Colley and Craig [ 59 ] conducted a similar study and examined place 13 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 attachment between original wildscapes and designed or managed landscapes. They found that both types of greenspaces contribute to place attachment in Scotland, and their findings indicate no relationship between people’s actual perceptions of place attachment and their childhood memories of particular types of greenspaces. Higher degrees of place attachment are also correlated with “frequency of visits” and “walking distance” from home, according to Colley and Craig [59]. Furthermore, it is emphasized that quantity and quality of greenery have a direct impact on wellbeing. The benefits of being linked to nature have been demonstrated for both physical and psychological health, and it is recognized as a major contributor to the wellbeing of individuals from diverse sociocultural backgrounds. Thus, wellbeing appeared as another aspect in the studies that examined the relationship between greenspaces and place attachment. For example, place attachment is considered to function as a mediator in the significant relationship between wellbeing and nature connectedness [ 60 ]. According to Han et al. [ 50 ], place attachment, social capital, and greenness are all strongly correlated with wellbeing. However, this relationship is more significant among older adults due to their higher levels of place attachment. In their empirical study, Basu et al. [ 60 ] measured place attachment as a multidimensional concept by applying the Reymond et al. model [ 61 ]. They studied the mediating role of place attachment between nature connectedness and wellbeing in Japan. They used two scales: “The Connectedness to Nature Scale (Mayer and Frantz 2004)” [ 62 ] for measuring the affective, experiential connection of an individual to nature, and the scale of “Love and Care for Nature [ 63 ]” to analyze the intrinsic value of nature and individual sense of responsibility to protect it within a qualitative design [ 60 ]. They found that place attachment accounts for 30% of the total effect of nature connectedness on the wellbeing of the studied population [ 60 ]. Bazrafshan et al. [ 64 ] verified the important role of place attachment in promoting wellbeing and mitigating stress by examining quantifiable physiological emotions. Accordingly, being familiar with the cultural background of the park and having more attachment to it contributes to feeling more relaxed even in the case of non-native visitors. 3.3. Place Attachment and Cultural/Social Aspects Chishima et al. [ 65 ] used surveys and interviews with 1068 respondents to examine how place attachment and participation differed in traditional and modern communities in Japan. They found a significant relationship between individual values and their preferred environmental characteristics. People with traditional values showed higher levels of place attachment to rural areas, whereas those who valued modernization showed higher levels of place attachment in urban areas. According to a study by Azevedo et al. [ 66 ] in Portugal, “Self-efficacy, Perceived happiness, and Active citizenship behavior” -as the attributes of quality of lifeare significantly correlated with place attachment when taking social factors into account. They suggest that two relevant indicators of place attachment are “social identification” and “satisfaction” with one’s current residence. However, this study detects the negative impact of economic dependency on place attachment when a place does not provide stable economic development for the residents. According to Kamalipour et al. [ 67 ], who investigated place attachment and its associated factors in a residential complex in Iran, long-term residents as well as homeowners do experience higher levels of neighborhood attachment, and factors including fear of crime, cultural tensions, and less social cohesion negatively affect place attachment [ 67 ]. In the United States, Luo et al. [ 68 ] investigated how people perceive place attachment differently in urban and rural settings, both at the neighborhood and city level. They used a quantitative method to measure the factors of belonging, happiness, membership, and pleasure. Accordingly, they found that social ties as well as their distribution play a significant role in developing place attachment. In a quantitative survey, Lu et al. [ 69 ] investigated place attachment in China’s gated neighborhoods. Their study suggests that a sense of place attachment to one’s community is correlated with inhabitants’ involvement in social events held there. According to Chang et al. [ 21 ], in a study conducted in China, 14 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 They linked gender expectations to the approaches toward the place through the concepts of continuity, identity, and lifetime memories of the place. Finally, research on the place attachment of immigrants and refugees has also focused on elderly persons. Palladino [ 101 ] argued that older adults experience different processes of adaptation when migrating and making bonds with new places. Their opinions and attitudes about their location of residency may differ greatly, depending on their motives for migrating. The interviews with twenty-seven older Italian immigrants to the UK provided the basis for this study. It demonstrates how social ties are important for a person to identify with their new location and lessen the negative effects for migrants of being away from their homeland. Redefining one’s identity is positively correlated with growing up and aging in a place, and the wellbeing of the older migrants is a direct effect of social support for fostering place identity. Additionally, using a qualitative research methodology, Sieng and Szabó[ 102 ] explored the degrees of two dimensions of place dependence and place identity among ten older adult migrants in New Zealand. The findings indicate that while all the older migrants may experience place dependency in their new home country, only a small percentage have been able to establish a sense of place identity. The narrative method they used suggested that language, cultural attitudes, and values might have a direct impact on the development of place attachment in both positive and negative ways for the migrants. 3.6. Place Attachment and Walkability Neighborhood attachment can make walking a positive source of good feelings and change perceptions of the environment [ 103 ]. Walking, according to Chan and Li [ 103 ], fosters a stronger feeling of place attachment and closer contact with the environment, both of which increase life satisfaction. According to their mixed-method study of survey questionnaires and interviews conducted in China, attachment to the neighborhood has a positive significant effect on the rate of walking among the residents and is associated with creating memory and knowledge of their neighborhood. This study was designed to measure walking satisfaction, life satisfaction, built environment variables, neighborhood attachment, neighborhood characteristics, and sociodemographic variables. It also included interviews designed to determine the relationships between walking, inhabitants’ place attachment, and overall quality of life. Koohsari et al. [ 27 ] studied the mediating role of perceived neighborhood walkability in the relationship between place attachment and neighborhood physical activity in Canada. In this study, 1500 respondents completed questionnaires that measured perceived walkability, place attachment, and level of physical activity in their neighborhoods. The results of this study demonstrate a strong correlation between the amount of time spent walking for recreation in the neighborhood and place attachment. In addition, they found that perceived neighborhood walkability is a mediator between place attachment and walking for transport. This study also emphasizes how important place attachment is in encouraging residents to keep up with their physical activities in the neighborhood. Van Den Berg et al. [ 15 ] aimed to provide insights into the relation between neighborhood walkability and place attachment and the mediating role of (satisfaction with) social interaction. They used 251 residents of different neighborhoods across the Netherlands and two structural equation models to analyze the data. They found that perceived neighborhood walkability is a stronger predictor of place attachment than objective walkability, and perceived walkability has both a positive direct effect on place attachment and an indirect effect, via neighborhood-based social interaction. In another study, Li et al. [ 104 ] looked at the relationships between five predictors of perceived qualities of urban design—walkability, accessibility, space quality, urban function, and management— and two place-related dependent factors, place attachment and place satisfaction, in the context of China. They found that walkability and space quality were revealed as the most influential factors associated with place attachment, and place satisfaction and accessibility were indirectly associated with place attachment through the mediation of walkability. 21 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 The association between accessibility, as one of the main environmental-associated factors with walkability, and place attachment was also examined by Zhang et al. [ 105 ]inthe main urban area of Jiamusi City, China. They investigated the effect of accessibility on place attachment in metropolitan public open spaces using surveys and structural equation modeling. They found that accessibility has a positive effect on place attachment, and place satisfaction plays a mediating role. According to research by Chan and Li [ 103 ], there is a complex relationship between residents’ satisfaction with walking and their perception of their neighborhood and place attachment. Their study analyzed the various purposes of walking in the neighborhood, such as going shopping, going to school or work, or walking for leisure. Accordingly, different purposes of walking have different degrees of relationship with place attachment in the neighborhood. Arnberger et al. [ 106 ] also investigated the level of place attachment among various users of green spaces, including walkers and dog walkers/owners. Also, they investigated different types of settings with distinct levels of development to find their degree of contribution to the place attachment of the users in Austria and the United States. Applying regression analysis, they have found that “motivations, satisfaction, and visit frequency” are predictors of place attachment. They also found that less developed settings result in higher place dependence and place identity among visitors. 4. Discussion Place attachment can enhance each of the three distinct dimensions of people’s wellbeing—subjective [ 28 ], psychological [ 30 ], and social [ 31 ]—that are typically defined within a location. According to Tartaglia [ 34 ], place attachment promotes improved physical and mental health. Subjective wellbeing and community attachment are directly correlated, with increases in one significantly enhancing the other ([ 35 – 37 ]). This relationship is stronger among indigenous communities [ 38 ]. Sub-dimensions of place attachment, social identity, and place identity positively relate to wellbeing and life satisfaction, and perceptional aspects of wellbeing have a greater impact on place attachment among elderly people compared to objective aspects [ 38 ]. According to Han et al. [ 50 ], place attachment plays the most significant contribution to the wellbeing of residents compared to other intermediates, namely neighborhood social cohesion and neighborhood social capital. Place attachment contributes to the wellbeing of the elderly through creating and/or developing a “sense of autonomy, control, confidence, and identity” [ 43 ]. According to Sawada and Toyosato [ 44 ], place attachment plays a critical role in mitigating the negative impacts of low economic status on wellbeing among older adults. This is due to place attachment’s role in fostering neighborhood social interactions and offering emotional support, respect for one another, and self-esteem [ 44 ]. Furthermore, the relationship between environmental stressors and wellbeing is mediated by place attachment [45]. In addition, the presence of local landscape features, historic parks, and traditional gardens strengthens the perception of green spaces’ restorative qualities because of people’s familiarity with the area and their shared history and memories. This process also strengthens their attachment to the place. Moreover, compared to developed plants, wild plants produce higher degrees of attachment [ 57 ]. Furthermore, certain studies have emphasized the significance of cultural values in the correlation between landscape elements and place attachment. Specifically, the impact of landscape elements on place attachment is dependent on their level of presentation of local history and culture [ 55 , 57 ]. Additionally, wellbeing appeared as another aspect in the studies that examined the relationship between greenspaces and place attachment, since it is highly related to greenness [ 58 , 64 ]. For example, Basu et al. [ 60 ] demonstrated place attachment’s mediation function between wellbeing and connection to nature. The process by which greenery helps to lower stress and improve mental wellbeing is explained by Stress Reduction Theory and Attention Restoration Theory [18–20]. Moreover, social interaction is associated with developing place attachment [ 21 ]. People build functional, emotional, and social attachments because of familiarity with different 22 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 environmental aspects and shared information [ 70 ]. Social networks with friends [ 71 ] and ties with one’s family and friends [ 73 ] are also positively associated with place attachment. A lesser sense of belonging to a place and population decline are also associated with less place attachment [ 78 ]. Social activities and social contacts play a more important role in enhancing place attachment, especially in low-income/deprived neighborhoods, due to the lower quality of the environment [ 107 , 108 ]. Furthermore, public green spaces have been shown to improve place attachment through social aspects like a sense of belonging and interaction among community members [ 80 , 81 ]. Apart from social elements, it has been demonstrated that certain cultural elements, like commonplace locations like grocery stores and dining establishments, may improve a feeling of attachment [ 79 ]. Additionally, higher place attachment raises social trust and civic engagement [21,82,83], both of which directly raise quality of life [ 2 ]. Such engagement involves a higher sense of responsibility toward the environment and participating in different social activities to make decisions and solve problems. Therefore, improving place attachment helps to increase a variety of pro-environmental variables, including intent to recycle waste [72,84]. Furthermore, plenty of research has been carried out on the attachment to one’s new home among immigrants and refugees. Tr ˛abka [ 23 ] asserts that immigrants’ adjustment to a new environment is considered as a progressive process involving several dimensions of place attachment, such as place dependency, place discovery, place identity, and place inherited. In terms of the process of adapting to the new environment, there are also significant differences among immigrants based on socioeconomic factors, such as highly skilled professionals and migrants with lesser status [ 23 ]. Immigrants’ growing sense of attachment to their homeland is linked to signs of continuity, such as the presence of familiar elements in the scene [ 32 ]. Refugees who plant and garden show empathy and responsibility, which fosters a sense of belonging and attachment to their new home [ 24 ]. According to Risbeth and Powell [ 79 ], green spaces in public open spaces have a strong association with immigrants’ sense of place attachment by connecting with the memories of their different life stages and enhancing the sense of continuity among immigrants [ 79 ]. Particularly for bicultural immigrants, the green urban landscape is linked to a stronger sense of attachment [ 53 ]. Furthermore, place attachment can provide an alternative approach to improving the wellbeing of immigrants and refugees [ 24 , 85 ], and becoming familiar with the environment can foster place attachment and lessen stress among refugees [ 24 ]. The availability of recreational areas enhances refugees’ wellbeing and place attachment [ 24 ]. Immigrants’ sense of attachment and ability to cope with stress are greatly enhanced by the presence of green places, particularly those that are part of their native landscape [64]. Additionally, Peters et al. [ 87 ] demonstrate that social interaction with the host community and the organization of memorable events foster the emotional ties that immigrants form with the natural landscapes around them. Comparably, increased place attachment for immigrants and refugees [ 43 , 88 , 89 ] as well as the wellbeing of older immigrants [ 43 ]are facilitated by cohousing, increased social contact with residents, increased environmental capacity for social integration, and the openness and acceptance of the host community [ 43 ]. Finally, immigrants’ motivations to engage in civic activities and create social capital in their communities are improved by place attachment [82]. Additionally, female residents showed a stronger sense of attachment to their place of residence compared to male residents while considering the socio-demographic characteristics associated with place attachment [ 66 , 67 ], and depending on the age group, the attributes of the related elements with place attachment change. As an example, older generations have stronger ties to historic sites than adolescents [ 93 ]. Open spaces that allow children to play creatively are the main characteristics of natural environments for children so that their place attachment increases, an issue that is not observed in adults [ 25 ]. Pretty et al. [ 95 ] found that although adolescents primarily rely on their perceptions of the opportunities and amenities of their place of residence, adults’ sense of belonging to the neighborhood involves both emotional and behavioral commitment. Children’s sense of 23 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 identity is created and developed in part by the presence of cultural aspects, according to Shabak et al. [25]. Studies on place attachment have primarily focused on older persons among the age ranges. Compared to older populations, middle-aged groups show higher levels of attachment [ 89 ]. According to Lebrusán and Gomez [ 96 ], older persons who live in familiar environments experience a greater sense of place attachment and a sense of belonging and security. Participating in cultural and religious events in the community is linked to older persons having a stronger feeling of place attachment [ 44 ]. Older adults are not interested in outdoor activities in green areas with higher environmental stressors where they feel less attached [ 45 ]. Place attachment also helps older adults cope with aging challenges in their living environment [ 90 ], and the concepts of continuity, identity, and lifetime memories of the place play a role in enhancing the place attachment of older female residents [100]. Finally, studies regarding the sense of attachment among immigrants and refugees have also focused on older adults. Language, cultural attitudes, and values may have an impact on how well elderly immigrants develop place attachment [ 102 ]. Social aspects and identification with place are considered as determining factors in improving the place attachment of elderly immigrants [101]. Additionally, there is a positive correlation between walking frequency and place attachment, because walking fosters closer relationships with the environment and is associated with the creation of memories and knowledge of one’s neighborhood, both of which may increase one’s sense of place attachment. Attachment to specific places, such as residential neighborhoods, has been shown to encourage people to adopt and maintain physical activity routines [ 27 , 103 ]. According to Koohsari et al. [ 27 ], there is a substantial correlation between the amount of time spent walking for enjoyment in the neighborhood and place attachment. This is supported by Li et al. (2020) [ 104 ], who found that walkability and space quality were revealed as the most influential factors associated with place attachment. Koohsari et al. [ 27 ] also found that place attachment and walking for transportation is mediated by perceived neighborhood walkability [ 27 ]. According to Van Den Berg et al. [ 15 ], subjective walkability rather than actual walkability is a better indicator of place attachment. They also found that perceived walkability has an indirect effect on place attachment via neighborhood-based social interaction [ 15 ]. Finally, Arnberger et al. [ 106 ] found that among various users of green areas, such as walkers and dog walkers/owners, motivations, satisfaction, and visit frequency are predictors of place attachment. Concerning the relationship between walkability and place attachment, much research has not been carried out on how walkability-related built environment features can strengthen place attachment. For example, it was discovered that place attachment and accessibility are related. Accessibility is a primarily built environmental factor connected with walkability [ 104 ]. This is supported by Zhang et al. [ 105 ], who found that accessibility has a positive effect on place attachment, while place satisfaction plays a mediating role. In addition, it has also been shown that crime-related factors contribute to a lower sense of place attachment in low-income/deprived neighborhoods [ 107 , 108 ]. The built environment factors that are linked to walkability also include certain qualities of urban design and aesthetic and design-related aspects of path context [ 109 – 114 ]. These factors are particularly significant for place attachment because they can contribute to creating more enjoyable walking experiences [ 115 ], which pedestrians may use as a basis for their place attachment in their neighborhoods [ 104 ]. The presence of parks and green spaces, the existence of natural features, the amounts of greenery, the types of building facades and their maintenance, the presence of landmarks, the degree of enclosure, the transparent façade, building height, and articulation in building design are some examples of these aesthetic and design-related aspects of path context [ 116 – 122 ] Furthermore, according to Ewing and Handy (2009) [ 123 ] and Paydar et al. (2023b) [ 124 ], legibility, complexity, mystery, coherence, imageability, enclosure, and human scale are examples of urban design qualities linked to walkability 24 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 and the everyday walking experience of pedestrians. These aspects of urban design might further promote a sense of place attachment. Finally, Lewicka (2010) [ 91 ] noted that most studies on place attachment are conducted at the middle-scale level and concentrate on people’s relationships with their neighborhood; smaller and bigger scales, which can be defined as cities and housing units, are less investigated. Furthermore, there is an association between the degree of place attachment and the place’s scale [ 91 ]. The size of a city can have a significant impact on how people perceive and interact with their place; in particular, large and small cities tend to have higher levels of place attachment than medium-sized cities, according to Casakin et al. [ 125 ], who investigated the relationship between the place dimension and the level of attachment among Israeli residents. 5. Conclusions This study reviewed place attachment and related variables using the following six categories: “place attachment and wellbeing”, “place attachment and urban greenery”, “place attachment and social and cultural factors”, “place attachment and immigrants/refugees”, “place attachment and gender/age”, and “place attachment and walkability”. All three of the subjective, psychological, and social dimensions of wellbeing can be enhanced by place attachment, and there is a higher correlation between place attachment and subjective wellbeing among indigenous communities. In addition, place attachment contributes to the wellbeing of the elderly by creating and/or developing a sense of autonomy, control, confidence, and identity. This association works to improve social interactions, mutual respect, and emotional support to lessen the detrimental impact that low economic status has on older people’s wellbeing. This applies particularly to city planners trying to lessen the negative impacts of economic distress on the standard of living in lower-income neighborhoods. Place attachment can also lessen the detrimental effects of environmental stressors on wellbeing. Aspects of one’s surroundings that increase psychological or emotional stress are referred to as environmental stressors. Extreme temperatures, crowded spaces, loud noises, and criminal activity are a few examples of environmental stresses. Therefore, improving place attachment in communities with high concentrations of environmental stressors may help mitigate the detrimental impacts of those stresses on wellbeing. In addition, the presence of local landscape features, historic parks, and traditional gardens all strengthen a person’s sense of place attachment, and the effect of landscape features on place attachment varies according to how much they represent the history and culture of the area. This could be further investigated by future studies. Furthermore, green spaces have been linked to improved mental wellbeing following Stress Reduction Theory and Attention Restoration Theory. It was also found that place attachment plays a mediator function between nature connectedness and wellbeing. Social interaction is also linked to the development of place attachment, and this relationship is stronger in low-income/deprived neighborhoods due to the lower quality of the environment. As a result, in poor neighborhoods, social context is crucial for improving place attachment. Urban policymakers could use this to raise the level of place attachment among inhabitants by concentrating more on various social features in such neighborhoods. Furthermore, public greenspaces have been shown to contribute to place attachment through social factors such as interaction among community members. Increased place attachment also improves social trust and civic engagement, both of which have a direct positive impact on quality of life. Such engagement involves a higher sense of responsibility toward the environment and participating in different social activities to make decisions and solve problems. When it comes to immigrants and refugees, signs of continuity—that is, incorporating familiar features into a setting—are linked to an increasing sense of attachment among the immigrants in their new environment. Green landscapes play a significant role in helping immigrants and refugees connect with their memories of their various life stages 25 Urban Sci. 2024,8, 135 and enhance their sense of continuity, particularly among bicultural immigrants. Green landscapes connected with the origin culture of immigrants are crucial in strengthening their sense of continuity and place attachment. Natural landscapes also help immigrants strengthen their emotional ties and sense of place attachment by providing opportunities for social engagement with the host community. Furthermore, place attachment positively influences older immigrants’ tendencies to engage in civic activities in their communities, and language, cultural attitudes, and values may have an impact on the development of place attachment in these individuals. Future studies in regions with a high concentration of immigrants and refugees may focus more on the types of landscape features, cultural attitudes and values, and social factors that connect to the immigrants’ home cultures and increase the likelihood of social integration between the immigrants and the host communities, all of which ultimately help to strengthen the immigrants’ sense of place attachment. Additionally, the process by which place attachment develops varies according to age group: adults’ sense of place attachment involves both behavioral and emotional commitment, whereas adolescents’ sense of place attachment is primarily based on their impressions of the amenities and opportunities provided by their place of residence. Involving older people in the neighborhood’s cultural and religious events is linked to increasing their sense of place attachment, which in turn helps them cope better with the challenges of aging in their living environment. Urban policymakers may help to strengthen the sense of place attachment among older persons residing in communities with higher rates of aging by recognizing and enhancing these cultural activities. Furthermore, the duration of time spent walking and the perception of the neighborhood’s walkability are positively correlated with each other. Place attachment is indirectly influenced by perceived walkability through social interactions inside the neighborhood. Place attachment relates to accessibility, one of the primary built environmental factors associated with walkability. However, the role of other built environmental factors related to perceived walkability, especially the aesthetic and design-related aspects of path context and certain urban design qualities in enhancing place attachment, has been rarely investigated. Further studies could investigate the potential effects of these aesthetic and design-related aspects of path context and urban design qualities on place attachment. Finally, studies have shown that place attachment is higher in large and small cities relative to medium-sized cities, indicating a link between place attachment and the scale of the place. The contribution of the scale of the place to the sense of place attachment could also be stressed by future studies. Author Contributions: Conceptualization, A.K.F. and M.P.; methodology, M.P.; validation, M.P.; formal analysis, A.K.F. and M.P.; investigation, A.K.F. and M.P.; resources, A.K.F. and M.P.; data curation, A.K.F. and M.P.; writing—original draft preparation, A.K.F. and M.P.; writing—review and editing, A.K.F. and M.P.; visualization, M.P.; supervision, M.P.; project administration, A.K.F.; funding acquisition, A.K.F. and M.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: The APC of this research was funded by the ANID + InES Género + INGE210029. Data Availability Statement: Not applicable. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. References 1. Manzo, L.C. For better or worse: Exploring multiple dimensions of place meaning. J. Environ. Psychol. 2005 ,25, 67–86. [CrossRef] 2. Manzo, L.C.; Devine-Wright, P. Place Attachment: Advances in Theory, Methods and Applications; Routledge: London, UK; New York, NY, USA, 2014. 3. 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Materials and Methods To achieve the set goals, bibliometric research has been conducted, which is a computerassisted systematic review of existing scientific production in a specific field or subject [ 53 ]. This systematic review was carried out in accordance with the guidelines established in The PRISMA 2020 statement paper, thereby ensuring a rigorous methodological process that enhances the transparency, reproducibility, and reliability of the review. In this case, it concerns urban fragmentation, extracting productions from the two most important bibliographic databases in the social sciences: Scopus and Web of Science. From the latter, the three main indices containing the most relevant productions have been selected: Science Citation Index Expanded (SCI-Expanded), Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), and the Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI), all included in the WOS Core Collection. This review aims to identify the main trends in scientific production, the structure of production, and the most notable specificities thereof. The search was organized using the following search operator: TITLE-ABS-KEY (“urban fragmentation”), so as to identify occurrences of urban fragmentation in title, abstract, or keywords in all the languages covered by the search engine. This operation was repeated identically in both search engines, thus obtaining the first raw sample of information in two “.bib” format files. To standardize the formats resulting from each database, RStudio software 4.3.2. was used, which allowed for the extraction of a single file to work on in “.xlsx” format, accepted in the analysis software used subsequently. Once the initial search was formulated, with 395 records obtained, duplicate results were removed, reducing the amount to 185 across both databases, eliminating up to 210 results. Subsequently, the results were filtered by publication date. Publications covering the period from 2008, the start of the Great Recession and the time when the phenomenon of urban fragmentation began to multiply, up to the present (end of 2023) were selected. After this step, the total number of publications was reduced by 33, leaving 152 records. The last step before analysis involves filtering the results by theme. When searching for scientific productions on urban fragmentation, publications related to habitat fragmentation or urban ecology may be erroneously obtained, and thus themes such as biodiversity, pollution, engineering, or environmental studies included. Therefore, the results were filtered by theme, eliminating 19 more. The database configured for analysis ended up with 133 scientific publications finally. When conducting this study, it is necessary to consider the limitations that may arise from using these search engines [ 54 ], which sometimes may not capture all the complexity and depth of scientific production in a specific field, whether due to the formulation of search operators or the coverage of the databases in the journals they host, to name a few examples. This can lead to the omission of some documents related to the subject that fall outside the scope of these bibliographic repositories due to the indexing of journals or the nature of the works not collected, such as conference journals or some book chapters. Nonetheless, the sample is considered to be sufficiently significant. The software used for the empirical analysis of this work is Biblioshiny, an application of the Bibliometrix package for Rstudio that allows for descriptive analysis of bibliographic databases [ 55 ], with the goal of interpreting a specific scientific production in the best possible way. Thus, by importing the previously filtered bibliographic base in “.xlsx” format, with comma separation, the bibliometric analysis was able to be conducted. 37 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 In the following diagram (see Figure 1), the phases of the process are summarized, from the initial insertion of the search operator in both databases to the final sample, illustrating each step in alignment with the bibliometric research method and the principles set out in The PRISMA 2020 statement. Figure 1. PRISMA flow diagram of the systematic review. 4. Results After the search and screening process, 133 results from 78 sources were obtained, corresponding to the most relevant indexed scientific production on urban fragmentation from 2008 to the present (end of 2023) (Figure 2), authored by 232 different writers. Broadly speaking, it can be observed that global production has remained steady and even increased since 2008, the year the global financial crisis erupted and urban inequality increased, a main driver of case studies on fragmentation. After a peak in the year the bubble burst, scientific production increased to reach its maximum in 2023 with about twenty indexed works, with the second highest value being in 2021 with 14. This fact points to fragmentation as a growing topic of debate gaining importance given the current context in cities around the world, increasingly recurring in global literature. The production in this period is spread across four different continents, including Africa, Europe, Asia, and both North and South America. This points to a global diffusion of fragmentation issues and their study, as a term present in global science and relevant case studies distributed around the planet. 38 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 Figure 2. Evolution of annual scientific production on urban fragmentation (2008–2023). 4.1. Themes In terms of themes, the keywords and approaches taken show the multidisciplinary nature of the concept, but always centered on urban specificity and its processes. The following analysis includes the words included in the title, abstract, and keywords section of the extracted scientific production. Thus, by extracting the most common words in titles, abstracts, and keywords, fragmentation stands out as the common thread of most research, which orbits around urban processes and their governance: planning, development, expansion, or delimitation of these areas. Additionally, terms that refer to new spatial patterns of fragmentation, such as gated communities, are reflected (Table 1). Table 1. Most common keywords. Keywords Count Fragmentation 19 Urban area 13 Urban development 11 Urban planning 11 Urbanization 10 Urban sprawl 8 Cities 7 Metropolitan area 7 Gated community 7 Social segregation 7 More broadly, in the word cloud shown below with a wider conceptual range (Figure 3), other aspects stand out in the scientific production on urban fragmentation, such as the analysis of cities and metropolitan areas, the emergence of classical views such as social exclusion or segregation, and secondary themes such as infrastructure, housing, public space, urban morphology, population, or mobility. The word cloud (Figure 3) also highlights some of the most frequent study locations, showing where the urban fragmentation hotspots analyzed by scientific studies are: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, China, the United States, and Mexico are some of the prominent countries derived from the analyzed articles. 39 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 If the keywords are analyzed from an evolutionary perspective, fragmentation appears increasingly frequently in the extracted bibliography, being the term with the greatest rise from 2008 to 2023, considering the growing importance of this phenomenon and its analysis. The concept of fragmentation stands out above others that focus on the urban sphere, such as planning, development, or urban sprawl, in addition to the classic term segregation, which falls outside the keywords with the greatest evolution, represented in Figure 4. Figure 3. Word cloud with the most repeated concepts in the search. Figure 4. Evolution of the most repeated keywords in the search. 4.2. Affiliations and Origins In the field of countries with the highest scientific contribution to urban fragmentation, there is a notable dominance of Latin and Western regions. In relation to this, another noteworthy aspect of the selected bibliography is the language of production of its articles. Considering the prominent standardization of English as the main language in most highimpact journals, the Latin and Southern European regions acquire significant weight, 40 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 accounting for the production hub that this region represents. Of the total 133 results in the selected sample, there are 75 in English, 44 in Spanish, 8 in French, 4 in Portuguese, and 2 in Italian. However, it is important to highlight the emerging growth of studies on urban fragmentation in Chinese academia. These studies are gaining relevance both in national scientific production and among Chinese authors writing from other countries or in journals that are growing within China itself. These analyses address inequalities in both the West and China, as the cities of this Asian country are also affected by urban neoliberalism, a global phenomenon. In terms of the publication mediums that have most extensively covered this topic, the journal EURE (Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales) stands out significantly above the rest. This journal, based at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, features up to 24 of the 133 articles included in the study, far exceeding the second most productive medium on urban fragmentation, the journal Urban Studies (of Anglo-Saxon scope) from Sage Journals with five registered publications. These results position EURE as the epicenter of production on urban fragmentation, highlighting the relationship between fragmentation and its focus of study as a regional theme, with a special impact in Latin America and a multitude of cases manifesting in its cities and metropolitan areas, with new spatial patterns of segregation such as gated communities or condominiums. In line with the aforementioned, studying the production according to the nationality of the authors’ affiliations, the dominance of Spanish-speaking countries continues (Table 2). In fact, synergies have been generated between the different countries and institutions that have published on this topic in the last fifteen years. Mexico, Spain, and Chile stand out, and among the countries with the most producing authors are also Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. Table 2. Countries’ scientific production in analyzed period. Country Count Mexico 36 Spain 28 Chile 23 USA 20 France 18 Argentina 17 Brazil 12 Colombia 11 China 6 Peru 6 Finally, other countries show an upward trend in the study of fragmentation, due to the presence of case studies and the formation of new publication centers, in places such as China, the United States, and France. The Chinese case has already been mentioned. The United States accounts for 20 articles during the studied period, demonstrating the interest in urban fragmentation and the expansion of the phenomenon in North American cities. France also has a certain tradition and references authors in urban fragmentation. In fact, some paved the way for their theories to be later applied in spaces around the world [50]. Regarding specific affiliations (Table 3), the University of Colima, located in Mexico, stands out with eight indexed contributions in the databases. Similarly, the other universities with the highest production are also in Latin America, with the next two being Chilean, 41 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 the fourth also Mexican, and the seventh Argentine. They are accompanied by universities from countries that, as noted, excel in the analysis of this topic, such as China, the United States, and Spain. Table 3. Most productive affiliations. Country Count Universidad de Colima 8 Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile 6 Universidad de Chile 5 Universidad de Guadalajara 5 Idaho State University 4 Boise State University 4 Universidad de Buenos Aires 4 Universidad de Guanajuato 4 Universidad Politécnica de Madrid 3 City University of Hong Kong 3 4.3. Notable Authors and Documents The authorship of the collected works is very diverse, as most authors have a low number of published studies. The observed scientific production does not have a clear structure, as there are no notable co-citation patterns. The authors of the most cited and notable literature indexed in these databases do not cite each other, suggesting a dispersion among the scientific community working on topics related to urban fragmentation. The most relevant author in the results is Daniel Kozak, affiliated with the University of Buenos Aires and the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Argentina. This researcher, specialized in urban fragmentation, has published various works ranging from theoretical reflections to case studies, focused on Argentina and its cities, with an eye on large developments, global neoliberalism, or urban sprawl, among others. Secondly, with three published articles, are Rodrigo Hidalgo and Martín Lemma. These authors are also affiliated with countries in Latin America, specifically Chile and Argentina, confirming the previous trend of this part of the world as a hotspot in the analysis of urban fragmentation. In the obtained database, the most-cited work corresponds to Walid Oueslati, Seraphim Alvanides, and Guy Garrod [ 56 ], with affiliations in France and the UK. It was published in 2015 in the first quartile Scopus journal Urban Studies and has a total of 221 citations from its publication to the date of the analysis. The article, following the thematic trend of the selected works, is a large-scale study on urban sprawl in Europe and its determinants in recent decades, providing an overview of the growth of large cities based on economic data and geographic variables. From these data and generated indices, the analyzed changes reveal increasing levels of urban fragmentation in the European cities studied, covering 237, including all major metropolitan areas in Western Europe. The other most-cited documents correspond to a case study and a theoretical discussion, reaching 132 and 120 citations, respectively. The first is a study on land use and socio-spatial segregation in gated communities and private urbanizations, using the term segregation ambivalently with fragmentation in this case. It was developed in the city of Beijing and published in 2013 in the journal Urban Geography by Donggen Wang, Fei Li, and Yanwei Chai [ 57 ]. The work serves as a reference to indicate that not only does residential segregation imply socio-spatial differentiation, but it also affects how people spend their time and how they use urban space. 42 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 Finally, the third article with the greatest global impact in terms of citations is a theoretical reflection published in 2008 on planning and zoning policies and their effects on development, health, or environmental justice. It is authored by Sacoby Wilson, Malo Hutson, and Mahasin Mujahid [ 58 ] in the journal Environmental Justice. Their article is important support to many subsequent critical studies on urban governance and planning, concluding with a guide of recommendations to improve the quality of life in fragmented neighborhoods. 5. Discussion and Future Lines of Research The findings presented demonstrate that urban fragmentation has a significant theoretical background, although it often suffers from conceptual ambiguity and a lack of precise boundaries. This background has expanded in recent years, especially after the pandemic [ 59 ], with a growing number of studies focusing on the conceptual disruption of the city as an integrated entity as it was previously understood [ 45 ]. These disruptions encompass social, physical, symbolic, and economic fractures. Most of the analyzed studies approach fragmentation primarily as a physical phenomenon, examining it at the urban scale. Prominent examples include new spatial patterns such as condominios, gated communities, and urban sprawl. Most of this research is conducted in Latin America, authored by regional scholars who focus on case studies of major cities and urban areas in the region. These areas exhibit a high prevalence of such patterns, fueling case studies characterized by substantial diversity and stark inequalities. Nevertheless, contemporary cities are increasingly complex spaces influenced by a multitude of variables, some of which remain underexplored in discussions of urban fragmentation. The inherent complexity of urban spaces has left certain dimensions of fragmentation insufficiently addressed in the existing literature. This concept’s multidimensionality extends beyond its physical aspects, encompassing economic, symbolic, and political dimensions, among others. Moreover, fragmentation operates with a distinct multiscalar character, as the urban issues extend well beyond administrative boundaries. Drawing on the analyzed studies and the research gaps identified within them, this article proposes several avenues for advancing the study of urban fragmentation. One promising avenue for future study is fragmentation associated with the politics of space; a subject explored in its early stages by authors such as McFarlane [ 60 ]. This perspective focuses on the fragment itself, examining its specific power dynamics and the decisions that have shaped its development, often aligning with research on inequalities and urban poverty. Some other works focus on examining urban fragmentation in relation to spatial policies, pivoting on the dynamics and characteristics of the fragments themselves [ 61 , 62 ], opening the way to new studies more qualitatively oriented. Furthermore, in an increasingly globalized world that transcends urban scales [ 63 ], it is essential to adopt a more diverse, multi-scalar approach to analyzing fragmentation. This includes not only metropolitan areas but also delving into more detailed studies of districts, neighborhoods, and even smaller territorial units. These levels are often where the most pronounced differences in urban dynamics and relational processes can be observed [64]. Finally, within the context of global capitalist restructuring, with dominant global economic activities homogenizing urban dynamics [ 65 ], tourism has emerged as a key driver in shaping urban spaces and a significant driver of fragmentation. Over recent decades, tourism has reshaped urban morphology, transformed societies, redefined economic specializations, and connected distant parts of the world, while intensifying internal fragmentation [ 66 ]. Thus, the relationship between the increasingly prominent tourism sector and urban fragmentation represents a critical avenue for future research. 43 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 An additional aspect that warrants attention in fragmentation research, beyond the thematic scope, is the limited application of qualitative methodologies. To date, quantitative techniques and spatial analysis have largely dominated this field, highlighting an opportunity for a methodological shift. Such a change could incorporate more detailed scale analyses and explore new dimensions of fragmentation through qualitative approaches. Another widespread bias observed in most published studies is the tendency to analyze fragmentation phenomena affecting low-income populations, socially vulnerable groups, or communities subjected to ethnic or racial discrimination. On the other hand, studies that examine wealthier groups, business and political leaders, professional executives, and elite immigrants—whose behaviors also contribute to urban fragmentation—are considered only marginally [67]. In summary, future research directions in the study of urban fragmentation could be expanded to include three key areas, among others: (1) examining urban fragmentation in relation to spatial policies, with a particular focus on the dynamics and characteristics of the fragments themselves; (2) exploring urban fragmentation beyond the citywide scale, emphasizing finer-grained levels such as neighborhoods, districts, and even smaller units; and (3) investigating tourism as a driver of fragmentation, given its cross-cutting impact on the transformation of cities globally. The main limitation of the review stems from the type of works included in the indexed databases used, both of which are focused on journal articles with less presence or direct absence of other publications such as books, book chapters, conference papers, etc. Nonetheless, the validity of these databases is well established, and the sample is significant. 6. Conclusions This paper analyzes the current scientific production on urban fragmentation through a selection of indexed bibliographies. Starting from a scenario of lacking systematic review of the existing publications in urban studies, this document addresses that need with an analysis and a state of the art that contributes to the development of a burgeoning concept. Therefore, this article fills this gap in the current literature in urban studies, contributing to a greater understanding of urban issues and the structure of the most important scientific contributions, employing an innovative methodology compared to prior reviews in the field of urban studies. Urban fragmentation represents the physical manifestation of a latent inequality scenario that has persisted for many decades in cities around the world. These cities are no longer cohesive spaces, as segregation once asserted, but rather composed of many disconnected parts, especially in relational, social, and economic aspects, which relate their characteristics to their spatial distribution, leaving a task to local urbanists and city planners. This process has been studied by various authors in recent decades, highlighting the complexity of the phenomenon, the discontinuity of the urban fabric it entails, and the different dimensions it encompasses, ranging from socio-spatial to the governance of space. Following the search conducted, the phenomenon of fragmentation is configured as a process of growing scientific interest, with an increasingly global reach. Since 2008, when the global financial crisis erupted and urban inequality increased, scientific production has remained constant and even on an upward trend, being situated in more places around the planet. The thematic approaches are very diverse, with varied production among case studies, theoretical reflections, and conceptual analyses. The most recurrent are those that focus on urban space and its specific processes, concentrating on its physical changes: development, diffusion, planning, and new forms of fragmentation, such as condominiums, gated com44 Urban Sci. 2025,9,98 munities, and private urbanizations. The growing interest in the concept of fragmentation stands out in contrast to the stagnation of classic segregation. Latin America, represented especially by Chile, Mexico, and Argentina, stands out as one of the main areas of study, both in the authors analyzing these processes and in the journals publishing on them. This occurs in two ways: with its cities as a center of analysis, given their urban inequalities and new forms of urban fragmentation, and on the other hand, through its scientific journals, which have become important spaces for scientific publication related to fragmentation both in Latin America and other regions of the world. Given the importance and relevance of the urban fragmentation process in today’s world, which leads, as has been demonstrated, to a growing academic literary production, future research will be necessary with updates to the literature review conducted here. Author Contributions: Conceptualization, V.P.-G., F.E.G.-R. and L.A.E.-G.; methodology, V.P.-G.; software, V.P.-G.; validation, V.P.-G., F.E.G.-R. and L.A.E.-G.; formal analysis, V.P.-G.; investigation, V.P.-G. and F.E.G.- R.; data curation, V.P.-G.; writing—original draft preparation, L.A.E.-G.; writing—review and editing, V.P.-G., F.E.G.-R. and L.A.E.-G.; supervision, L.A.E.-G.; funding acquisition, L.A.E.-G. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: This research was funded by the project ‘Cities in transition. Urban fragmentation and new socio-spatial patterns of in-equality in the post-pandemic context. The case of the urban area of Palma (Mallorca)’ (PID2021-122410OB-C31), funded by MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033. Data Availability Statement: The data shown in this review and more results included in the funding project may be found at the following website: https://portal.uib.cat/es/web/projecte-2cities-intransition (accessed on 16 March 2025). Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. References 1. González-Pérez, J.M.; Parreño-Castellano, J.M.; Sánchez-Aguilera, D. Fragmentación urbana. Marco conceptual para el análisis de la desigualdad en España. In Geografía: Cambios, Retos y Adaptación. XXVIII Congreso de la Asociación Española de Geografía, 1st ed.; Arnáez, J., Ruiz-Flaño, P., Pascual-Bellido, N.E., Noemí Lana-Renault, N., Jorge Lorenzo-Lacruz, J., Díez Angulo, A., Martín-Hernández, N., Lasanta, T., Estela Nadal Romero, E., Eds.; Asociación Española de Geografía: Madrid, Spain, 2023; pp. 811–820. [CrossRef] 2. Abellán, J. 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Available online: https://books.openedition.org/septentrion/7800 (accessed on 16 March 2025). 43. Manski, C.F. Identification of endogenous social effects: The reflection problem. Rev. Econ. Stud. 1993,60, 531–542. [CrossRef] 44. Manski, C.F. Economic analysis of social interactions. J. Econ. Perspect. 2000,14, 115–136. [CrossRef] 46 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 the search was kept as broad as possible, the thirty-two documents selected specifically focused on urban economics and spatial planning interventions, in relation to zoning and degrowth. From an original pool of 112 documents, twenty were directly related to urban economics, demonstrating the extent to which economics is prioritised in urban planning, compared to fifty documents referring to degrowth and fifty-nine to zoning. Other topics common in degrowth discourse that were noticed during the collection of sources ranged from the origins of the concept to the housing and transportation sectors, and how they can implement more degrowth-minded practices. These research papers were used as a foundation for the literature review, to conduct a secondary data analysis of zoning and degrowth discourse. This foundation was built through coding and content analysis, to determine the main principles of degrowth, as will be further explained in Section 3.1. Furthermore, this foundation provided common terms and indicators associated with degrowth. This helped ensure internal validity, as this process ensured a standardised method of identifying degrowth practices, providing more insight into what was measured and how. Alongside the selection of discourse, an important aspect of this research and the selection of secondary data sources was the process of finding and selecting which policy documents and policy briefs to use for the analysis. Through this process, two policy documents relevant to the United States and the case study of Texas were discovered. First, the Standard Zoning Enabling Act of 1926, which was the first public policy document to be used in the United States as a baseline for all states to follow when drafting zoning regulations, was selected to understand initial zoning regulations and to compare with more recent zoning regulations to assess how zoning ordinances have developed, and whether or not newer sub-branches were integrated over time. The second document, the Texas Municipal Code for Zoning, was selected as a more recent zoning ordinance applicable to the specific case study—and as a basis for comparison of multi-level policy. This document summarises which zoning regulations are standard in the state, and their purpose. As a case study, Texas is relevant as an anomaly to most other states in terms of how zoning is applied, as it is one of the least regulated states, due to the lack of a state-wide mandate for zoning regulation implementation [ 28 ]. The differing levels of implementation between cities, or even counties, in Texas may result in a rich variety of zoning landscapes that could facilitate the study of the different degrowth patterns either enabled or hindered by existing regulations which may or may not have been implemented. In addition to the two policy papers found, a comprehensive list was made to identify all counties in Texas which zone, by accumulating all zoning codes of each county through a thorough online search. While these county-based codes were not used for analysis, this list was used to create a visual representation to understand how many counties in Texas engage in zoning practices. This map (found in Section 3.3) was created based on a list of states that implement zoning, and visualised using Graphic Information Systems (GIS). The map created is a modification of an existing polygon layer (a layer used to visualise the boundaries and shapes of areas on a map) found online [ 29 ], to only show the counties which enforce zoning regulations. Lastly, two degrowth initiatives were found globally as points of comparison. These two initiatives (sustainable building bricks in Egypt and the Nieuwe Meent development in the Netherlands) are meant to provide examples of how degrowth can be incorporated into urban planning at the neighbourhood level. Each initiative highlights a different aspect of degrowth, such as fostering stronger communities, autonomy, and ecological protection. These initiatives will be used as comparison points to Texas, to see how degrowth practices can be improved in Texas, and what possible initiatives can be incorporated into Texan 53 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 urban planning (See Section 4.3). Not only will this show possibilities for more degrowthminded practices in Texan planning culture, but it will also provide external validity, as these comparisons will explore whether or not degrowth initiatives are applicable in different contexts. In the following sub-sections, the coding process, operationalisation and selection of degrowth principles, and case study selection are outlined in more detail. 3.1. Coding Process All data and sources collected for this research were subjected to a coding process using the qualitative analysis software, Atlas.TI, version 25.0.1. The coding process consisted of labelling terms and phrases in each source to categorise indicators and crucial pieces of information related to zoning and degrowth. This process is divided into two separate sections. First, the degrowth literature was coded (see Figures 1 and 2 for code trees) to identify the key principles of the movement. Secondly, the summary of the Texas policy paper was coded to find overlap between different zoning sub-branches and degrowth principles. Figure 1. Zoning sub-branch code tree. Figure 2. Degrowth principles code tree. During the collection of the literature, an initial list of degrowth principles was identified. When each source was coded, it became clear that the initial list of principles had to be expanded to accommodate newly found trends in the literature. Therefore, during the coding process, new indicators were added, as explained in Section 3.2. Afterwards, 54 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 all codes were revisited to avoid repetitions and miscoding. This led to the creation of the principles identified in Table 1 in a semi-inductive manner, by combining the initial list of indicators with new ones that emerged from the analysis process (see Figure 2). Table 1. Operationalisation table. Concept Principles Indicators Explanation Degrowth Decoupling Economics Decommodification Deprioritising material and financial growth Fostering Stronger Communities Conviviality, Cohabitation, Culture, Interaction Providing community spaces for networking and solidarity Self-Sufficiency Low-impact Livelihood, Downsizing Reducing consumption and production patterns to avoid excess Equity Cooperation, Collective Action, Equal Distribution Democratically allocating resources in a socially just manner, to maintain well-being Political Autonomy/Collaboration Decision-making, Participation, Organising and Regulating Empowering residents and smaller entities to have influence over regulations and their living environments Ecological/Environmental Protection Lowering Emissions, Renewable Energy Sources, Resource Conservation, Biodiversity Encouraging sustainable practices to reduce waste, emissions, and consumption patterns, while preserving our environment The second part of the coding process involved coding the summary of the Texas policy document. Although the same dimensions were used as for the coding of the literature, an additional code tree was used to identify zoning sub-branches (see Figure 1). By using both code trees, overlap between zoning sub-branches and degrowth principles was found, which will be expanded upon in Section 3.2. Furthermore, motives and generic ideologies behind zoning regulations were coded in relation to degrowth, to assess how much of the degrowth movement is reflected in active zoning ordinances, and how much of it remains conceptual. 3.2. Operationalisation Based on patterns found during the coding process, a list of principles guiding the degrowth movement was identified. As discovered in the literature review, the degrowth ideology heavily depends on equity, environmental protection, and reducing the importance of economic growth in urban areas. These three aspects of degrowth are most discussed across the literature. Across these three aspects, six principles have been identified to encompass the ideology of degrowth, which are explained in Table 1. The equity principle refers to the equal distribution of resources, while empowering all citizens. More specifically, the equity pillar details the importance of rights and equality, to provide equal opportunities for everyone. There is a strong emphasis on justice and providing social welfare [ 17 ]. This is closely related to another principle, which was identified as fostering stronger communities. This principle was separated from equity to highlight the concepts of cohabitation, conviviality, and networking, which are strongly dependent on degrowth initiatives [22]. 55 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 The environmental protection principle, mostly referred to as ecological value in degrowth literature, encompasses everything ranging from climate change adaptation to reducing our ecological footprints through more sustainable and less consumption-heavy practices. Most importantly, this principle aims to conserve both our natural environment and our resources, through less consumption and production, and by efficiently using what is already available [ 17 ]. This notion also ties in with the fourth principle of degrowth, which is decoupling economic growth from urban planning. This means that an active effort must be made to reduce the importance of economic growth when planning our urban environments, as well as to downscale our lifestyles [ 21 , 24 – 26 , 30 ]. The act of downscaling also corresponds with the concept of self-sufficiency, identified as the fifth principle of the movement. Alongside reducing our consumption patterns, self-sufficiency also attempts to produce only what is necessary within smaller communities [ 25 ]. This can also be achieved through physical downscaling, which requires proximity between facilities, eliminating the need for transportation services [ 22 ]. This can also help protect our environment and reduce emissions. Lastly, the political dimension mostly refers to the goal of diminishing hierarchy in urban planning, to provide opportunities for collaboration between planning institutions and communities. Furthermore, there is a strong emphasis on deliberative democracy in the degrowth movement, to allow for greater empowerment and participation, as well as a level of autonomy for communities to self-organise and self-regulate [21]. Evidently, most principles of degrowth are interlinked and work together to shift our attitudes from an economics-based planning approach to one which prioritises social welfare and the environment. Each of these crucial principles identified as the main dimensions of degrowth was considered when evaluating zoning regulations in Texas. The operationalisation of degrowth principles not only provides better grounds for analysis but also creates a comprehensive overview of the movement and its components, which have yet to be defined concretely in common discourse, as noted in Section 2.2. While the explanation of each principle remains broad in this article, the operationalisation table can serve as a starting point to address this research gap. 3.3. Case Study Texas is known to be one of the only states that does not enforce zoning regulations across the state [ 28 ]. In fact, while Houston, the second largest city covering almost 1740 km 2 of land, does not implement zoning [ 31 ], Dallas has been implementing zoning since 1910 [ 32 ]. This is due to the fact that, historically, residents across the state of Texas have rejected the notion of zoning [ 9 ]. This variation in the implementation of zoning by county or city can be seen in Figure 3. The variation in implementing zoning regulations across the state is an interesting feature to study; more specifically, the difference between current zoning regulations and those proposed by the 1926 publication of the Standardised Zoning Enabling Act [ 2 ]. These changes can clarify whether there is a possibility of integrating ideologies such as degrowth into planning institutions, and how this can be achieved. To truly see the varying extents of zoning ordinances adopted in each city in Texas, the zoning policies of each county would need to be analysed individually. However, this is beyond the scope of this paper; therefore, a summary of the Texas zoning regulations was used instead [ 33 ]. The municipal code itself was not relevant to this study as it is strictly procedural and only addressed appeal processes and levels of jurisdiction. The summary used was more insightful in terms of the content of zoning regulations. 56 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 Figure 3. Map showing cities in Texas that implement zoning [29]. 4. Results This section presents the findings from the coding process, to understand whether degrowth principles are present in the overarching zoning regulations issued by the state of Texas. Although the Texas municipal code is only meant for generic guiding purposes, giving individual municipalities the right to remove, edit, or add clauses, it provides insight into common practices across the state and a comprehensive overview of which clauses align with degrowth principles. To identify which principles align, the results showing which degrowth principles and zoning sub-branches overlap will first be presented. Next, more general findings will be outlined to see how degrowth principles have infiltrated the policy brief without a direct link to zoning. Lastly, the integration of degrowth in Texas will be compared to other degrowth initiatives implemented internationally. 4.1. Sub-Branches Used to Push Degrowth Although all sub-branches of zoning are present to some extent in the Texas municipal code, there is little overlap between the various zoning sub-branches and degrowth principles. The overlap observed has been identified in Table 2. For instance, performance zoning was used to bring attention to environmental protection by aiming to ‘lessen congestion in the streets’ and ‘provide adequate light and air’ in the comprehensive plan of Texas [ 33 ]. A comprehensive plan identifies a strategy to achieve a city’s goals and ambitions to grow [ 33 ]. Zoning is one of the main tools to implement a comprehensive plan, essentially aiming to reach the goals stated within it. By extension, zoning in Texas aims to protect the environment through adequate light and reduced congestion. Another example is the combination of inclusionary zoning with the equity principle of degrowth, which is apparent in the clause stating that through urban planning, a ‘range of housing opportunities and choices’ should be created [ 33 ]. This not only aligns with degrowth, as there is a focus on widening the target group of development projects by setting prerequisites to consider different incomes and co-habitation possibilities, but it is also part of the ‘smart growth’ initiative [ 33 ]. This initiative is spread across the United States, and Texas has integrated it into its policies, alongside other states. The smart growth initiative also calls for strengthening and directing development towards existing communities, which 57 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 hints at the fostering stronger communities principle of degrowth, as well as alluding to the idea of utilising what exists rather than expanding [33]. Table 2. Overlap between degrowth principles and zoning sub-branches in the Texas policy paper. Degrowth Principle Performance Incentive Inclusionary Euclidean Form-Based Decoupling Economics - - - - - Fostering Stronger Communities - Yes - - - Self-sufficiency - - - - - Equity - - Yes - - Political Autonomy/ Collaboration ----- Ecological/ Environmental Protection Yes - - - - 4.2. General Findings Through the coding process, it became clear that many initiatives, such as the smart growth movement, as well as various types of zoning and tools (such as planned unit developments, which provide flexibility to deviate from standard zoning regulations), have addressed various aspects of what degrowth has brought together into one movement. The idea of building on what we have rather than expanding and consuming more, for instance, has recurred both in smart growth and degrowth. This can also be seen in other parts of the policy brief summarising the Texas Municipal code, which aims to avoid urban sprawl and ensure close-knit communities both socially and physically. This was present in one of the smart growth clauses within the Texas municipal zoning policy brief, calling for ‘a range of housing opportunities and choices’, aiming at more varied and affordable housing options, but also in clauses stating the importance of fostering a strong sense of space and attractive communities, hinting at more inclusive zoning practices and stronger social cohesion. This is reinforced by the presence of multiple sub-branches in this dimension, suggesting that modern regulations consider urban areas as complex and cohesive systems with many facets, rather than collections of buildings and parcels which have to be profitable and spatially uniform. The call for more varied housing options aligns deeply with degrowth ideology, as it tackles issues of equity, sprawl, and co-habitation simultaneously. The general idea behind these initiatives highlights the importance of issues such as a lack of affordable housing, private transportation dependence, and the role residents play in shaping their physical environment. Many regulations have been set through zoning to ensure these three issues are tackled. For instance, in the Texas municipal zoning regulations, it is stated that land use has to be mixed, and public transportation facilities and financing schemes have to be included, closely aligned with form-based zoning codes. Alongside avoiding sprawl, these clauses align with degrowth, as they direct development to be more compact and sustainable through shorter distances as well as more resource-efficient practices to reduce carbon emissions. And while the Texas zoning regulations encourage the development of public transportation, this may need to be adjusted to fit degrowth principles more closely. The Texas municipal code states that future transportation needs must be forecast, and financing for more transportation facilities should be planned, aiming to discourage private vehicle use [ 33 ]. While this is a more sustainable and resource-efficient method, it is not enough to be associated with degrowth. Rather, to truly integrate degrowth, the use of 58 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 motorised vehicles in any capacity should be discouraged, in favour of closer proximity between facilities and amenities. Nevertheless, while most, if not all, principles of degrowth specified in Table 1 are present to some extent in the zoning policies of Texas, there are two essential components missing from seamlessly connecting the concepts of zoning and degrowth: intention and deprioritising economics. The degrowth movement has emphasised time and again that the intention to achieve its principles is what sets it apart from other initiatives. One of its main intentions is to remove the influence of economic growth on our cities and their development. This is a major point missing from the Texas municipal code, as there is no specification as to how this would be tackled, or how the economy would be decoupled from the built environment. Instead, there are certain clauses, such as the creation and enhancement of economic value clause in the smart growth concept, which prioritise the cost-effectiveness of urban planning and development projects, essentially suggesting the opposite of economic decoupling [33]. While there is clearly a motive to be more considerate of our environment and foster stronger communities, the motive for degrowth clearly lacking in the municipal zoning code. Although the main idea behind degrowth is present, there is no clarity as to whether or not these clauses and goals are meant to support the degrowth movement. The lack of direct reference means these clauses cannot be considered to truly be part of the degrowth movement. It is important, therefore, to change zoning ordinances to demonstrate the intent to integrate degrowth principles. In addition to the lack of change in the economic perspective of zoning, we observed that the Texas municipal zoning codes were inherently similar to those proposed by the 1922 Standard Zoning Enabling Act (SZEA) [ 34 ]. For instance, while political autonomy is an important aspect of degrowth, by dismantling the hierarchical structure of zoning affairs, there is no active attempt towards it. This is not to be confused with the town hall meetings and appeal processes available for residents to participate in, and voice their opinions regarding zoning affairs, as this is not a step towards political autonomy. While there is a degree of participation, this has been possible since the formal introduction of zoning in the early 1900s, whereas gaining political autonomy would require decision-making power and self-organised communities which are not reliant on state-wide regulations. Furthermore, the municipal code explicitly quotes sections one and three (Grant of Power and Purpose in View, respectively) of the Standard Zoning Enabling Act, which shows the lack of change in zoning regulations, especially regarding alignment with the degrowth movement. For instance, Section 2 of the SZEA, concerning districts, and Section 7, regarding the Board of Adjustment, have been copied into the Texas municipal code word for word. The lack of change in this regard, and dependence on old-school zoning ideologies, suggests a lack of intention or even motivation to combine zoning with degrowth. 4.3. International Degrowth Initiatives To gain an understanding of how degrowth initiatives impact neighbourhoods, and through which methods Texas can apply it to its own urban development trajectory, it is important to look at initiatives started internationally. This section will explore two degrowth initiatives, one from Egypt and one from The Netherlands. These practices will provide a new perspective on what degrowth initiatives can look like, and how even the smallest changes can become part of the movement. 59 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 4.3.1. Bastoob, Egypt Due to the growing efforts by the government to encourage citizens in Egypt to move away from Cairo, there has been an increase in housing demand and construction in other regions of the country. Bastoob, a local business in Egypt, recognised the need for safe, affordable, and quick construction of housing, to be able to meet the demand, while providing adequate housing. As a solution, Bastoob has innovated an interlocking construction block [ 35 ]. These blocks eliminate cement in construction, due to their interlocking quality, and are thermally insulating [ 35 ]. They have taken various principles from the degrowth movement such as ecological protection and equity. The technology behind the bricks allows for them to be salvaged and reused, if and when a house made of them is dismantled, and the elimination of cement significantly reduces the carbon footprint of the construction process [ 35 ]. Furthermore, the insulation characteristic of this block allows for less energy consumption as the brick itself can keep the house warm on its own. Furthermore, these bricks make safe housing more accessible to the people of Egypt, providing equity in terms of affordability and security. By encouraging practices or innovations such as these bricks, policymakers can provision multiple aspects of degrowth at once, with small actions and changes. Texas can take the innovation of Bastoob as either a tool or inspiration for more local innovation, as well as implement the usage of modern building technologies to reduce the strain put on our environment when constructing new infrastructure, and to simultaneously provide more secure housing. 4.3.2. Nieuwe Meent, Netherlands The Nieuwe Meent development project, started in 2018, is a cooperative housing development in Amsterdam seeking to detach from the competitive economic-minded housing market of Amsterdam by highlighting community sharing and cohabitation [ 34 ]. This development has adopted the ecological and community-building principles of the degrowth movement through the establishment of three key pillars: collective living groups, shared facilities, and caretaking [ 34 ]. The community fosters self-sufficient practices through agricultural and ecological education [ 34 ]. Furthermore, this development provides autonomy to its residents, as collectivism in this case also extends to decision-making power and participation [34]. This independent community has created a neighbourhood in which degrowth principles are nurtured and affirmed to provide affordable, resourceful, and autonomous housing in the neighbourhood. The steps taken in this community to provide autonomy and social interaction can be taken as a stepping stone for policies or actions to be taken in Texas, to integrate degrowth into urban planning and development. As seen in Section 4.2, Texas has already put effort into developing affordable housing. By taking the Nieuwe Meent as an example, these policies can be developed further to be considerate of housing other than single-family units, which fosters stronger communities and sharing practices. 5. Discussion Although there are direct quotes and phrases used in the current Texas municipal zoning code from the SZEA, it has also adopted various new sub-branches which have reduced the dominance of Euclidean zoning. Essentially, the foundations of zoning are already changing to become more considerate of other aspects of urban environments than economic growth. Although not all sub-branches considered in Table 1 have a direct correlation to degrowth principles through zoning clauses in the municipal code, all have been adopted in some capacity. The shift in nature of these regulations, from Euclidean to sub-branches such as performance and inclusionary zoning, already provides some 60 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 insight regarding the changing perspective of planners. There is clearly an attempt at deprioritising Euclidean zoning and its consequences by focusing on more equitable and non-economical measurement practices. While this is a step in the right direction, there is no direct relationship formed with degrowth as it stands. By definition, all sub-branches created in recent years are aimed at amending zoning practices to be more ecological and inclusive (which is, in fact, a zoning sub-branch on its own). As a matter of fact, across the literature, inclusionary zoning has been established to aim at providing affordable housing to enhance racial and social integration. This can be seen as a base on which the equity principle of degrowth is formed. However, what sets degrowth apart from this sub-branch is its broader approach to social inclusion and integration, addressing systemic inequalities and fostering diverse communities. The equity principle of degrowth also emphasises the importance of communal spaces and resource sharing, aspects that are often missing from current zoning regulations [ 17 ]. By integrating degrowth principles with inclusionary zoning, developments can focus on both affordability and providing a variety of housing forms to appeal to a larger population. Similarly, incentive zoning aims to encourage more community-building opportunities through its exceptionand bonus-based mechanisms [ 13 ]. Not only does this diversify the urban fabric, it also institutionalises degrowth, through the inclusion of collaborative living and flexible ownership schemes. This would shift the focus of zoning from traditional single-family units to more accessible and versatile housing options. This can also help with controlling our resource consumption, as the solution would lie within already existing structures, rather than expanding the boundaries of our cities to build more and newer structures, avoiding sprawl. Furthermore, more participation should be encouraged in the planning process. This trend has been growing in recent years; however, it is crucial to limit hierarchy in planning processes at an institutional level [ 17 ]. This can help address more pressing needs expressed by the public and empower citizens to become a stronger community with more equitable practices and shared habits. By including practices as such in our planning policies, we can ensure the inclusion of all three pillars of degrowth: equity, ecological integrity, and lower consumption [26]. Form-based codes also allow for more diversity in the urban fabric through their encouragement of mixed land-use planning. The mixture of land use can help avoid sprawl by limiting the distance between amenities, essentially allowing for a more compact city model, while also consuming fewer resources such as land or fuel. Lastly, performance zoning can be used as a foundation to integrate degrowth principles into zoning practices seamlessly, as it is meant to provide a framework to regulate standards more efficiently. Although it does not impact the built environment as directly as other zoning sub-branches, it provides motivation to be more considerate of the consumption of various resources and serves as a tool for accountability when assessing aspects such as carbon emissions, waste handling, and more. If the foundations of each sub-branch are expanded upon and used efficiently, degrowth principles can align and even elevate the mission and vision of these sub-branches to create a more environmentally sensitive and equitable zoning concept. It is important to note, however, that while these sub-branches are already present in the Texas municipal code, there is still a lack of collaboration with the degrowth movement, undermining the potential of what can be achieved when the two are combined. This also limits how much degrowth can truly be institutionalised, as there is no regulation advanced enough to accommodate space for degrowth principles. This is especially true because most of the current zoning regulations are still highly dependent on Euclidean and oldschool zoning ideologies. The commodification of land, and the cost-effective perspective on which Euclidean zoning is built, remain highly influential in the current zoning code 61 Urban Sci. 2025,9,6 of Texas, suggesting that although other principles of degrowth have the possibility to integrate, the main goal, which is to deprioritise economic growth, is still at the root of planning and zoning approaches. If the degrowth movement uses innovative building technologies such as the bricks made by Bastoob (See Section 4.3.1), or the cooperative approach seen in the Nieuwe Meent development (See Section 4.3.2), the movement can try to find common ground with urban economics, as these practices are clear examples of urban degrowth, which also happen to reduce construction and maintenance costs. However, to truly integrate degrowth principles and build upon the sub-branches present in the Texas municipal code, the concept of zoning must be reimagined to highlight ideologies similar to that of degrowth, rather than economic growth. 6. Conclusions As can be derived from this research, zoning regulations in Texas are rather flexible, providing opportunities to integrate degrowth principles and ideologies. A small overlap between zoning sub-branches and degrowth principles in current Texan zoning regulations (such as the overlap between equity and inclusionary zoning, or performance zoning and ecological protection) suggests there is potential for more development within these local regulations to institutionalise degrowth ideology through the framework of zoning regulations. Nevertheless, the small facets of degrowth that have been identified in the state’s current zoning legislation (specifically resolutions such as affordable housing, communitybuilding initiatives, and sensitivity towards the natural environment) are overshadowed by the lack of change in fundamental ideologies such as profitability. Zoning regulations in Texas illustrate the pressing need to reimagine urban planning frameworks to align with degrowth principles at larger scales and more directly, challenging deeply entrenched economic paradigms that prioritise commodification over resourcefulness. The influence of economic growth over urban planning policy has blocked the path for intentionally implementing degrowth-minded initiatives and policies. This begs the questions posed by this study: “To what extent are current zoning regulations aligned with degrowth principles?” and “How can degrowth principles be better integrated into urban planning institutions and land use control methods, such as zoning?”. To answer the first question, it is important to note that although certain Texan zoning policies simultaneously address the concerns of degrowth, there is potential for more conscientious action to be taken. The second research question requires a more complex understanding of the changes that need to be made. Even though, theoretically, there is a possibility of amending zoning to integrate degrowth ideologies in a more institutional and tangible manner, fundamental changes have to be made to the practice of zoning. To truly reap the benefits of zoning sub-branches and their predisposition to be more inclusive of degrowth ideology, the influence of urban economics on urban planning regulation must be re-examined. The major building blocks of zoning, which are profitability and economic growth, must be deprioritised to truly integrate the essence of degrowth. This may require some restructuring of urban economics, which is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, smaller steps can be taken to shift priorities in urban planning from economics to ecology and self-sufficiency. By promoting other principles and aspects of degrowth, indirect pressure on economic growth can be applied. For instance, understanding land as a resource to protect and cultivate, rather than a tradeable asset in our planning approaches, would result in less land being occupied during development processes, and land would be used more effectively. To achieve this, urban planning institutions have to shift focus from city-scale economic growth and introduce more legislation focused on resource conservation. This could involve policies that prioritise the repurposing of abandoned 62 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 emphasizing its role in assessing sidewalk quality and exploring the various types of interruptions that impact it. Literature Review Pedestrian continuity refers to the ability of pedestrian networks to provide unbroken, interconnected routes, enabling safe and efficient travel in urban environments [ 17 ]. This continuity enhances pedestrian connectivity, which, as indicated in previous studies, refers to the topology of the pedestrian network that facilitates movement from one point to another [ 9 , 18 , 19 ]. Continuity also contributes to pedestrian accessibility, which means access to essential urban functions [20,21]. Studies on accessibility emphasize the importance of designing sidewalk networks that seamlessly link key destinations, such as residential areas, recreational and commercial zones, and public transportation spaces. Research highlights that well-integrated and continuous pedestrian networks are essential for enabling uninterrupted movement and promoting pedestrian volume [ 22 , 23 ]. This planning and management effort involves identifying and addressing discontinuities in the pedestrian network to ensure that the population has uninterrupted and connected routes. Measuring pedestrian continuity provides essential information for urban planners and policymakers [17]. Topics such as pedestrian accessibility and connectivity have been studied both at the urban scale, encompassing entire cities, and at the neighborhood level. Generally, within these investigations, the characteristics of pedestrian networks are measured through constructed indicators, such as those shown by [ 24 ], to assess these concepts on a measurable scale. Previous research highlights that a well-connected sidewalk infrastructure, functioning as an interconnected system, enhances pedestrian volume; however, it also recognizes that the presence of infrastructure is a factor that impacts this pedestrian demand [ 23 ]. This study by [ 23 ] also recognizes that one of the limitations of their proposed model is that variables associated with the quality of the infrastructure, such as continuity, were not included. Beyond the previously discussed research, other studies focus on the macro-level measurement of indicators related to pedestrian connectivity and accessibility, aiming to analyze the efficiency of pedestrian networks as systems of connections and spatial distributions in a comprehensive and detailed manner [ 24 – 27 ]. Conversely, assessing the quality of the pedestrian network often reveals obstacles that disrupt sidewalk continuity, resulting in routes that are unsuitable for pedestrians [ 17 ]. An assessment of existing sidewalks reveals that they can be obstructed by businesses that partially or completely encroach on the sidewalk space, or even in instances where sidewalks are converted into parking spaces and occupied by street vendors [ 3 , 28 ]. It also shows clear urban fragmentation that occurs in various locations, with abrupt changes from the presence of a sidewalk to its absence along a pedestrian route [3]. Other studies have considered continuity as one of the criteria used to describe pedestrian networks through the following indicators: “network directness” [ 9 ] and “seamless sidewalk continuity” [ 11 ]. Measuring continuity has taken various approaches; it has been measured through a bicycle route aimed at achieving a direct connection, with the requirement that the route continue through urban areas, parks, and parking areas [ 29 ]. Although this characterization of continuity could be applied to sidewalk areas, its application is impractical in many urban contexts, especially at macro levels of continuity measurement, due to the large extension of the networks [9]. 69 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 Approaches that have been used most effectively in large-scale continuity studies have included the use of Google Street View (GSV) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to characterize continuity through dichotomous measurements by sidewalk segments detailing whether continuity existed or not [ 11 ]. This methodology provides broader results in terms of study coverage, yet it does not address the categorization of the interruptions identified. Another approach to measuring continuity utilized GIS tools to generate what were termed “graph indicators,” and two of them were used to characterize pedestrian continuity: “average edge length” and “average length per vertex” [ 9 ]. Although this study did not explore the categorization of pedestrian continuity types either, its approach allows for the generation of linear entities that model the linear extension of the sidewalk and segregate the sections according to the existence or lack of pedestrian continuity, allowing its adaptability to be oriented towards a study focused on describing pedestrian continuity in a more extensive way. Panama has limited documented research on pedestrian networks, and existing studies indicate that sidewalk quality is very poor, often obstructed, and, in many areas, even non-existent [ 30 ]. As shown by [ 30 ], in Panama’s metropolitan urban area, 73.75% of pedestrian path spaces are unfavorable for mobility, reflecting significant deficiencies in comprehensive urban planning and posing a challenge in terms of measuring indicators associated with pedestrian network systems, given the local state of pedestrian continuity. 2. Materials and Methods GIS-based data collection methods allow for detailed characterizations of variables related to the built environment, making them key tools in pedestrian network studies [ 31 ]. This study employs virtual audits alongside physical audits for the construction of the pedestrian network and the identification of urban elements of interest [ 32 ]. The research follows the methodological framework outlined below: (i) The research divides the study area of Panama City into two zones. (ii) The data collection process involves the construction of the pedestrian network, the classification of continuity and discontinuity types, and the mapping of urban elements. This collected information was stored and mapped in GIS. (iii) The process includes a physical audit to validate the elements used in the construction and classification of the network, as well as the location of urban elements. (iv) Pedestrian continuity and the spatial distribution of urban elements are analyzed using GIS geoprocessing tools and statistical techniques. 2.1. Study Area The study focuses on a representative sample of Panama City (Figure 1), covering an area of 26.25 km 2 with a population of approximately 209,305 inhabitants. To address the diversity of urban contexts, the study area was divided into two zones based on contrasting urban typologies (Figure 2): Zone A, representing a dense historic commercial area with a regular grid layout, and Zone B, characterized by fragmented land uses and an irregular street network. This division enables a comprehensive analysis of pedestrian mobility patterns across varied urban scenarios. The outcomes may be significantly impacted by disparities between zones due to variability in urban grid layout, as well as diverse land uses [33]. 70 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 Figure 1. Location map of the study area and the townships it covers within Panama City. Figure 2. Extracted map segments of Zone A and Zone B in Panama City. 2.1.1. Zone A Zone A encompasses a historic and commercial area with a high density of mixed land uses. It is characterized by older infrastructure and a mid-20th-century urbanization pattern, with its grid-like urban layout enhancing connectivity and facilitating pedestrian movement [ 34 , 35 ]. This zone, located partially within the Calidonia township and covering a total area of 1.62 km 2 , includes aging pedestrian pathways and a dense traffic network that influence the mobility pattern. 71 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 2.1.2. Zone B Zone B covers diverse land uses across five main townships: Curundú, Betania, Bella Vista, San Francisco, and Pueblo Nuevo, including dense residential areas [ 34 ] as well as commercial, institutional, and industrial zones. It also partially covers the districts of Calidonia and Victoriano Lorenzo. This extensive area, measuring 24.64 km 2 , faces challenges related to the integration of functionally diverse areas in terms of both infrastructure and mobility. The street network in Zone B is irregular and fragmented, which can lead to detours and longer routes for pedestrians. The irregularity in the layout reduces the efficiency of pedestrian routes, potentially discouraging walking due to the difficulty of finding direct paths, thereby creating barriers that affect accessibility [ 36 , 37 ]. Factors such as unplanned urban growth, uneven zoning, and topographic barriers contribute to this irregular distribution, affecting connectivity and pedestrian mobility in these settings [38,39]. 2.2. Data Collection A geodatabase (GDB) containing information on Panama’s townships was used. Based on these data and the delineation of the study area, polygonal elements were generated to represent the surfaces of the zones analyzed within the GIS environment. Inside this defined section, the pedestrian network was constructed and classified, and information related to urban elements was collected. 2.2.1. Pedestrian Continuity Data Collection Figure 3 presents a sample of the workflow carried out to characterize pedestrian continuity; Figure 3a depicts a close-up of a specific section, serving as an example of the methodology applied in the entire study area. In Figure 3b, the main streets, represented by yellow lines, were identified and extracted from OpenStreetMap (OSM), a crowdsourcing practice that enables broad and continuous information gathering through diverse contributions, providing detailed coverage of dynamic urban areas [40]. Figure 3. ( a – f ) Sample workflow for pedestrian network construction and continuity categorization. As observed in Figure 3c, for the construction of the pedestrian network, linear entities were generated along both sides of the main roads, including pedestrian crossings (see 72 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 points (ii) under pedestrian continuity and (iv) under pedestrian discontinuities). The linear entities were generated in GIS using information from the main roads and Google Earth Pro (GEP) satellite images from the year 2024—shown in Figure 3a—to position them along the central axis of the pedestrian path. A total of 121.78 km of pedestrian paths were documented, including 23.02 km in Zone A and 98.76 km in Zone B. The pedestrian network was manually segmented within the GIS environment to separate the continuous paths, shown in green, and the discontinuous ones, shown in red, in Figure 3d. The segmentation of the network was conducted by consulting the previously mentioned satellite images, supported by GSV-based inspections through a type of virtual audit [11,32]. Each segment was subsequently categorized into types of pedestrian continuities, as shown in Figure 3e, or pedestrian discontinuities, as shown in Figure 3f, based on predefined criteria, with these categories distinguished by colors in the figures. A detailed view of each type of continuity and discontinuity considered can be observed in Figure 4. Figure 4. Classification of pedestrian infrastructure conditions. Pedestrian continuity includes those segments where there are the following: (i) Sidewalks that are well-maintained and free of abrupt elevation changes or permanent obstructions, allowing a smooth pathway for pedestrians. (ii) Marked pedestrian crossings, as described by [ 7 ], which are formal crossings within the pedestrian network identified by visible horizontal signage. These crossings guide pedestrian movement using elements such as zebra crossings or pelican crossings; 73 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 however, the latter is not commonly found in Panama City. Additionally, formal crossings may include those regulated by traffic lights and pedestrian bridges. (iii) During the step shown in Figure 3c, these linear entities were constructed by identifying zebra crossings, pedestrian traffic light-regulated intersections, and pedestrian bridges using GEP satellite imagery, as shown in Figure 3a, and then verifying and refining this information through GSV inspections and an existing GDB of formal crossings. Pedestrian discontinuities, in contrast, refer to obstructions that completely break the continuous pathway. These are subdivided into the following: (i) Total absence of sidewalks, forcing pedestrians to walk on the road or in areas not designated for this purpose. (ii) Interruptions caused by commercial infrastructure, such as business entrances encroaching on pedestrian space. (iii) Service station interruptions, similar to those classified under “caused by commercial infrastructure” but specifically addressing this type of service-oriented establishment. The categorization of these interruptions enables a specific classification and a detailed analysis of their impact on pedestrian continuity. (iv) Pedestrian crossings without demarcation, where the lack of horizontal signage leads pedestrians to choose their own crossing points, creating multiple informal crossing zones. According to [ 7 ], such crossings usually take place at road intersections lacking formal crossings or when they are situated over 50 m away, subject to specific conditions described in their investigation. (v) Under these guidelines, during the stage shown in Figure 3c, potential informal crossings were identified and constructed using GEP satellite images and GSV inspections. Initially, GEP satellite images were used to locate intersections as shown in Figure 3a, followed by GSV inspections to verify the absence or poor visibility of pedestrian markings. 2.2.2. Urban Elements Data Collection Formal pedestrian crossings and bus stops were analyzed using an existing GDB that represented these features as point entities. A total of 193 at-grade pedestrian crossings, 15 pedestrian bridges, and 234 bus stops were identified within the study area. Service stations, which were not included in the existing GDB, were manually identified and georeferenced using OSM and GEP. A total of 53 service stations were mapped and incorporated into the dataset. 2.3. Data Validation Field visits were conducted to validate the pedestrian continuity and urban elements identified through the GDB. Visual inspections were performed along predefined study routes, particularly in areas where satellite images from GEP or GSV were obstructed by trees or other elements, capturing photos and videos to document the conditions of the pedestrian environment. The validation process compared the GIS-based data with field observations to ensure consistency and accuracy [ 32 ]. Field verification is essential due to the changing nature of sidewalk continuity, especially in dynamic urban areas like Panama City, where factors such as business interruptions or maintenance work can quickly affect conditions [ 41 ]. This included verifying the presence, location, and condition of elements such as sidewalks, crossings, and service stations, as well as recording any discrepancies due to changes in the built environment. 74 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 2.4. Data Processing 2.4.1. Pedestrian Continuity Data Processing Descriptive and comparative statistical tests were applied, including measures of central tendency (mean, median) and dispersion (standard deviation, σ ), to calculate average continuity lengths and assess variability across segments. This phase included a 95% confidence interval ( α = 0.05) to interpret data dispersion and capture continuity and discontinuity patterns in each urban zone. In studies of pedestrian continuity in fragmented urban areas, a 95% confidence interval allows for accurately capturing variability in segment length (L) and distribution. Research shows how confidence intervals aid in interpreting results in contexts with dispersed data, providing a certainty margin in areas with variable pedestrian infrastructure [ 42 ]. Furthermore, nonuniform infrastructure is suggested to impact pedestrian continuity and usage patterns [ 43 ]. 2.4.2. Urban Elements Data Processing A spatial analysis of service stations was conducted to assess their impact on pedestrian continuity and their areas of influence. Using GIS distance tools, the minimum and average distances between service stations were calculated to support the data analysis. The data processing enabled the estimation of pedestrian discontinuities directly caused by the access points of each service station, facilitating the identification of patterns and the impacts of these facilities on urban pedestrian routes. Buffer analysis was applied with radii ranging from 100 m to 1200 m, in increments of 100 m. The objective of this approach was to provide insights into the cumulative coverage of service stations and to analyze the spatial distribution of pedestrian discontinuities within these buffer zones. Following the analysis of service stations, a similar approach was applied to other urban elements, including pedestrian crossings and bus stops. A point cloud representing these elements was analyzed using buffer techniques to assess their spatial distribution, while distance tools were used to evaluate proximity. Two key aspects were examined: the proximity between pedestrian crossings and the distance from bus stops to the nearest pedestrian crossing. In selecting buffer distances for pedestrian analysis, previous studies have commonly considered various radii to assess access to transit stations. For instance, distances of 300 m [ 44 – 46 ] and 400 m [ 46 , 47 ], which correspond to an estimated 5 min walk [ 47 ], have been widely adopted. Furthermore, walking distances of 800 and 1200 m, corresponding to 10 to 15 min walks, and 1600 m, representing a 20 min walk [ 47 ], have been used to evaluate pedestrian access. In this study, buffers were generated around each pedestrian crossing to identify areas where crossings may be spatially insufficient. These buffers were created with radii ranging from 100 m to 1500 m, in 100 m increments, following the same approach used for service station analysis to ensure comprehensive coverage of the study area. 3. Results 3.1. Pedestrian Continuity Figure 5 illustrates the spatial distribution of pedestrian continuities, represented by green lines, and discontinuities, represented by red lines. The figure provides a view of pedestrian conditions in both Zones A and B and includes close-up views of specific sectors to visualize types of continuities and discontinuities. 75 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 Figure 5. Map of pedestrian continuity and discontinuity in Zones A and B. The information presented in Figure 5 is detailed in Table 1, which provides a quantitative breakdown of pedestrian continuity and discontinuity. As shown, sidewalks account for 61.91% of the total length of the pedestrian network, while marked crosswalks represent 5.64%. Together, these elements indicate that 67.55% of the whole pedestrian network analyzed is continuous. In contrast, the remaining 32.45% of the network is discontinuous. Zone A’s pedestrian network shows 71.08% continuity, whereas Zone B’s network shows 66.73%. Table 1. Comparison of pedestrian continuity and discontinuity by zone. Data Types Zone A (%) aRelative A (%) bZone B (%) aRelative B (%) bStudy Area (%) aRel. Study Area (%) b Pedestrian continuity Sidewalks 62.63 88.11 61.74 92.52 61.91 91.65 Marked pedestrian crossings 8.45 11.89 4.99 7.48 5.64 8.35 Pedestrian discontinuity Pedestrian crossings without demarcation 6.23 21.52 3.27 9.81 3.83 11.80 Business interruptions 15.66 54.13 23.64 71.04 22.13 68.20 Service station interruptions 0.36 1.25 1.76 5.28 1.49 4.59 Absence of sidewalks 6.68 23.10 4.61 13.87 5.00 15.41 a Represents the percentage of the analyzed zone; b represents the relative proportion within the pedestrian continuity or discontinuity category. Table 1 provides an overview of relative composition of pedestrian discontinuities in the compared zones. It reveals that in Zone A, 21.52% of interruptions are caused 76 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 by pedestrian crossings without demarcation, while in Zone B, they represent 9.81%. Regarding business interruptions, these account for 54.13% of total discontinuities in Zone A and 71.04% in Zone B. This suggests that in both zones, more than half of the pedestrian discontinuities are due to commercial infrastructure that interferes with continuity. In Zone A, service stations generate a total of 82.67 m of discontinuity across three stations, with an average of 27.56 m of discontinuity per station, representing 1.25% of the total discontinuities in this zone. In Zone B, interruptions caused by service stations reach 1734.41 m, with 50 stations distributed along the study streets, yielding an average of 34.69 m of discontinuity per station and accounting for 5.28% of total discontinuities. In Zone B, the largest discontinuity generated by a single station is 74.73 m. These data indicate that Zone B not only has more service stations but also has a higher proportion of discontinuities caused by them, significantly contributing to the fragmentation of pedestrian continuity compared to Zone A. The absence of sidewalks covers 1538.30 m in Zone A and 4556.05 m in Zone B. However, these values represent 23.10% of discontinuities in Zone A and 13.87% in Zone B. This suggests that although Zone B has a greater total length of area without sidewalks, its relative percentage is lower due to its larger extension. Thus, proportionally, Zone A has a higher ratio of areas without sidewalks in relation to its size. By contrast, considering only the data from the continuous segments extracted from the analysis, Table 2 shows that the mean length of continuous segments in Zone A is 73.37 m ( σ = 166.15 m), while in Zone B, it is 45.60 m ( σ = 77.40 m). This variability is reflected in the standard deviation, which is notably higher in Zone A compared to Zone B. Table 2. Descriptive statistics of pedestrian continuity in Zones A and B. Statistic Mean (m) Median (m) σ(m) Lmax (m) 95% CI (m) Zone A 73.37 25.88 166.15 1716.14 [51.45, 95.3] Zone B 45.60 22.27 77.40 1122.41 [41.61, 49.6] As shown in Figure 6, pedestrian continuity exhibits considerable fragmentation and variability, where the regular grid layout of Zone A enables more continuous pedestrian routes, whereas the irregular layout of Zone B introduces more interruptions in the pedestrian network. Figure 6. Urban grid comparison: ( a , c ) show the regular grid structure of Zone A, while ( b , d ) illustrate the irregular layout of Zone B. 77 Urban Sci. 2025,9,58 Owing to the variability in the length of the continuous segments, Figure 7 presents a violin plot illustrating the analysis of these segments. The third quartile (Q3) of the segment lengths reaches up to 65.62 m in Zone A and up to 46.97 m in Zone B, as graphically represented in the violin plots. The wider sections indicate a higher concentration of continuous segment samples, particularly at lengths that fall below the typical pedestrian walking distances [ 48 ]. This suggests that although some segments are relatively long, a greater proportion of continuous segments in both zones are relatively short. Figure 7. Violin plot showing the distribution of pedestrian continuity lengths in Zones A and B. In Zone A, the longest recorded continuous segment extends approximately 1.72 km, while in Zone B it is 1.12 km, representing the maximum pedestrian continuity found in the urban network of each area. These values are high and considered outliers; therefore, they do not represent typical continuity patterns in each zone, as depicted in the violin plot presented in Figure 7. 3.2. Urban Elements Within the analysis of pedestrian continuity, the impact of service stations on pedestrian discontinuities was characterized. These facilities represent a significant factor in interrupting pedestrian continuity, as each station within an area contributes to the fragmentation of pedestrian routes. To further analyze the influence of discontinuities on the total extent, a specific spatial analysis of service stations was conducted. Figure 8 shows the zones of influence of each station: 25% of the area is within a radius of 205 m, 50% is within 315 m, and the entire area is covered with radii up to 1200 m. However, Zone A has a slightly smaller coverage radius of 1110 m. Table 3 shows the distances between service stations in Zones A and B to contextualize their spatial distribution within the study area of the city. In Zone A, the stations are relatively more spaced, with an average distance of 696.64 m, while in Zone B, the average distance is significantly shorter at 361.31 m. 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MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. 86 Article Recognition and Evaluating the Indicators of Urban Resilient by Using the Network Analysis Process Asghar Abedini 1,*, Farshid Aram 1,*, Amin Khalili 2and Elham Mirzaei 1 1Urban Development Department, Urmia University, Urmia 5756151818, Iran; [email protected] 2Urban Planning Department, University of Kurdistan, Sanandaj 6617715175, Iran; [email protected] *Correspondence: [email protected] (A.A.); [email protected] (F.A.) Abstract: Today’s cities are increasing their space zones while becoming more vulnerable to natural disasters and man-made threats. The initial evaluation of the resilience of city systems is of great importance and helps develop policies and measures that would improve resilience. This paper, using a descriptive–analytic method, defines the characteristics of a resilient city, and natural disasters are addressed. At the same time, the process of reaching a resilient city is investigated. Then, the indicators of resilience have been defined in pillars of ecologic, physiological, social, economic, and managerial–institutional dimensions for the evaluation of a resilient city in Iran. As the sample of the study, the indicators of the study were evaluated in the city of Sanandaj and prioritized in the network analysis process (ANP). The results of this analysis showed that zones one and two, respectively, were the weakest parts regarding urban resilience. In order to move toward a resilient city, future investments should go beyond financial investment and technical solutions and consider human and community development, as well as institutional capacity and inter-organizational cooperation. Keywords: natural disasters; urban resilient; network analysis process 1. Introduction The scientific evidence tells us that currently, the rise of seawater levels, storms, heatwaves, droughts, changes in precipitation patterns [ 1 , 2 ], river floods, changes in the speed, intensity, and frequency of winds, and other climate disorders are increasing [ 3 , 4 ]. A lack of enough trust, unpredictability, and change are the defining features of today’s world. The cities should be able to respond to the probable dangers before the occurrence of any crisis [ 5 , 6 ]. UN-Habitat estimates that 68% of the world’s population will live in urban areas by 2050, and approximately 60% of this growth is expected to take place in Asia [7,8]. Due to the location of Iran’s plateau on an area of the earth with lots of dangers, including the earthquake belt of Himalaya Alp, the orogeny zone, topographical diversity, and non-uniform natural conditions, as well as the climate changes that have occurred in recent years, the occurrence of different natural disasters is inevitable [ 9 ]. According to the accident report related to natural hazards in the UN/ESCAP, Iran is among the top 10 countries in the world in terms of disasters, and it is also third in the world in terms of losses caused by risk [10]. The future threats cannot be predicted based on the current evidence, and the state, size, and place of such threats cannot be easily forecasted either. Therefore, what matters in the occurrence of events is not only the destruction of buildings and houses, but rather it is the resilience of the economic and social structures that can ensure the sustainability of urban life and people can resume their activities in the least amount of time and city restore its dynamism and sustainability [11–14]. The evaluation of urban resilience is the first step toward resilience plans, such that it can show the vulnerability of societies and zones and their ability to adapt themselves [15,16] . This can also lead to the identification of factors contributing to resiliency, Urban Sci. 2022,6, 31. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci6020031 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/urbansci 87 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 enhancement of the key capacities of communities for further adaptation, and finally, development of resilience strategies [ 17 , 18 ]. The main purpose of this research was to introduce a conceptual framework for understanding the relations between the components of urban resilience and defining the indicators of the resilient city in order to identify the more vulnerable zones in the face of natural disasters. By the beginning of the 1990s, which is known as the International Decade of Natural Disasters Reduction (IDNDR), throughout the world, different attempts have been made to create a framework for the reduction of disasters. The meeting of municipal leaders, which was planned by ICLEI in 1993 in the United Nations, was the first and biggest gathering of local governments in regard to climate changes and natural disasters. The purpose of meetings has been to enhance the awareness and commitment to attain sustainable development so that the threats could be minimized and welfare would be improved [19,20]. United Nations Office for disaster risk reduction, which is known as ISDR, is, in fact, a world information bank that provides information regarding disaster reduction, as well as activities related to the enhancement of public awareness and books, papers, and reports published in the field of crisis management. In 2008, Rockefeller Fund, in order to respond to the need for city adaptation in Asian cities with a fast rate of growth, supported some plans titled ‘Asian Cities Climate Change Resilience Network’ (ACCCRN) [ 21 ]. Godschalk required features of social and structural systems to create resilience. These features are as follows: Surplus, diversity, efficiency, independence, internal unity, adaptation, and cooperation power [ 22 ]. In 2008, Cutter explained the relationship between vulnerability and resilience and suggested the Disaster Resilience of Place (DROP) model for evaluating resilience [ 23 ]. In 2012 Moench and Tyler defined a framework for city resilience planning by focusing on city systems, city factors, city institutes, and other social structures [ 19 ]. In 2013, Desouza and Flanery emphasized that economic, technological, human, and natural crises are causes of the decline and destruction of physical, social, and institutional actions, and cities that are adjustable and flexible in planning and agility management can help build resilience [24]. 2. Materials and Methods 2.1. Analytic Network Process (ANP) In the first phase, ANP is used to construct a network model in order to calculate the relative weights of indicators that we reached in the previous section. ANP, introduced by Saaty (1996) , is a comprehensive decision-making technique that provides a way to input judgments and measurements to derive ratio scale priorities for the distribution of influence among the factors and groups of factors in the decision. This technique is suitable for both quantitative and qualitative data types. ANP models have two parts; the first is a control hierarchy or network of objectives and criteria that control the interactions in the system under study; the second is a network of influences among the elements and clusters [25]. The process of ANP includes the following three major steps: Construction of model and structuring the problems: The problem should be stated in clear and logical system as a network that is decomposed. The structure can be obtained by consultation with decision-makers through techniques such as brainstorming, questionnaire, or other appropriate methods. In next step, pairs of decision elements at each cluster are compared with respect to their importance towards their control criteria. The clusters themselves are also compared pairwise with respect to their contribution to the objective. Decision-makers are asked to respond to a series of pairwise comparisons of two elements or two clusters to be evaluated in terms of their contribution to their particular upper-level criteria. In addition, interdependencies among elements of a cluster must also be examined pairwise; the influence of each element on other elements can be represented by an eigenvector. The relative importance values are determined with Saaty’s [ 25 , 26 ] 1–9 scale, where a score of 1 represents equal importance between the two elements and a score of 9 indicates 88 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 the extreme importance of one element (row cluster in the matrix) compared to the other one (column cluster in the matrix). Pairwise comparison in ANP is performed in the framework of a matrix, and a local priority vector can be derived as an estimate of the relative importance associated with the elements (or clusters) being compared by solving the following equation: A×w=λmax ×w where A is the matrix of pairwise comparison, w is the eigenvector, and λ max is the largest eigenvalue of A. Saaty proposes several algorithms to approximate w. In this paper, Super Decision software is used to compute the eigenvectors from the pairwise comparison matrices and to determine the consistency ratios. Supermatrix formation: Concept of the supermatrix is similar to the process of Markov chain process. Supermatrix is capable of limiting relative weights to calculate all priorities and, as a result, cumulative effect of each element on other elements. In order to obtain global priorities in a system with interdependent influences, the local priority vectors are entered in the appropriate columns of a supermatrix, and it is transformed into a weighted supermatrix. The weighted supermatrix is raised to the power of an arbitrarily large number to achieve convergence on the important weights, and this new matrix is called the “limit supermatrix”. The final priorities of all the elements in the matrix can now be obtained by normalizing each block of this limit supermatrix [25]. 2.2. Context Review Sanandaj city, capital of Kurdistan province, is located in the geographical position of 35 ◦ and 20 min of the north latitude and 47 degrees and 18 min in the east of Greenwich (Figure 1). Sanandaj city is located on some fault in the western part and has a cold and mountainous climate, and there is also the possibility of heavy rainfalls, floods, and high winds. In 2021, the city of Sanandaj included 5 connected zones and 4 separate urban zones not studied in this research. According to the latest population and housing census in 2016, the population of this city was 412,767 people, without considering these latter zones [ 27 ]. Figure 1. The situation of Sanandaj city in Iran. 89 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 2.3. Sampling The information needed to evaluate the indicators were collected through questionnaires, interviews, field interpretations, and statistics obtained from the organizations and relevant departments. According to the population of the city of Sanandaj, the size of the sample was calculated by the Cochran formula, with the accuracy of 0.05 and 1.96 percent error, which was 384. n= t2pq d2 1+1 Nt2pq d2−1 In the above formula, N is the population, n is the sample size, t is the percentage of standard error (typically 1.96), p is the proportion of the population without a specific attribute (usually 0.5), q is the proportion of the population with certain characteristics, and d is the potential efficiency [28]. The information coming below represents the indicators in the city of Sanandaj. It should be noted that the data, such as climate conditions, regulations, governmental organizations, etc., were the same for all areas and investigated generally and throughout the city. 2.4. Climate Change and Natural Disasters Among natural factors, climate plays an important role in human activities. In 1990, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate change (IPCC), climate pressures were defined as the effects that were due to the interaction of climate changes with dangerous climate events that could occur in a specific period of time [ 29 ]. The average global economic cost of disasters increased approximately six-fold from 1970 to 2000 [30]. 2.5. Resilience City This term, from the Latin root ‘resilio’, entered into English in the early 17th century, with the meaning ‘jumping back’. There are some arguments regarding the scientific area to which this term belongs. Some have attributed it to the fields of physics and mechanics and material measurement in the recent century [ 31 ], and during 1960s, some believed that there were some roots of it in child’s psychology and environmental and ecological studies [ 32 ]. Resilience was also proposed by Holling in 1973 in the area of ecology. During 2000s, the concept of resiliency was widely used in disaster risk reduction (DRR). The use of resiliency concept entered the agenda of local governments during 2000s. Resilient city is a city whose goal is to develop a community that would not be vulnerable to climate changes, natural and artificial disasters, and economic shocks [ 1 ]. The resilient city should have qualities that help it remain resilient before, during, and after crisis. 2.6. Urban Resilient Planning Policies and resilience knowledge create two key terms: “vulnerability reduction” and “adaptation enhancement”, with resilience being a combination of the two. Vulnerability: Vulnerability is the extent to which a system can cope with the effects of climate crisis [ 33 ], and it is measured as a function of exposure and sensitivity of system to pressure factors and the measures that can be adopted before the incidence. Adaptive Capacity: Adaptive capacity refers to the ability of the system to adapt itself to the changes and severe events and to reduce the damage in the face of consequences [ 34 ]; it also relates to measures after the incidence. Figure 2 shows that with the increase in the urban population and the excessive use of natural resources, some climate changes occur that inflict some pressure on city systems. These systems, depending on their sensitivity and exposure to danger, may be damaged. In this regard, measures to increase adaptation can be the solution to reach a resilient city. 90 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31  Figure 2. The conceptual relationship between natural disasters, vulnerability, adaptation, and urban resilience. 2.7. Resilience Indicators The indicators are defined in ecologic, structural, social, economic, and managerial– institutional parameters. The importance of these parameters is explained below: Ecologic: The most fundamental issues related to the access to drinking water, energy, and food resources. Diversification of energy sources makes it possible to meet the needs if one of the sources is damaged. Air pollution caused by dust and greenhouse gas emissions, in addition to negative effects on people’s health, can be harmful to agricultural crops, agricultural development, and food security. Structural: Density and building quality, types of building, and the related standards can be effective in the intensity of damage. In the case of incidents, rapid exit, health care services, temporary housing, and minimal possibilities needed for residents should be provided. Social: One of the most important elements at risk is the population of urban areas. The institutionalization of a culture of prevention in the face of events and improvement in the awareness of community and its skills can reduce the number of damages incurred. Social relationships and a sense of belonging to the neighborhood can help the residents assume responsibility in helping to improve the situation. Economic: The most reliable source of construction and improvement in Iran is based on individual or household savings. Not relying on only one sector of city’s economy can prevent the paralysis of city in case a problem arises. Managerial–institutional: If the participation and coordination of people and public institutions in crisis management can be enhanced, the progress of programs reducing the risk, management measures, and enforcement of rules can be eased and ensured. Each city, based on risks that threaten it, should have some regulations for the location of applications, construction principles, compactness, installations, and the services provided by government organizations. They also devote some funds to implementation of plans. Each of the organs involved in municipal affairs also must prepare for emergencies and natural disasters. Table 1 shows the indicators in pillars of above-mentioned dimensions, as well as the data required for the evaluation of each index. 91 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 Table 1. Indexes used for the evaluation of city resilience [5,17,35–37]. Pillars Indicators Explanation Ecologic Environmental The use of renewable energies; air pollution rate; Access to drinking water; number and variety of energy sources; the number of water supply choices Geographic Proximity to dangerous zones (fault beach volcano . . . ); the rate of heat; precipitation and freezing increase Food Security Access to food resources; farming development Structural Infrastructures Draining facilities; civil installations; The possibility of quick exit; roads width; city installations Land Use The ratio of open and green spaces; access to medical centers; the number and capacity of shelters and transitory-residence places; use mixing Public Services Access to fundamental needs; the capacity of medical services; firefighting facilities Social Social Relations Social relations of residents; Sense of place Security and Welfare Crime rate; the number of people covered by medical insurances Education People’s skill in reaction and awareness of different disasters; the number of trained people Economic Income Families income level; families saving Employment Job security; diversity in city economy Insurance Dangers insurance Managerial And Institutional Public Institutes People’s participation; the number of NGOs; volunteer groups of red crescent Governmental Organizations Crisis management organization; credits for resistant; governmental bonuses for readiness; Supportive governmental organization; coordination between governmental institutes; the required management instruments; human, economic and technical capacity 3. Results and Discussion 3.1. The Evaluation of Adaptation Indicators Environment: In the architecture of new districts, unlike the old ones, the focus is more on energies that are not renewable, such that design is based on the use of heating and cooling tools. Based on recent studies performed by the World Health Organization in 1100 cities in the world, during the 2003–2010 time period, in terms of air-bore particles, Sanandaj city was the third most polluted city in the world. On average, annually, there were 119.1 days with air-born particles [38]. Geographic climate: The districts located in the western part of the city, which are in the catchment of Abidar Mountain, are more in danger of floods. Regarding earthquakes, Sanandaj city is within two earthquake zones of Sanandaj-Sirjan and Zagros, and there is the possibility of earthquakes as strong as six or seven Richter in this city. According to Table 2, constant temperature fluctuations, rainfall, and freezing do not follow a uniform trend and are increased and decreased in a sinus manner, thereby making weather forecasting quite difficult. Table 2. The rate of heat increase severe rainfall and freezing. The average of the five-year period (2009–2011). * Title 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Annual temperature fluctuations (centigrade) −3.0 −1.0 −2.1 6.1 −1.1 Annual precipitation fluctuations (millimeter) 3.189 −4.108 7.60 −2.64 1.9 Annual fluctuations in the number of freezing days −24 46 7 −24 10 * Authors’ calculations based on meteorological annuals, Sanandaj station (2012–2021). 92 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 Food Security: The considerable reduction in the annual precipitation of Sanandaj city from 490 to 360 mm, and the excessive use of underground water resources in agriculture are the main reasons for the decrease in the water resources of the city. Ignoring the agricultural potential and its correct directions have led to the addition of 13 villages to the city from 2011 to 2021 [ 27 ]. More than 800 hectares of agricultural lands around the city have witnessed the change in their application (Table 3). Table 3. Area and the percentage of green space, gardens and agricultural land in the zones of Sanandaj city (2014). Area and Percentage Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 area 127,582 264,660 367,224 2,039,325 334,189 Percent of the whole use 3.2 7.4 4.9 46.7 6 Infrastructures: Due to the topographical condition and the different slopes of the city, there is a network of labyrinthine streets. Many urban streets have been designed without considering the natural direction of drainage and are often perpendicular to the land slope (Figure 3). One of the problems in the energy distribution system is lagging behind technology. Figure 3. Streets perpendicular to the general direction of earth slope. More than 97% of the electricity distribution network is of air type in Sanandaj city [ 38 ]. The air network, due to more accessibility, is more subject to danger. In gas distribution lines, most part of the city is covered by steel pipes, while it is known that poly-ethylene pipes have such superior properties as no corrosion or rusting, flexibility in temperatures less than zero, no breakage, and thermal insulation [39]. Land use: Land use, known as the surfaces having open space, can be very effective in the adsorption of surface waters and controlling urban floods: The use of green space refers to gardens and farms. Most gardens of Sanandaj city are near the Gheshlag River in zone four, such that it could control the torrents of the river, but in recent years, with the 93 Urban Sci. 2022,6,31 development of the city around this river, a large part of these lands has been destroyed and replaced by urban land use, especially residential uses. Zone four had the highest percentage of green space. This was due to the location of Deghayeran village and agricultural lands in this zone, which have been added to the city in the recent decade. GIS specialized center of the University of Kurdistan has identified 37 places as the accommodation centers of people suffering from natural and artificial disasters in Sanandaj based on the analysis of the data related to land use, faults, water resources, roads accessible, and city topography. These identified zones are not yet ready for the people who may suffer. Public services: According to the survey conducted among the local people, more than 46.6 met their needs outside their neighborhood. This was due to the inappropriate distribution of land uses in the neighborhoods. According to Iran Statistics Center, in Sanandaj city, there are 135 medical centers, 38 sanitary centers, and 6 medical institutes with 1287 hospital beds. Given the centrality of Sanandaj city, the capacity of these medical centers cannot adequately meet the needs of people. Sanandaj has 5 firefighting stations and 80 operational forces. The number of firefighters in this city is half of the rate of the country (for 2500, there is one firefighter). In order to attain the standard, 80 more operational forces are required. Demographic features: More than one-third of the Sanandaj population consisted of people younger than 15 and older than 65. As the number of people in this age range rises, rescue operations can be more difficult in emergencies. In terms of population concentration, zones two and one had the highest concentration (Table 4). If the necessary predictions and measures are not adopted, the greatest damage is likely to occur in these zones. Table 4. Age and gender proportions of the population of Sanandaj city (2021). The Age Ratio of Population Gender Ratio Gender Ratio Less Than 15 15 to 64 65 and More Male Female Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage 92,051 29.18 209,016 66.25 14,428 Apr-57 160,832 154,663 103.99 Social relations: The social relations of the residents in different zones of Sanandaj city were evaluated by surveying and asking them about the three factors regarding their respect for neighbors’ rights, their tendency to cooperate with neighbors to resolve the problems, and their interest in asking for help in the case of emergencies. More than 80 percent of them reported strong relations. Social security and welfare: The rate of crime in Sanandaj city was only available for addiction, thief, and suicide. This was increased from 0.56 in 2014 to 0.62% in 2016 (last census) [ 27 ]. Based on the information obtained from surveys, more than 11 percent of people had no medical insurance. Education: The results of public surveys showed that 67.9% of people had weak skills in promptly reacting to the events. Given the motto of the Red Crescent, “each Iranian family is a saver”, there should be as many educated people as the number of families so that in the case of events, they can help themselves and their families. This was very low in Sanandaj city, and the number of trained people was less than 10% of the population. Employment: According to the census of people and houses conducted in 2016, the rate of unemployment in people older than 10 years was 32.2% in the city of Sanandaj, which was high and influenced job security. For disasters, there should be strong financial support for compensating for the damage incurred by the buildings. Based on the data obtained from the questionnaires, more than 75% of the buildings did not have this kind of insurance. Income: In 2016 (last census), the inflation rate was 1.3 percent more than that of the income level. This creates a problem for families in meeting their basic needs, and they cannot cater to other things. 94 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 as places that generate not only construction and production, but also experience and rootedness [8]. Pontevedra, a medium-sized Spanish city, is a pioneering example of urban regeneration. This project aims to evolve the current model of the urban transformation of Pontevedra by promoting the environmental dimension, through the renaturalisation of urban space, increasing biodiversity and recovering the connectivity of the maritime and fluvial space. The aim is to increase urban resilience to climate change by strengthening local green infrastructure and improving ecosystem services and the connection between urban and peri-urban natural areas in Pontevedra. The project has two main objectives: (1) to renaturalise five urban spaces and (2) to design a strategy for a sustainable city with a green infrastructure network. This study is grounded in the concepts of spatial justice and renaturalisation. Spatial justice, as articulated by Soja [ 7 ], emphasises the importance of equitable urban planning to address socio-spatial inequalities, while renaturalisation [ 6 ] focuses on the integration of natural systems into urban areas to promote sustainability and resilience. Together, these frameworks provide a foundation for understanding how urban interventions can balance ecological and social priorities to foster inclusive and sustainable cities. The equitable distribution of green spaces, a core component of spatial justice [ 7 ], is critical to ensuring that all residents benefit from renaturalisation efforts aimed at enhancing urban resilience [ 6 ]. By linking spatial justice and renaturalisation, this study contributes to the broader discourse on urban sustainability, demonstrating how these frameworks can guide policies to reduce socio-spatial inequalities. This paper, therefore, contributes to the debate on spatial justice [ 9 , 10 ] by providing empirical evidence on how personal circumstances influence satisfaction with and use of the city. It also provides a framework for assessing how citizen participation can be an effective mechanism for promoting equity in access to urban resources [ 11 , 12 ]. By providing practical implications, it seeks to contribute to the improvement of urban policies, advocating for the reinforcement of a sense of belonging and social cohesion through green spaces. Space being a social product, it must also be a political responsibility, i.e., if it is produced, we must pay attention to how it is produced [ 13 ], considering the political spatiality of the territory [7]. To address the objectives of this study, a quantitative methodology based on the use of various statistical techniques was employed. Factor analysis allowed the identification of latent dimensions of satisfaction and urban perception, simplifying a broad set of variables into key factors such as social cohesion, sustainability and spatial maintenance. Subsequently, cluster analysis segmented the population into homogeneous groups according to their valuation patterns and socio-demographic characteristics. In addition, multiple linear regression and ANOVA analyses were applied to assess the relationships between independent variables (age, income, educational level and territorial area) and the extracted dimensions, providing a comprehensive view of the interactions between citizen perceptions and contextual characteristics and thus providing a more complete picture of urban planning in the context of intra-urban inequalities [ 14 ] that enable climate injustice in cities [15]. Why is it important to analyse how the resident population values these spaces? Well, because understanding population clusters, framed within a critical analysis of the valuation of urban spaces [ 13 ], will reveal citizens’ perspectives and, with them, their influence on urban planning decisions. In this sense, incorporating the citizens’ perspective can condition the success or failure of interventions in public spaces [ 16 , 17 ], as well as promote adjustments that ensure a more inclusive and equitable urban design. In other 101 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 words, knowing residents’ opinions facilitates the promotion of urban development that responds to the real needs of the population living in the city. The conditions that make it possible for the city to be the space where differences and contradictions come together: for certain groups, classes or people, for certain ideas, thoughts and opinions, not to be segregated or pushed aside or sent to the peripheries, no longer of the city, but of urban life [18] (p. 160). In this way, it will be possible to understand which inhabitants have greater access to and enjoyment of urban spaces and which experience barriers derived from their urban spatial vulnerability. To account for this, the specific objectives of this research are to evaluate citizen perceptions, analysing how the socio-demographic characteristics of the population influence the valuation of urban spaces in Pontevedra, highlighting possible territorial and social inequalities. This research highlights the importance of linking spatial justice with sustainable planning practices, as suggested by Soja [ 13 ], to ensure equitable access to urban opportunities while promoting environmental resilience. Our analysis also supports Anguelovski et al. [ 15 ] argument that renaturalisation efforts must prioritise equity to avoid exacerbating territorial inequalities and climate injustices. In addition, Harvey’s [ 19 ] concept of the ‘right to the city’ provides a framework to understand how citizen participation in urban planning processes can mitigate the socio-spatial divides highlighted in our findings. By addressing disparities in access to green spaces and sustainable mobility, this study aligns with broader calls for urban ecological balance, emphasising the interdependence of spatial justice and environmental sustainability [20,21]. So, despite the growing body of research on spatial justice and renaturalisation, most existing studies rely on qualitative approaches limiting their ability to systematically quantify public perceptions of urban transformation. This study addresses this gap by integrating factor analysis and cluster analysis to empirically assess socio-spatial inequalities in urban environments. This methodological framework allows for the identification of distinct patterns in public satisfaction and urban space usage, offering deeper insights into how demographic and territorial factors influence perceptions of renaturalisation. The integration of these statistical techniques represents an innovative contribution, bridging the gap between theoretical discussions of spatial justice and empirical urban policy design. 2. A Theoretical Approach to Renaturalisation and Spatial Justice: Towards Inclusive and Sustainable Urban Planning The relationship between the built and the natural is not static; space is reinvented to configure new naturalised urban scenarios. In the city, we find a landscape mostly made up of buildings—industrial, residential and service buildings—connected by impermeable surfaces largely dedicated to road traffic, i.e., conventional civil engineering that performs mostly individual and single-purpose functions [ 22 ]. On the contrary, green infrastructure brings a wealth of ecosystem benefits, as well as a multifunctional character and an openness to multidisciplinarity to reconfigure anthropogenic habitats [ 16 ]. Specifically, green spaces in the city contribute to improving the health of populations [ 23 – 26 ], mitigate the effects of climate change, increase biodiversity [ 27 ] and are configured as spaces for social relations [28]. While it is true that in urban contexts nature cannot be pristine or alien to anthropic action, it is a more or less ecological and/or sustainable construction that is on the plane of the symbolic and is defined by the interaction of the community, the political sphere 102 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 and aesthetic perception. In this sense, the processes of renaturalisation seek to introduce the citizen perspective to reimagine the urban landscape collectively and in connection with nature [ 22 ], through recovery, regeneration, the creation of ecological corridors and the creation of new and varied functions for underused or abandoned spaces [ 17 ]. Some strategies that destabilise these dualities stem from cultural ecosystem services, where relational processes between actors help to connect dimensions—physical, semiotic and social—in the process of renaturalisation, raising “the public awareness on the need to protect urban nature transformed by human-nature interactions” [29] (p. 12). 2.1. A Theoretical Approach to the Urban Paradigm Infrastructure overproduction, gentrification, sprawl, area degrowth, mobility and territorial inequality are not homogeneous, but present specificities that require adaptive approaches and need to be addressed by planning [30]. Given the exponential increase in the world’s population, coupled with new energy sources, it is suggested that metropolitan expansion will take a centrifugal form [ 31 ]. The trend of emptying the countryside to concentrate the population in the cities will probably be reversed, not with the idea of returning to the countryside, but with the intention of a uniform population distribution, differentiating industrial/labour and residential purposes [ 31 ]. This urban transition on a global scale, accompanied by the “imbalance in population distribution will be accompanied by an increasing gap in the distribution of wealth” [32] (p. 25). Even so, it is worth noting that, although ”the contradictions and conflicts inherent to a class society manifest themselves almost exclusively in the city, this does not mean that their origin must automatically be sought in the city’ [ 33 ] (p. 102). In fact, the definition of what constitutes the urban unit can only come from the theoretical level [ 34 ] and, therefore, we cannot understand the urban only in opposition to the rural. A standardised definition of the urban unit cannot be established since there is no demarcation of shared limits or compatibility of data, for example, in terms of the population density or size—among other indicators for measuring levels of urbanisation [ 30 ]—. We are facing extended forms of regional urbanisation, resulting in the construction of megalopolises arising from suburbanisation, the metropolitanisation of territories and infrastructural and residential decentralisation [ 35 ]. “The urbanisation of the world is a kind of exteriorization of the inside as well as interiorization of the outside” [36] (p. 474). We must turn our attention to circulation, for the urban phenomenon is at the confluence of the city’s functions; urban centres cover a given territory with networks of administration and domination, but the city itself is an integral part of the networks of production and distribution that administer and dominate it—because it is dominant and to the extent that it is dominant [37]—. 2.2. Urban Injustice and the Right to the City Spatial justice, as defined by Soja [ 7 ], refers to the equitable distribution of urban resources and opportunities, ensuring that all individuals, regardless of their socio-economic status, have access to the benefits provided by urban environments. This concept underlines the intersection of spatial inequalities with broader socio-economic disparities, highlighting the need for urban policies that prioritise inclusivity and fairness in resource allocation. Renaturalisation, according to Lehmann [ 6 ], is the process of reintroducing natural elements, such as green spaces and ecological corridors, into urban environments to enhance both ecological resilience and social well-being. This approach seeks to bridge the gap between built and natural environments, creating multifunctional spaces that address environmental challenges while fostering community interactions and connectivity. 103 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 Urban injustice manifests itself in a variety of ways; opportunities, quality of life and well-being, health and access to urban resources are unequally distributed among the population living in an urban space [ 7 ]. Social inequalities—subject to relations of power and domination—are intrinsically linked to spatial inequalities, which is why it is at this intersection that spatial injustice appears [ 7 ]; “in all constructions there is an implicit meaning, a generative idea that space must serve” [38] (p. 20). The right to the city, is “a common rather than an individual right since this transformation inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power to reshape the processes of urbanisation” [ 19 ] (p. 23). Citizens must play an active role in both the design and planning of their cities, becoming agents of change that can contribute to mitigating spatial injustice, generating new forms of urban appropriation and resistance and of transformation according to their needs, concerns and uses [7]. Applying this vision to urban planning for renaturation implies a conscious approach to equity in access to public services and infrastructure, so that all inhabitants can benefit from urban development. A democratic planning system [ 39 ] co-creates with the local community to result in a progressive and holistic approach to regeneration [ 40 ]. Meanwhile, it is true that community participation must be representative of all social strata, especially the socially excluded [ 16 ]. Both individuals and collectives have the right to claim a democratic use of city space and to reclaim their role as central actors in shaping it [ 19 ]. Thus, the process does not only respond to the order of the individual; social movements actively participate in the transformation of space, since it is the product of social interactions [ 41 ]. They emerge trying to overcome isolation and acting differently from corporate capital, real estate developers—supported by financial capital—and the state, which is enmeshed in the logic of business [19]. Under this paradigm, citizen participation becomes an essential instrument to fight against urbanisation processes that directly or indirectly deprive citizens of their decisionmaking capacity [ 21 ]. For this reason, it cannot be a process that is imposed vertically and from above, but must start from the basis of those who inhabit the space, who live and experience it and who, therefore, produce and change it; the community must be involved in the creation of multifunctional green spaces [42]. However, this is not without its problems; some of the obstacles to incorporating citizenship include accessibility to participation, governance barriers, sustaining engagement, integrating different attitudes and life circumstances, skills, knowledge, support and resources [ 39 ]. As well as the cost and complexity of implementing nature-based solutions in a compact space with dense grey networks [ 16 ], in the cases of industrial green infrastructure, what we find are that the biggest barriers for residents are cost overruns and a lack of political support and maintenance [ 17 ]. In short, it must be kept in mind that the processes of urbanisation, construction and urban transformation are originally processes of social imagination [ 43 ], which are conditioned into praxis by the context in which they take place. 2.3. The City on a Human Scale: Satisfaction, Appreciation and Intervention in Urban Public Space Satisfaction with social and physical space, in this case, urban space, significantly influences the perception of happiness [ 44 ], which is a key indicator when assessing subjective well-being [ 45 ]. Regarding the relationship between happiness and satisfaction with surrounding life and greenery, socio-demographic variables are the determinant, highlighting that increasing green space alone is not enough, but must be accompanied by the needs of citizens—quality and integrated amenities [ 46 ]—. For example, an analysis of 60 countries around the world (a comparison between those with the highest and lowest GDP) finds that for those with the lowest GDP, green space is not positively correlated 104 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 with happiness. However, when GDP reaches a certain threshold, green spaces become important and are positively correlated with happiness as they are spaces for social relations and support [47]. While it is true that the difficulties associated with urban life—lax and complex social networks that produce loneliness and alienation, the sharp differences between the rich and poor, stress, competition, sensory overload or overcrowding—are shared and more palpable in processes of rapid urbanisation, the “urban malaise” does not manifest itself in all cities in the same way, as each one—very dependent on where it is located territorially—presents its own challenges and dangers [ 48 ]. Thus, human well-being is related to the level of satisfaction with the space one inhabits; the positive valuation of an urban space that responds to the needs of residents is the path to the general well-being of populations [44,45,48,49]. In this way, the analysis of satisfaction becomes an essential component in assessing the effectiveness of urban intervention and its capacity to bring about positive social change. It should be noted that subjective well-being, while related to the socio-economic status, in modern societies is more closely related to the socio-emotional status [ 45 ]. For example, lower values of the average well-being are found in gender-segregated societies than in those with high income disparities, “inequality hurts only when it interferes with the gratification of basic needs, such as our need for food or respect” [45] (p. 52). It is, therefore, essential to understand how the resident population interprets, perceives and remembers urban space; cities must be legible, i.e., easily understood by the people who live there [ 49 ]. An environment that is legible facilitates psychological wellbeing, as it allows people to feel safe in their space and find their way around it, to use it. A legible space will be a well-valued space, and a well-valued space will result in greater satisfaction and thus greater subjective and objective well-being. The importance of legibility can again be linked to green spaces, since, taking into account that staying in green spaces for more than 20 min is linked to higher subjective well-being, in order for the time spent in such a space to be long enough, they must be attractive and hold the attention of the visitor; therefore, they must be understandable to the user and linked to his or her needs [16]. Jan Gehl introduces a novel approach that focuses on people, what he will call the ‘human scale’ [ 50 ]. He argues that urban planning should focus on creating liveable and sustainable cities, always from the perspective of the pedestrian, moving away from a focus on road traffic-centred infrastructure and putting policies for the quality of life of the inhabitants at the centre. The city must foster social interactions, ensuring that the routine needs of the people who live there are met and listened to when planning new spaces or intervening in existing ones. The meaning of streets, squares and parks is that they are used and enjoyed by the resident population. It is necessary to encourage the use of public spaces as a way of fostering greater social cohesion and promoting collective and individual well-being. 3. Methodology This quantitative study analyses the satisfaction of the resident population of Pontevedra with their immediate urban environment. To do so, several statistical techniques will be used to clarify the synergies between the socio-demographic characteristics of the resident population and their knowledge of the city, as well as their subjective assessment of it. All of them use data extracted from a survey with a sample of 201 people, representative of the 69,697 people, aged 18 and over, resident in the city of Pontevedra in 2023. Sex and age quotas were established in proportion to each territorial area studied and the sampling process used was simple random. The data were treated following quality con105 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 trol processes—occupational structure—by correcting the detected biases with weighting variables. With a 95% confidence level, our sample provides an acceptable margin of error of approximately ±4.4%, which is within the range used in similar urban studies. Starting from the population structure of the Pontevedra City Council, according to the Municipal Population Register for the year 2022, we calculated the sample size and designed the sampling procedure (Table 1) based on the establishment of quotas for sex and age group, proportional to the reference population of each Territorial Area. The population universe ( ≥ 18 years) is 69,697 people. We subdivided this population into the three areas studied, based on the section, which resulted in the following demographic structure by sex and age in each of them. Table 1. Technical Sheet. Universe Population aged 18 and over registered in the Municipality of Pontevedra (69,697 people). Sample Size 201 interviews. The fieldwork was carried out between November and December 2023. Sampling Procedure Simple Random Sampling (SRS), with quotas for gender and age. Face-to-face interviews with computer-assisted support (CAPI system). Selection of Interviewees The final selection of interviewees was made randomly on the street, following the quotas. Sampling Error Assuming SRS, with a significance level of 0.05, for the most unfavourable case in the overall sample, the absolute error would be 3.52%. External errors to the sampling process 0.88%. The total error is established at 4.4%. Quality Control The data are processed with quality control procedures, correcting detected biases using weighting variables. The reference territory, the municipality of Pontevedra, for the purposes of this survey, was subdivided into three types of spaces. On the one hand, all the sections of what we call the compact city, which include all the sections that have high values of density and continuity. On the other hand, three corridors that showed discontinuities, but also registered high population density and space occupation. These are the sections of the Ring (Monteporreiro, Estrada de Santiago and Corredor de Marín). Finally, we included the rest of the sections in a group that we call Rurururbano, in which densities drop significantly, and the fabric is discontinuous and/or atomised. To solve our main objective, we worked with 8 aspects that residents rated from 0 to 10 about the city. The eight aspects rated by residents—pedestrianisation, cleanliness, safety, green spaces, streets, mobility, neighbourhood and general satisfaction with the city—were carefully selected based on their relevance to urban quality of life, spatial justice and sustainability. These eight aspects were chosen because they collectively capture the key dimensions of urban life that influence residents’ well-being, spatial justice, and sustainability. They reflect both the physical infrastructure (e.g., streets, green spaces and mobility) and the social and experiential qualities (e.g., safety, neighbourhood cohesion and general satisfaction) of the urban environment. By focusing on these aspects, this study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how different factors contribute to urban satisfaction and how they vary across demographic and territorial groups. This study employs a 0–10 Cantril rating scale to assess urban satisfaction, a widely used approach in social sciences and urban studies [ 51 – 53 ]. This scale allows respondents to express a broad spectrum of opinions, from extreme dissatisfaction (0) to extreme satisfaction (10), offering greater granularity than smaller scales or semantic Likert scales. This permits more clarity, ensuring reliable responses, minimising cognitive bias and enhancing comparability across different socio-demographic groups. Additionally, its continuous structure allows for a more nuanced assessment of public perceptions, essential for identifying patterns in urban space valuation. Prior research has demonstrated the 106 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 effectiveness of this scale in evaluating subjective perceptions of urban environments, as it facilitates statistical analysis, including mean comparisons, regression models and factor analysis. Furthermore, by using the same scale for all variables we avoid having to resort to statistical normalisation. The ratings for these aspects were analysed using factor analysis to identify latent dimensions of urban satisfaction such as social cohesion, sustainability and maintenance. These dimensions were then used in cluster analysis to segment the population into homogeneous groups based on their patterns of satisfaction and socio-demographic characteristics. The results of these analyses provide valuable insights into the factors that influence urban satisfaction and highlight areas for targeted policy interventions. The socio-demographic control variables are age (three age groups: 18–39; 40–64; 65 and over), sex (differentiating between men and women), level of education (no schooling or primary education; compulsory; post-compulsory and university education), income (net annual income: less than 15,000; 15,000–20,000; 20,000–25,000; 25,000–30,000), social class (differentiated into manual, intermediate and services following Goldthorpe’s scheme) and place of residence (compact city (with high density and continuity), ring (compact peripheral development and high population density) and rururban (low-density and atomised or discontinuous fabric)). In addition, we worked with frequency of use of green spaces, measured as the average number of days per year that each space studied is visited. In order to know the use, an estimator has been elaborated that indicates how many times a year, on average, each citizen uses each of the spaces—visit, transit and destination—. Let ni be the frequency of each case, xi the time and n the total number of people who responded to the survey. ϑ=365 ∑nixi n The estimator was applied to survey data to calculate the average annual usage of green spaces for each respondent. This metric was then used as an independent variable in statistical analyses (e.g., multiple linear regression, ANOVA) to assess its relationship with satisfaction levels, socio-demographic factors and territorial characteristics. The results of these analyses provide insights into how green space usage patterns vary across different population groups and how they influence perceptions of urban spaces. We also use an indicator of health. This index is derived from the response to three items related to the health of the respondents. These variables were constructed using the same wording and scale used in the European Health Survey (EHSS). Two of them are objective data: the consumption of medicines in the last 15 days (C) and consultations with medical professionals in the last 4 weeks (M). The other indicator is subjective and refers to the perception of the state of health (P). The constructed indicator allows an interpretation from 0 and 100, and can be expressed as: Health.=(P×C×M)−1 (∑VMax −∑VMin)×100 In the denominator of the previous formula, the difference between the maximum value achievable in the three variables analysed and the minimum possible is calculated, so that the index oscillates between 0 and 100. The methodological strategy begins with a factor analysis to simplify and reduce the set of variables analysed. This allows them to be grouped according to their similarity, based on similar patterns of responses. The new factorial variables generated will allow us to work with classification techniques (Cluster Analyses), ANOVA or Linear Regression, to 107 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 characterise socio-demographic profiles that characterise the different population groups according to their ratings. To measure the suitability of these methods, the usual indicators are used: KMO and Bartlett’s of Sphericity for Factorial, and VIF test and Determinant Coefficient for Regression. Although these methods are widely established in urban research, their combined application in assessing perceptions of spatial justice and renaturalisation is a novel contribution. This integrated approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of how social, economic and spatial factors interact to influence urban satisfaction. Several studies have employed these techniques separately in urban planning and perception research [ 50 , 54 – 56 ], but this study advances the field by applying them collectively to examine socio-spatial inequalities and their impact on urban experiences. To analyse the relationships between the study variables (knowledge of the space, use—measured in days per year—and satisfaction—again, on a numerical scale of 0–10—) and the independent variables, which would be the socio-demographic characteristics mentioned above, we used ANOVA and Multiple Linear Regression. In short, the selection of the statistical techniques used is justified by the need to address, in a comprehensive manner, the complex interactions between the use of urban space, socio-demographic characteristics and levels of satisfaction/valuation of the city. In this sense, factor and cluster analysis is particularly useful, as it allows us to draw meaningful, concrete and more operational conclusions—if we want to understand the synergies between variables—from a large dataset. In turn, linear regression and ANOVA provide detailed insights into correlations and differences between different population groups. The correlation analysis was conducted as an initial step to examine the strength and direction of relationships between urban satisfaction factors and socio-demographic variables, without implying causation. The insights gained from this analysis informed the subsequent regression model, which was used to establish predictive relationships by determining how independent variables influence urban satisfaction. To facilitate the understanding of the territorial areas included in this study, Figure 1 shows the geographical delimitation of the Compact City (in red), the Ring (in blue) and the Rururban area (uncoloured). These classifications are essential to analyse how territorial characteristics influence citizens’ perception of urban spaces. Figure 1. Aerial view of the city of Pontevedra. Note: In red is the delimitation of the Compact City and in blue, the spaces that we consider as Ring. The rest of the municipal territory is Rururbano. 108 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 4. Results and Discussion The means and their standard deviation as well as the range of the responses obtained (theoretically possible from 0 to 10) are actually established for each variable in Table 2. The means are all high, although the dispersion that marks the range shows a greater consensus in variables such as “general satisfaction with the city”, “the assessment of security” and with the “neighbourhood”. On the other hand, the greatest disagreement occurs when assessing “mobility”, with a high peak of standard deviation of the mean, which is reduced to the lowest value among the variables investigated. Table 2. Satisfaction with the variables studied. Mean Standard Deviation Range Pedestrianisation 7.36 0.82 5.00 Cleanliness 7.25 0.75 5.00 Neighbourhood 7.43 0.67 4.00 Safety 7.45 0.64 4.00 Green spaces 6.91 0.80 5.00 Streets and public spaces 7.22 0.64 5.00 Mobility 6.66 1.11 9.00 General satisfaction with the city 7.29 0.52 3.00 The factor analysis carried out in this research, through principal component analysis (PCA with a Promax rotation was used, which allows, as opposed to orthogonal rotation, the resulting factors to be correlated with each other; the point of this choice is that the variables are not completely independent, but interrelated), aimed to reduce the complexity of the data studied, specifically those related to the satisfaction variables, namely pedestrianisation, mobility, green spaces, streets, cleanliness, safety, neighbourliness and the state of the city in general (joint evaluation of all the items). Through PCA it is possible to explain the variability in residents’ urban perceptions by identifying the underlying dimensions and then interpreting them in terms of sociodemographic profiles—cluster analysis—. The suitability of this technique is supported by a KMO of 0.8 and a significant Bartlett’s test of sphericity (<0.001). The analysis revealed two principal components—as shown in Figure 2—which together explain 62.297% of the total variance for the urban satisfaction variables, the first of which explains 47.563% and the second, an additional 14.735%. The first of these is made up of evaluation indicators linked to social cohesion and the maintenance of urban space and incorporates indicators such as neighbourliness (maximum load 0.843), an evaluation of the city in general (0.843), safety (0.777), pedestrianisation (0.736), cleanliness (0.649) and the state of the streets and public spaces (0.759). The second component is oriented towards green infrastructure, mobility and sustainability. It groups together the presence of green spaces (maximum load, 0.739), mobility strategies in the city (0.632), cleanliness (0.653) and the state of the streets and public spaces (0.712), with urban functionality standing out. Finally, three groups of evaluations have been configured, one called “sustainability”, which reflects environmental awareness and its influence on satisfaction and quality of life in the city. Another is called “social cohesion”, which is more related to the social aspects of the urban space, and the last one is more related to well-being from the physical aspects, called “maintenance”. 109 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 Figure 2. Component graph in rotated space. The graph shows two principal components that explain 62.3% of the total variance. The first is related to social cohesion and maintenance, while the second addresses sustainability and mobility. Both components are correlated, highlighting the interdependence of these dimensions. The correlation coefficient between the components is 0.478, indicating that, although they address different dimensions of city perception—identified through three factors— there is, as we have already seen, an interrelation between them. In other words, social cohesion and the maintenance of urban infrastructure are not independent of sustainability and green infrastructure; rather, both dimensions contribute jointly to the satisfaction of the people who inhabit the space. Creating more pedestrian and green spaces, the better care of public infrastructure and prioritising urban safety would reinforce both dimensions. Therefore, cities should adopt a holistic approach that incorporates these aspects in an integrated manner [ 25 ], to improve the overall perception of citizens and with it, their threshold of well-being [45], while ensuring spatial justice [7] and ecological balance [57]. The factors extracted through factor analysis, such as ‘social cohesion’, ‘sustainability’ and ‘maintenance’, represent latent dimensions that summarise the population’s perceptions of key aspects of the urban environment. These factors become dependent variables in the regression analysis, allowing us to identify how socio-demographic characteristics (age, level of education, income and territorial area) influence these dimensions. In Table 3, we summarise the relevant results of the regression analysis for each key variable. On the one hand, the total percentage of variance explained in each model; in the next column, the variables that appear as significant in that model. Finally, the qualitative interpretation of the influence of that variable according to the sign and its interpretation in terms of the categories that compose it. All VIF (Variance Inflation Factor) values are below, in the worst case, 2.5, so we can conclude that Multiple Regression is a suitable technique. The regression confirms the associations found in the factor analysis. It highlights how the territorial area and education shape perceptions of sustainability, while age and income affect social cohesion. The moderate correlation between the factors social cohesion and sustainability underlines the need to address them jointly. Urban policies that improve green infrastructure and sustainable mobility can also strengthen community interaction. 110 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 To capture these subjective dimensions, future research should integrate qualitative methodologies, including interviews, focus groups, participatory action research and perception-based mapping. Enhancing survey instruments to incorporate questions on emotional attachment, local pride and territorial identity could further refine urban perception analysis. Comparative studies between resident evaluations and external expert assessments could also help quantify potential local biases. Addressing territorial inequalities requires targeted investment in underprivileged areas to improve access to essential urban services such as green spaces, mobility infrastructure and public amenities. Enhancing the connectivity between peripheral and central urban zones is crucial, with a focus on public transportation systems, pedestrian-friendly infrastructure and policies that foster economic integration. Policy interventions should prioritise the equitable allocation of resources with particular attention to marginalised communities to bridge gaps in access to urban opportunities and ensure spatial justice. Strategies such as the development of mixed-use areas in peripheral regions and the creation of ecological corridors can foster more inclusive urban spaces and mitigate the socio-spatial divide. Urban policies should aim to decentralise investments, reducing reliance on compact urban centres and enabling balanced growth across all territorial areas. To address the gaps identified in this study, urban planning initiatives should adopt a dual approach: strengthening infrastructure in peripheral areas while improving accessibility to the compact city through multimodal transportation systems. By connecting peri-urban zones with central areas, cities can promote not only physical mobility, but also economic and social inclusion. Future research should assess the impact of these interventions to ensure they effectively reduce territorial inequalities and foster more cohesive urban environments. Finally, longitudinal studies tracking infrastructure changes and their impact on urban satisfaction would provide valuable insights into the effectiveness of urban interventions. Establishing key indicators based on the factors studied would enable continuous monitoring and adaptive policymaking, ensuring that urban development aligns with evolving community needs. Author Contributions: Conceptualization: M.A.S. and U.L.-M.; data curation: M.G.D.; formal analysis: M.A.S., U.L.-M. and M.G.D.; funding acquisition: F.-A.V.-G.; investigation: M.A.S., U.L.-M., M.G.D. and F.-A.V.-G.; methodology: U.L.-M.; project administration: F.-A.V.-G.; resources: F.-A.V.-G.; supervision: M.G.D. and F.-A.V.-G.; validation: M.A.S. and M.G.D.; visualization: U.L.-M.; writingoriginal draft: U.L.-M.; writing-review & editing: M.A.S. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: This work is endorsed by the project Redeverde Pontevedra which is supported by the Biodiversity Foundation of the Ministry for the Ecological Transition and the Demographic Challenge (MITECO) of the Government of Spain, within the framework of the Recovery, Transformation and Resilience Plan (PRTR), funded by the European Union—NextGenerationEU. The project is coordinated by the Pontevedra City Council in collaboration with the University of A Coruña. This work is also supported by the GREEN GAP project from INTERREG POCTEP PROGRAM 2021–2027, EUROPEAN UNION, project led by the Institute of Territorial Studies of the Xunta de Galicia with the participation of 11 partners from Galicia, including the University of A Coruña, and from Northern Portugal. Institutional Review Board Statement: Ethical review and approval were waived for this study, due to this is a voluntary and anonymous survey which complies with the ethical code of University of A Coruña and the European Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). 117 Urban Sci. 2025,9,94 Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. Data Availability Statement: The original contributions presented in this study are included in the article. Further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. References 1. UN/DESA; UNCTAD; ECA; ECE; ECLAC; ESLAP; ESCWA; UNWTO. 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MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. 120 Article A New Top-Down Governance Approach to Community Gardens: A Case Study of the “We Garden” Community Experiment in Shenzhen, China Xunyu Zhang 1, Dongxu Pan 2, Kapo Wong 3and Yuanzhi Zhang 4,5,* 1The Nature Conservancy, Shenzhen 518053, China; [email protected] 2Shenzhen Development Research Center for Real Estate and Urban Construction, Shenzhen 518028, China; [email protected] 3School of Nursing, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong 999066, China; [email protected] 4Center for Housing Innovations, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Faculty of Social Science, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong 999077, China 5 Faculty of Marine Sciences, Nanjing University of Information Science and Technology, Nanjing 210044, China *Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Over the past few decades, development in China (including Shenzhen) has been led by the State, meaning that the government has been responsible for major decisions in urban construction and management. However, the current enormous contradiction between people’s demand for livability and Shenzhen’s unequal and inadequate urban development means that leaving all the administrative work to the government alone has become unsustainable. Since 2020, Shenzhen has introduced a new urban management approach called “We Garden”, in which the government supports public participation aimed to transform idle public lands into green spaces in the form of community gardens. Because this ongoing but novel community garden experiment is a recent development in China, literature investigating the phenomenon context, especially the associated motivations and governance structure, remains scarce. This paper aims to clarify the governance structure and operation mechanism of the Shenzhen community garden program through all stages: from planning and design through construction or implementation to management. Fieldwork with active participation, direct observation, and semi-structured, qualitative interviews as participant in a nonprofit organization revealed that the Shenzhen experiment was driven by urban environmental public governance rather than individual needs. The community garden development approach is a new top-down governance structure that expands on existing governance types in the literature, while emphasizing the key role that nonprofit organizations play in the process. Therefore, this new governance approach expands beyond the environmental improvement of urban communities, serving as a new mechanism for sustainable public participation in urban environmental protection. Keywords: community garden; governance; top-down; Shenzhen; nonprofit organization 1. Introduction For decades, the development process of China has been State-led, emphasizing the government’s role in making major decisions about urban construction and management [ 1 ]. However, China’s continuing economic growth and the improvement of urbanization (with the urbanization rate reaching a new level at 63.89%) [ 2 ] have led social development to enter a new stage where citizens, no longer satisfied with basics such as food and clothing, have also developed high expectations regarding the quality of life and their living environment. Therefore, a large contradiction has emerged between people’s demand for livability and the inequality and inadequacy that have characterized urban development. In essence, this contradiction represents a conflict between population and resources that has Urban Sci. 2022,6, 41. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci6020041 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/urbansci 121 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 become prominent in Shenzhen and is at the forefront of China’s economic development. Overs the course of only 40 years, Shenzhen, China’s first Special Economic Zone, has become a megacity, exhibiting an explosive growth from 0.31 million to 17.56 million permanent residents, a 55-fold increase within the span of four decades. Shenzhen, which is the only city in China with an urbanization rate of 100% [ 3 ], retains about 50% of the ecological control line (In other words, the city has set aside 50% of its land to function as green lungs), severely limiting the amount of developable urban land. However, in a high-density urban environment, the green and public urban space left to the public falls far short. In the meantime, migrant young people who have become new citizens have put forward higher requirements for the quality of the living environment. The rising grassroots demands have created a situation where guidance by the government alone has become unsustainable. Therefore, in 2020, following the grassroots governance concept of “We are the cities we make” that was initiated at the national level [ 4 ], the Shenzhen Municipal Government proposed a new urban management approach called “We Garden”. This emerging community trend in Shenzhen is transforming idle public land into green space in the form of community gardens. The government formulated the scheme with associated financial support, encouraging public participation. The local government has announced plans to build 120 community gardens in Shenzhen per year to improve the greening rate in high-density residential areas [ 5 ]. The launch of this new scheme, along with official encouragement, has led different stakeholders from government institutions, nonprofit organizations, schools, communities, and professional agencies (e.g., design and gardening companies) to come together to implement community gardens on the ground, transforming the project into a process of co-construction and governance. In this context, developing community gardens in Shenzhen has gone beyond the basic concept of a planting space and social space in the community and is now poised to solve the contradiction between the city’s future environmental development and the ubiquitous shortage of land and financial pressure, while simultaneously encouraging grassroots autonomy. Once one community has successfully implemented the idea, the process can be replicated and promoted at the municipal level at a low cost. In terms of the process of community garden planning, construction, and management, it was also found that its motivation and governance structure differed from typical patterns illustrated by the study. Scant literature is available regarding this type of ongoing, novel community garden experiment in the Chinese context. Accordingly, this paper aims to clarify the governance structure and operation mechanism of the Shenzhen community garden program through all stages: from planning and design through construction or implementation to management. Furthermore, this investigation delved into the new mechanism of public participation in urban environmental protection in the Chinese context. The study was based on the following research questions: (1) What is a diversity in participants/actors and their action styles? (2) How is the new community garden scheme carried out in local contexts, and what were the results? (3) How can the Shenzhen case help scholars better theorize the governance structure in community gardens and beyond the city level? This discussion addresses these questions and identifies the relevant gaps that emerged in the research process through an initial review of the research status, motivations for community gardens, and types of governance structure in this context. Then, as a reflection of nonprofit organizations and deeply involved in the development of community gardens, we describe the study’s research methods. Next, the paper will present the findings from the interviews, along with details of the process and results of the development of a particular community garden. Lastly, the focus of the discussion of the findings will center around governance structure. By comparing the governance structure of Shenzhen with other community gardens worldwide, we believe that the model in Shenzhen (described here as top-down with public engagement driven by nonprofit organizations) complements the governance structure of 122 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 community gardens while also representing an innovative mechanism to promote public participation in urban environmental protection. This model, which will allow members of society to fully participate in the construction of green cities in the future, is innovative and reproducible from an international perspective. 2. Literature Review A community garden—distinguished from a private garden [ 6 ]—refers to open spaces managed and operated by local community members, which allow people to work together to grow herbs, fruit, vegetables, or flowers [ 7 – 10 ]. It is widely acknowledged that the contemporary community garden originated in the United States in the 1970s [ 11 , 12 ], although some researchers have asserted that the idea originated from the two World Wars [ 13 , 14 ]; in any event, all conclusions point to the appearance of this phenomenon in terms of people who decided to grow food to contribute toward self-sufficiency. To date, the number and diversity of community gardens have significantly increased. There are several streams of research on community gardens. The main stream of research has featured the social sciences, including but not limited to planning, health, geography and sociology, and education, covering topics such as social capital [ 15 – 18 ], health and well-being outcomes [13,19–21], and community engagement and development [7,22,23]. In our review of the previous research, we focused on the literature on the motivations, as well as governance approaches/organizational structures of community garden projects. Among the insights that emerged, we found that while community gardens can serve as an alternative food/medicine to provide economic benefit and supply healthy food and supplies, at the same time, they can also provide open spaces for social activities or recreation [ 24 , 25 ]. Multiple studies have reported similar motivations for building community gardens, such as consuming fresh foods, making or saving money by eating from the garden or selling produce, social cohesion, and improving health. Other identified motivations included education, enjoying nature, and enhancing environmental sustainability [26]. Another discovery was that community gardens usually start from bottom-up efforts by a grassroots community, individuals, or groups [ 13 , 17 , 27 ]. In addition to the bottom-up approach, a top-down structure organized by the public sector (e.g., municipal agencies) provide an essential complement to community garden development [ 28 ]. After comparing community gardens between fall 2011 and fall 2016, Rees & Melix (2019) found a disappearance of gardens established from the top-down and an increase in grassroots neighborhood gardens from the bottom-up, which they thought is a more pragmatic approach [ 29 ]. The bottom-up approach encourages more participation and commitment from people [ 30 ], which might improve the likelihood of a garden’s longevity [ 31 , 32 ]. However, Rosol (2005) and Baker (2004) argued the top-down approach was a good way to ensure the effective management of gardens [ 33 , 34 ]. Specifically, McGlone et al. (1999) subdivided community gardens into five different governance structures under the two mentioned basic modes: top-down, top-down with community help (gardens planned, established, or managed by paid professionals with community involvement), bottom-up, bottom-up with professional help, and bottom-up with informal help [ 35 ]. Fox-Kämper et al. (2017) later expanded this theory by adding a new category called bottom-up with political and/or administrative support (PAS), which refers to using a bottom-up approach with some external support, mostly involving local government agencies that provide land, funding, and/or expertise [36]. A comparison of motivations and governance approach reveals that the ongoing Shenzhen community garden experiment differed from the previously described definitions in terms of motivation and governance structure in the Chinese context. The following points present four limitations of the prior studies and how we addressed them: (1) Research background. Overall, few studies have taken place in non-English speaking countries [ 26 ]. In China, community gardens involving public participation in construction and management have only emerged in this decade [ 37 ]. Thus, in China (mainly in Shanghai) [ 38 – 40 ] and especially in Shenzhen, very little research has been 123 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 conducted, and understanding is lacking in this area, especially in terms of knowledge about how community gardens work in a Chinese context. As members involved in communication and coordination with actors, we delved deeply into the community garden in Nanshan district, Shenzhen, which can be seen as representative of China’s evolving local socialist market economy in pursuit of sustainable development [41]. (2) Governance approach. The governance structure of the ongoing Shenzhen community garden development appears to be top-down with community help or PAS literally. After conducting a content analysis of articles with information on governance structures, several cases of community gardens using these two models are searched and summarized as follows: As for top-down with community help, first, most cases were involved in paid professionals from political and administrator support. For example, the Philadelphia Urban Gardening Program in America was sponsored by university cooperative extension service with technical assistance and supported by the Philadelphia Horticultural Society with materials [ 42 ], ‘Dig In’ community garden projects in England, Australia (same as the British case), Cape Town, and Shakashead community gardens in South Africa were all supported from a professional organization with a dedicated trust or funding [ 17 , 29 , 30 , 43 ]. Second, several community gardens initiated a top-down approach in the planning and implementation phases, although they underwent the transition from top-down to bottom-up during the management phase [ 9 , 10 , 17 , 44 ]. As for PAS, despite being a bottom-up initiative, projects have received significant support such as financial or advisory support, donations of materials, free water supply. Some received support during the construction and implementation phase, which is a common form in the planning and design phase [ 38 , 45 – 48 ]. After comparison, the governance structure of Shenzhen still has unique qualities. More information about the ongoing Shenzhen community garden governance structure is needed to promote a complete understanding, reflecting Guitart et al.’s (2012) suggestion that “future studies should shed light more on how participants garden” [ 26 ]. In focusing on the governance of the community garden, as well as the construction process, a deep understanding of the processes around participation in the community garden was gained. (3) The role of each participant (especially nonprofit organizations). In general, the success of a community garden depends on the degree of its internal organization [ 17 ]. For example, in the case of a temporary post-earthquake community garden in central Christchurch, New Zealand, a local organization—Greening the Rubble (GtR)—acted as a coordinator that created new, linked social capital that was vital to the success of the project [ 48 ]. Similarly, even though the success of the community garden project in Shenzhen has also been closely related to nonprofit organizations, only a few studies have explored the active role of nonprofit organizations in the development of community gardens. This topic could be explored because we were involved in the entire process of community garden construction and management. (4) Motivations. In the international or traditional sense, most community gardens are initiated on the community scale to meet individual’s needs, though some are directly initiated by project managers and institutions [ 26 ]. From the perspective of future urban environmental development, few governments have directly issued community garden plans. That is to say, the motivation behind the ongoing Shenzhen community garden has changed from meeting the material, spiritual, and cultural needs of individuals to an urban management approach in which the government issued policies and encouraged public participation to realize the sustainable development of the city. Through the interview with government officials, the Shenzhen community garden was discussed in terms of giving a new mission. 3. Material and Methods The section comprises three parts. The first introduces the overall situation of community gardens in Nanshan District of Shenzhen and describes the selected community 124 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 garden program. The second explains the six groups of participants in this experiment and their characteristics. The third discusses the data collection protocol, which unfolds participatory observations and semi-structured, qualitative interviews. 3.1. Case Selected Nanshan District government announced that 20 community gardens will be built through public participation per year from 2020 to 2025, which means that by the end of 2025, the number of community gardens will be 100. The number of gardens, which is also the work KPI of the government, is larger than that in other districts due to the financial income level of the district. From 2020 to 2021, as a member of the Nature Conservation (TNC, one of the world’s famous Non-Government Organizations), the author participated in the whole process, from planning to completion, of 12 community garden projects in the Nanshan District. During this process, TNC, as an environmental protection organization, was responsible for providing nature-based solutions and promoting public participation. Each project took an average of nearly 3 months, and multiple projects were carried out in parallel. It is found that the governance approach would gradually tend to be the same in general. Therefore, we will select one typical case—Pen Garden (The names mentioned in this paper are pseudonyms)—for discussion. Pen Garden is in an idle public green space on the roadside of Changhai Community in Nanshan District, covering a total area of about 800 square meters, and the garden renovation area is about 400 square meters. The plot has several characteristics: (1) The plot is owned by the government, avoiding insecurities such as other American community gardens being withdrawn after a certain duration [26]; (2) It was originally a public green space furnished with garden pavements and seats, but due to the lack of management, the garden is overgrown with weeds, making it difficult for people to enter, thus becoming a negative green space of urban waste (Figure 1); (3) It is located next to the traffic artery of the community and close to commercial residential areas, schools, and shops. Thus, the plot has a large flow of people every day, which can be utilized by surrounding residential residents, schools, enterprises, and even passers-by. Considering the existing issues and the promising greater social benefits, it was determined and supported by the government. Figure 1. Pen Garden before the transformation. (Source: ZHOU Yu, 2020). 3.2. Participants Characteristics In the “We Garden” project, all participants could be mainly divided into four categories: The first is the officials of government institutions. The effect of the community garden is their work KPI, but as a public participation project, they need to make a balance between their work standards and the needs of residents. The second refers to nonprofit organizations, including: (1) Community organizations, including foundations and Party member service centers rooted in the community. They have community influence and appeal and are essential to fostering public participation. (2) Non-Governmental Organiza125 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 tions that are not rooted in the community but have more technologies or resources help the community link more social capital. The third category is landscape designers from design companies. Different from the previous projects who are commissioned to design, this time they served as technical representatives to support community gardening and help the residents without any experience realize their design concepts in garden construction. The fourth category is communities, who studied, lived, or worked within about a walking distance of 500 m of the garden (in the Pen Garden project, mainly students). They have the greatest right to enjoy the garden and have the obligation to maintain it. The other small part is volunteers from outside the community who participate in the project. 3.3. Data Collection Methods The methods of data collection included participant observations and semi-structured and qualitative interviews. As members of nonprofit organizations who were deeply involved in the development of community gardens, we collected information during site gardening and via meetings, impressively exploring how the various actors in this project performed through active participation and direct observations. In addition, semi-structured, qualitative interviews were conducted between October 2020 and January 2021 among ten of the Pen Garden project actors (Table 1). They were recorded and transcribed. Quotations from Chinese interviews were translated into English by the authors. The interview mainly includes the following questions: (1) Their roles in the development of community garden development, and (2) Evaluations before and after participation. Table 1. Profile of interviewees. Interviewee Position Organization Sector Interviewee A Deputy director Urban Management Bureau of Shenzhen Municipality Government Interviewee B Director Urban Management Bureau of Shenzhen Municipality Nanshan District Government Interviewee C Officer Urban Management Bureau of Shenzhen Municipality Nanshan District Government Interviewee D Officer Shekou Community Foundation Nonprofit Organization Interviewee E Coordinator Shekou Community Foundation Nonprofit Organization Interviewee E Landscape Designer Local council Designing Enterprise Interviewee G Landscape Designer Local council Designing Enterprise Interviewee H Teacher Community School Public institute Interviewee I Student Community School Public institute Interviewee J Student Community School Public institute 4. Results In addition to the governments, each actor involved in “We Garden” played a particular role at different stages (including planning, pre-research, co-design, co-building/coconstruction, and maintenance phase) in the community garden development. Their roles and action styles were listed in Figure 2. Among them, nonprofit organizations were involved throughout the process and were essential in promoting public engagement, as well as the success of the project. In the first four sections below, we took Pen Garden as an example to illustrate how nonprofit organizations cooperate with the government, communities, and professionals in the whole phase. In the last section, we listed the representative feedback from the government director, designer, and student on participating in the transformation process of Pen Garden with the help of nonprofit organizations. 126 Urban Sci. 2022,6,41 as well), which is not paid, as the literature and cases showed [ 17 , 29 , 30 , 42 , 43 ]. Following an approach that includes some of the same elements as the PAS approach and its typical cases [ 38 , 45 – 48 ], the Shenzhen Municipal Government has taken the initiative to provide funds, land, and professional knowledge to the community on a top-down basis, launching this scheme, while remaining well aware that a solely government-driven scheme would be unsustainable. Therefore, the municipal government has called for the development of more community gardens as a method of public engagement. These considerations led to formulation of a new (seventh) category: top-down with public engagement driven by nonprofit organizations. We define it as the government taking the lead in launching the policy, providing matching funds and land support, while nonprofit organizations offer coordination and assistance, mitigate administrative intervention, and promote public participation in the planning and design, construction, and management stages of community garden development. The roles and action styles of the main participants are summarized as follows: (1) Government as the initiator: The community garden scheme has been promoted from top to bottom in the form of policy. The government has been the main supplier of funding and resources for the community. The government monitors the scheme via KPI, promotes and supervises its on-time completion, and assesses the effectiveness of community gardens. (2) Nonprofit organizations as the engine: Their participation methods and roles change dynamically through different stages of the project, including government think tanks, project promoters, community partners, and other roles. Their involvement persists throughout the whole process of the project, giving full play to the ability and value in dealing with public relations. These entities also promote effective communication between the government and the public, as well as the public and experts. Nonprofit organizations are the key to the success of the project, and without their participation, enormous obstacles will arise that may be insurmountable. (3) Experts/designers and community locals as the public: Experts and designers provide professional knowledge and skills to inexperienced participants. At the same time, this approach also represents a new model for them to build with the community. Unlike traditional landscape projects, instead of magnifying their responsibility, community garden projects call for them to be more like partners cooperating with the community. Community members include residents, nearby workers, and teachers or students, among others. The participation of community members can be characterized a passive-to-active process. In particular, focusing on people’s actual needs can foster public engagement. Thus, members of the public are the main part and the biggest beneficiary of social engagement, linking community garden connections to increased social impact and sustainability that extended beyond policy considerations. 6. Conclusions First, the findings supported theorizing a new governance structure (top-down with public engagement driven by nonprofit organizations), which differs from the six previously identified governance structures. Compared with the bottom-up approaches, this governance structure has been shown to facilitate public participation faster and more effectively. Moreover, in comparison to other top-down approaches, this new model may be more sustainable and resilient because it involves more social engagement. We also highlighted the critical role that nonprofit organizations have played throughout the process in fostering the development of community gardens by dealing with public relations and facilitating effective communications among other actors. Nonprofit organizations play an indispensable role, acting as government partners in delivering information from top to bottom, as well as community partners, in helping the public establish an autonomous mechanism. Moreover, these organizations build a communication bridge between the government and the public. 133 [Document text truncated for crawler view.]