Crime involvement and family formation: Evidence from the British birth cohort study

Schoon,Ingrid; Mullin, Annabel J. C. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Crime involvement and family formation: Evidence from the British birth cohort study Advances in Life Course Research Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Schoon,Ingrid; Mullin, Annabel J. C. (2016) : Crime involvement and family formation: Evidence from the British birth cohort study, Advances in Life Course Research, ISSN 1040-2608, Elsevier, Amsterdam, Vol. 28, pp. 22-30, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.alcr.2016.03.003 , http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/1492746 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/183593 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. 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Advances in Life Course Research, 28, 22-30. doi:10.1016/j.alcr.2016.03.003 Crime involvement and family formation: Evidence from the British Birth Cohort Study Ingrid Schoon *# and Annabel J.C. Mullin* *University College London, Institute of Education # Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin (WZB) Corresponding Author Ingrid Schoon University College London, Institute of Education 20 Bedford Way London WC1H 0AL Tel: +44(0) 2076126238 Email: [email protected] 1 Crime involvement and family formation: Evidence from the British Birth Cohort Study Previous studies have established the association between marriage and committed relationships and a reduction of offending across the life course (Bersani, Nieuwbeerta, & Laub, 2009; Laub, Nagin, & Sampson, 1998; Sampson, Laub, & Wimer, 2006). This evidence has been established among samples of high risk offenders (Bersani, Laub, & Nieuwbeerta, 2009; Farrington & West, 1995; Horney, Osgood, & Marshall, 1995; Laub & Sampson, 2003; Sampson, et al., 2006), general population samples (King, Massoglia, & MacMillan, 2007; Maume, Ousey, & Beaver, 2005; Warr, 1998), for men and women (Giordano, Cernkovich, & Rudolph, 2002), and in studies using official and self-report data (Blokland & Nieuwbeerta, 2005; King, et al., 2007). There is also evidence to suggest that parenthood can play a role in the desistance process, especially among women (Giordano, Seffrin, Manning, & Longmore, 2011; Kreager, Matsueda, & Erosheva, 2010). It is assumed that strong ties to social institutions, like a committed relationship or marriage, can inhibit offending due to informal social control and increasing social capital (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Yet, little is known about the long-term consequences of crime involvement in adolescence regarding partnership and family formation. Research has shown that early delinquency can play a role in shaping subsequent life trajectories, yet the study of marriage and partnership formation as the outcome and early contact with the criminal justice system as predictor has received little attention. Previous research has pointed to reduced opportunities for marriage among young offenders as well as marital instability (Farrington & West, 1995; Western, Lopoo, & McLanahan, 2004; Western & McLanahan, 2000); and has shown that early delinquency is associated with a greater involvement in risky sexual behaviours as compared to their non-delinquent peers, which places them at an increased risk for unplanned and also teenage parenthood (Guagliardo, 2 Huang, & D'Angelo, 1999; Stouthamer-Loeber & Wei, 1998). Yet, evidence from longitudinal studies (Doherty & Ensminger, 2013; Doherty, Green, & Ensminger, 2012), especially among general population samples (Hobcraft, 1998; Huebner, 2005, 2007) is still rare. Furthermore, most studies have concentrated on delinquency among males, not taking into account potential gender differences in pathways. The present paper adds to previous research in a number of ways. First, we use nationally representative longitudinal data from the British Cohort Study (BCS70) to examine the association between crime involvement and the odds of experiencing various life-course events by age 30 (cohabitation, marriage, parenthood) among men and women. Age 30 can be considered as a stage in adulthood when major investments in partner selection and family commitments are made (Arnett, 2000; Erikson, 1968; Heckhausen, 1999; Levinson, 1986). Furthermore, most studies have shown that delinquent behaviour peaks in late adolescence or early adulthood, and on the whole is followed by a more settled life style (Bushway, Krohn, Lizotte, Phillips, & Schmidt, 2013; Nagin, Farrington, & Moffitt, 1995). Second, the analysis takes into account a set of individual and family background characteristics to control for potential confounding factors, including own experiences in the labour market (i.e. time spent in unemployment or out of the labour force). Third, most previous research has focused on pathways of delinquent males, with little evidence on experiences of delinquent females (Uggen & Kruttschnitt, 1998). Fourth, while previous studies have mainly analysed effects of criminal behaviour overall, we distinguish different patterns of crime involvement over the life course. Crime involvement and family formation The paper adopts an integrated developmental life course framework (Farrington, 2005) to examine the role of crime involvement in shaping subsequent life transitions. The life course perspective emphasizes the dynamics of development, the unfolding of human lives and 3 stability and change in behaviour over time. Within the paradigm of life-course criminology it is assumed that changing life circumstances and connections to social institutions can produce different life course trajectories, and that variation in offending is linked to the timing of life events (Nagin, Farrington & Moffitt, 1995; Sampson & Laub, 1993; Thornberry, 1987). Life course theories also argue that multiple social, personal, economic and other factors influence crime involvement. According to the interactional theory of delinquency these multiple factors have to be considered in conjunction, although different factors may be more or less important at different stages of the life course, and can act to initiate, reinforce or even reduce crime involvement (Thornberry, 1987; Thornberry & Krohn, 2005). As individuals make important transitions in their lives, such as from being single to entering a relationship and/or marriage, from unemployment to being employed, or becoming a parent, their social interactions change and so does the importance of different influences on crime involvement. Crime involvement is thought to reduce opportunities for committed relationships and marriage in three primary ways (Huebner, 2005). First, the stigma associated with delinquency can affect the chances of establishing a committed relationship by reducing the pool of marriageable partners. Second, limited opportunities to gain further education and/or work experience can make it difficult to be a viable partner in the marriage market. Third, crime involvement may reduce the likelihood of that young adults are able to sustain relationships, and thus have a higher propensity to dissolve relationships. Pathways from early crime involvement to reduced opportunities in the marriage market and continued delinquency can also be understood as a result of cumulative disadvantage (Sampson & Laub, 1993) where a pathway could occur for multiple reasons. For example, delinquents might engage in behaviours such as heavy drinking, aggressive and antisocial behaviour that make them less attractive to potential partners or less likely to maintain a long-term relationship (Bersani et al., 2009). They might also have difficulties in keeping a 4 steady job, which in turn impacts on their social and human capital, and their ability to attract a committed partner (Huebner, 2005). Life course theory does not however only assume continuity in development but also takes into account changes in deviant behaviour over time. Many studies have shown that offending peaks during adolescence and gradually declines with age (Farrington, 1986, 2005). While static theories of criminal behaviour do not attempt to explain the age-crime relationship and assume a unitary aging process (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990), life course theory takes into account heterogeneity in human development. It assumes that changes in life circumstances during and after adolescence, such as entering a committed relationship or finding stable work, can influence subsequent delinquent behaviour (Farrington & West, 1995; Laub et al., 1998; Nagin, et al., 1995; Thornberry & Krohn, 2005). For example, turning points that allow individuals to desist from crime include marriage and the development of a stable career. Yet, life course events are not unconditional determinants of desistance, and events such as a marriage can provide opportunities for desistance as well as for continuity of deviant behaviour, depending on the constellations of multiple social, personal, economic and other factors and the interactions of a developing individual in a changing context. Moreover, typological theories have argued that the aggregated age-crime curve can be disaggregated into different delinquent trajectories, such as adolescence-limited and life course persistent delinquency (Loeber & Hay, 1997; Moffitt, 1993; Nagin, et al., 1995). While life course persistent delinquency is apparent only in a small minority, adolescent limited delinquency is more common, relatively temporary and has been described as a nearly normative pattern of antisocial behaviour (Moffitt, 1993). It has been argued that these typologies are important for understanding the causes of delinquent development and associated outcomes (Loeber & Farrington, 2000; Moffitt, 1993). For example, persistent 5 offenders are assumed to have missed out on opportunities and practice of prosocial behaviour during childhood, and compared to persistent offenders adolescence-limited offenders are understood to have the capacity to make use of opportunities for change and to engage in conventional crime-reducing pathways to adulthood, such as education, work, marriage (Moffitt, 1993). In addition Thornberry (1987) has identified other patterns of change, such as that of the ‘late bloomers’, i.e. those who begin offending beyond the modal onset years of adolescence, which were confirmed in later studies (Odgers et al., 2008; Stattin, Kerr, & Bergman, 2010), as well as intermittent offending or sporadic experimenters. Thornberry does not ascribe theses patterns to different etiologies defined by age of onset but argues that the multiple causes of delinquency vary in their magnitude across persons due to the combination of risk factors and available protective, or ‘offsetting’, factors. In this paper we do not focus on the causes of delinquency, but on the outcomes of patterns in crime involvement regarding partnership and family formation. Previous evidence using longitudinal data shows inconsistent findings. For example, a study using a male only sample from the 1979 US National Longitudinal Survey of Youth found that incarceration is negatively associated with marriage (Huebner, 2005), especially for White males (Huebner, 2007). Data from the Dutch Criminal Career and Lifecourse Study does however suggest that there is only a small and short lived impact of confinement on the probability of marriage (Apel, Blokland, Nieuwbeerta, & van Schellen, 2010). Very few studies have looked at gender differences in the life course consequences of delinquent behaviour (Block, Blokland, van der Werff, van Os, & Nieuwbeerta, 2010; Estrada & Nilsson, 2012). There is evidence of higher levels of aggressive and nonaggressive conduct problems and delinquency among males and that fewer females follow a delinquent trajectory (Lahey et al., 2006; Loeber & Hay, 1997; Moffitt & Caspi, 2001; Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, & Silva, 2001), yet there are few gender differences in the early child risk correlates (Lahey et 6 al., 2007; Van Hulle, Rodgers, D'Onofrio, Waldman, & Lahey, 2007; Wong, Slotboom, & Bijleveld, 2010). Evidence from the UK 1958 cohort suggests that early contact with the police is associated with teenage parenthood and unstable relationships among both males and females (Hobcraft, 1998). Analysis of the US Young Adult Follow-up Study found that despite persistence of problem behaviour from adolescence to young adulthood, there was little evidence of ‘spillover’ effects into other domains of adult functioning, such as family formation and friendships (Jessor, Donovan & Costa, 1991). However, the sample of this study comprised mostly middle-class youth for whom early delinquency did not appear to be a major handicap. Findings from the Chicago Woodlawn community study of urban African Americans suggest that adolescent delinquency predicts the reduced probability of marriage among males but not females, while timing and stability of marriage were not significantly associated with delinquency for both males and females (Doherty & Ensminger, 2013). Other evidence from longitudinal data seems to suggest that female delinquents had more negative life outcomes than corresponding groups of males, as for example regarding being in a stable relationship or mental health, (Bergman & Andershed, 2009; Estrada & Nilsson, 2012; Giordano, et al., 2002; Lanctot, Cernkovich, & Giordano, 2007; Odgers, et al., 2008). Differentiating between official delinquent status and self-reported juvenile delinquency, Lanctôt et al. (2007) found, based on data from the Ohio Life Course Study (OLS), that having been in a juvenile delinquent institution significantly influences outcomes across multiple domains (e.g. employment, family formation and mental health), especially for females, while self-reported delinquency is mainly predictive of difficulties with behaviour problems (i.e. drug and alcohol related problems and criminal involvement) and did not show spill-over effects to other life domains. This finding applied for both males and females. 7 Diversity in the findings reported above can be due to the variations in sample composition (i.e. age, ethnicity, social status), socio-cultural context, measurement and timing of crime involvement and institutionalization, as well as the measurement and timing of outcome variables. To gain a better understanding of the links between crime involvement and family formation and how these differ for males and females more evidence is needed, especially from longitudinal general population samples that provide sufficient controls. Research questions and hypotheses The aim of this study is to assess whether crime involvement (operationalised with questions about contacts with the police during the life course) is associated with the likelihood of entering a committed relationship and the step into parenthood; and whether the probability of family formation varies for different life course patterns of crime involvement and gender. In particular we test five hypotheses: First, based on the assumption of heterogeneity in human development we expect to identify different patterns of crime histories, in particular regarding adolescent limited and persistent delinquency. Second, using self-reported delinquency and not official delinquent status we might find, in line with Lanctôt et al. (2007) that self reported crime involvement does not necessarily spill over to other life domains, such as establishing a committed relationship. Third, according to the assumption of cumulative disadvantage, and in contrast to our second hypothesis, we would expect an association between continued crime involvement and reduced opportunities in the marriage market. Fourth, we expect that early delinquency is associated with the timing of life events, in particular teenage parenthood (Doherty et al., 2012). The timing of life events is one of the key principles of the life-course perspective (Elder, 1998) and according to the assumption of cumulative disadvantage we would expect early crime involvement to be associated with accelerated transitions, i.e. teen parenthood (Thornberry, Smith, & Howard, 1997), which in turn influences opportunities for education and employment participation, especially for females. Fifth, we expect women to 14 desisted or who reported no crime involvement reported the highest rates of being ever married. Insert Table 3 For each of the individual outcomes logistic regression models were fitted to investigate the association between different patterns of delinquency (never delinquent, adolescent limited crime involvement, persistent crime involvement, and late crime involvement) and partnership and family formation. We first assess the direct associations (Table 4). Then we control for family background (parental social status, education, family structure), individual characteristics (behaviour adjustment, truanting), indicators of human capital (highest qualifications and economic activity between ages 16-30), and problem drinking (see Tables 5 and 6). Insert Table 4 Table 4 shows that there were no significant associations between the three delinquent patterns and ever being married for both men and women. Men who reported persistent crime involvement were more likely in a stable relationship and living with a partner and child at age 30 compared to men who reported no crime involvement. Among women, adolescent limited crime involvement was associated with an increased likelihood of being in a stable relationship and of living with a partner and child by age 30. Compared to the reference group, all three patterns of crime involvement are associated with an increased likelihood of teenage parenthood. This applies for both men and women. 15 Insert Table 5 Adding the control variables does not fully explain the significant association between crime involvement and patterns of family formation among men (Table 5). There is however a decrease in the association between crime involvement and teenage parenthood, suggesting a partial explanation. Regarding the association between persistent crime involvement and being in a stable relationship there is an increase in the association. Moreover, after adding the controls there is now a significant association between persistent crime involvement and ever being married. These findings suggest that for some associations the control variables act as confounders that accentuate the effect. Regarding ever being married, we find independent risk effects for maternal education, no experience of unemployment or alcohol problems in young adulthood. Being in a stable relationship is associated with having A-levels, no longterm unemployment, no alcohol problems, and being White. For teenage parenthood low parental social status and conduct problems at age 10 appear to be independent risk factors. Living with a partner and child is independently associated with low maternal education, less than degree level qualifications and no alcohol problems in young adulthood. Insert Table 6 Among women the control variables explain associations between adolescent limited and late onset crime involvement and teenage parenthood as well as between adolescent limited crime involvement and living with a partner and child at age 30. After adding the controls we find significant associations between adolescent limited crime involvement and being in a stable relationship by age 30, and for persistent crime involvement and teen motherhood. Furthermore, ever being married is more likely for women with less than degree level 16 qualifications, no experience of long term unemployment and no alcohol problems in young adulthood. Being in a stable relationship by age 30 is associated with the same control variables, yet we also see an independent effect for coming from a semi or unskilled family background, suggesting that women from less privileged family background are more likely to cohabit than marry. Teenage parenthood is more likely for women from less privileged family background (low social status, low parental education, experience of parental divorce by age 10), those who showed early conduct problems and truanted, and had low level or no qualifications. Living with a partner and child is associated with a less privileged family background (low parental social class), less than degree level qualifications and no experience of unemployment or alcohol problems in young adulthood. DISCUSSION The aim of this paper was to assess the potential consequences of crime involvement for family formation. Numerous previous studies have shown that a committed relationship or marriage tends to be associated with a reduction in offending (for a review see (Laub & Sampson, 2001), yet few have explored the long-term association between adolescent and adult crime involvement and family formation. This paper contributes to the debate by using evidence from a nationally representative UK longitudinal study enabling us to control for a set of individual and family background characteristics, including a focus on gender differences in transition pathways, and distinguishing different patterns of crime involvement over the life course. The findings support assumptions of integrated life course theories pointing to heterogeneity in developmental pathways, changes over the life course, and dynamic interactions between multiple social and individual factors in shaping patterns of family formation among cohort members who reported to have been in contact with the police. 17 We could identify four distinct patterns of crime involvement: cohort members who did not report having contact with the police at any of the observation points, adolescentlimited crime involvement (desisters), persistent, and late onset crime involvement. We also find significant differences in the probability of establishing a committed relationship between the different patterns of crime involvement, as well as evidence of cumulative disadvantage and accelerated life course transitions among cohort members who reported early police contacts. There are furthermore gender differences in the observed patterns. The typology used here is understood as only a descriptive categorization, which enables us to assess variations in patterns of crime involvement up to age 30. The subjective nature of these categories has advantages and disadvantages. We identified cohort members who reported repeated serious police contacts over a 20-year span (age 10 to 30). At the same time the contact does not necessarily reflect official delinquent status (e.g. being arrested and taken into station, cautioned by police) and thus could possibly be a reflection of criminal justice error or unfortunate circumstances experienced by those who were not actually guilty but because of mistaken identity or context, such as being present at a fight, were subjected to criminal justice interest. The findings have to be interpreted with this caveat in mind. The gender differences in reported patterns of crime involvement are marked particularly in terms of the numbers involved, which is the case throughout the literature. Men were at least thrice as likely to report contact with the police then women (Table 1), apart from "moved on by police" by age 16. Unusually, women were more likely to have been moved on at 16 than at 30, while every other contact increased with age for men and women apart from this one. Recent police reform has been focusing on the "stop and search" provision but this might be something to examine further. Regarding the outcomes, we find that crime involvement is associated with an increased risk of teenage parenthood. After adding the controls, this applies to males with any 18 pattern of crime involvement, and females who report persistent crime involvement. For both men and women the findings support the assumptions of cumulative disadvantage and the timing of life course transitions. There appears to be a vicious cycle linking family adversity (i.e. low parental social status, and for women also low levels of maternal education and parental divorce), and early conduct problems to persistent crime involvement and fast life course transitions, i.e. teenage parenthood. Early parenthood can however mean a turning point associated with desistance, or it can bring with it continuity or even set off crime involvement. Moreover, for men early and even persisting crime involvement does not reduce opportunities regarding family formation. The findings thus support the assumption of interactive processes where life events can provide opportunities for continuity, desistance or onset of deviant behaviour, depending on the constellations of multiple, social, personal, economic and other factors in a young persons’ life (Thornberry & Kahn, 2005). Regarding entry into marriage or a stable relationship we find distinct gender differences, suggesting that the pathways into early procreation and establishing a committed relationship are different. For men we find that persistent crime involvement is associated with an increased likelihood of ever being married, being in a stable relationship or living with a partner and child(ren) at age 30. The findings suggest that for males persistent crime involvement does not spill over into the domain of partnership formation. However, we do not know the characteristics of the partner or the quality of the relationship to enable us to assess if the relationship is actually supporting continued crime involvement. Nor do we know if the partnership is with the parent of the own child, and more research is needed to delineate the exact family formation patterns and association with crime involvement. Notably in our paper we used self reported crime involvement and not official delinquent status, and the findings concur partly with Lanctôt et al. (2007) who suggested that self reported delinquency is mainly predictive of difficulties with behaviour problems and does not necessarily bring with 19 it spill-over effects to other domains of adult functioning 1 . Thus, in assessing the impact of delinquency or crime involvement on patterns of family formation one has to take into account how delinquency was assessed (self report or official institutional data) and at which stage of the life course. For women we find a positive association between adolescent limited crime involvement and being in a stable relationship at age 30. This finding could indicate that self reported crime involvement, if it does not continue beyond age 16, carries no stigma regarding partnership formation. The finding also suggests potential turning points, which could either reflect normative maturation processes (Moffitt, 1993) or the role of stable relationships as potential protective factors, inhibiting crime involvement especially among women (Sampson & Laub, 2005; Thornberry, 1987). It could however also be that a certain amount of risk taking renders men and women more attractive as partners. In interpreting the findings a number of limitations have to be considered. Although we adopted a developmental life course perspective using longitudinal data, the relationship between crime involvement and partnership and family formation could be due to selection effects. We controlled for a number of potentially confounding variables, including structural and individual characteristics. However, we did not address the issue of selection directly, which should be an area for future research. Furthermore, as in all longitudinal studies, we encountered attrition between sample waves, especially among the most disadvantaged and male cohort members. We used multiple imputation to address this problem, yet our findings might still provide a more conservative estimate regarding the role self reported crime involvement in shaping family formation. Moreover, the cohort study was not originally conceptualized as a longitudinal study of delinquency or crime involvement and we had to make do with already collected data. Thus, we had to rely on self-reported contacts with the 1 In this context, teenage parenthood could be considered as a reflection of risk behaviour. 20 police, which could be subject to potential response bias. Not only was the data self reported but also retrospective and this lends itself to certain concerns about the validity of recall, especially regarding underreporting of crime involvement, and for men, of parenthood. Our assessment of crime involvement is based on indicators capturing two long periods (ages 10 to 16 and ages 17 to 30) affecting the conceptualization of the four patterns of crime involvement. It might be possible that someone identified as showing ‘persistent’ crime involvement came into contact with the police at the age of 16 and 17, while someone with an adolescent limited pattern came into contact with the police at 15 and 16 years. Moreover, our group ‘late onset’ is relative large among men, comprising a fifth of the male sample, which might partly be due the longer exposure period. Future research should enhance on this and provide a more clear-cut assessment of patterns in crime involvement, as well as the causal ordering of events. For example, we cannot be certain whether family formation problems or successes come after or before the reported offending event. Nonetheless, a great strength of our study is the use of a large longitudinal data set, which enabled us to follow a cohort of adolescents who reported early contact with the police up to age 30. We could control for a number of confounding factors, although we could not address all possible alternative explanations regarding variations in crime involvement and partnership formation. We have large enough sample sizes to identify different trajectories of crime involvement and to analyze pathways of male and female transitions. In addition we were able to examine stability of partnerships and the timing of family formation up to age 30. Forming a stable relationship and living with a partner and child by that age was more likely for cohort members with below degree level qualifications, while those with degree level qualifications postponed the step into family formation. Future studies should assess outcomes beyond age 30 to gain a better understanding of the generalisation of findings across different stages of the life course. 21 In summary the study has shown diversity in patterns of crime involvement and heterogeneity regarding pathways to family formation. Furthermore, women appear to follow different pathways than men. After taking into account the control variables, women with adolescent limited crime involvement are more likely to be in a stable relationship by age 30 than women with other patterns of crime involvement (including those with no crime involvement). Among men persistent crime involvement is associated with a higher probability of entering a stable relationship or marriage. There is no clear evidence to support the assumption of stigma associated with self reported crime involvement to shape processes of family formation. Confirming assumptions of an integrative and interactive developmental approach we find that longer-term outcomes depend on the combination of risk factors and resources in a person’s life. Life events such as becoming a parent or entering a relationship can provide opportunities for desistance as well as continuity or even onset of crime involvement. Future studies should aim to disentangle these processes in more detail, and assess outcomes at later stages of life, examining changes in family- and employment status and their association with crime involvement. Acknowledgement The paper is supported by grants from the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) for the Centre for Learning and Life-chances in the Knowledge Economies (LLAKES, Phase II - ES/J019658/1), support from the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, the Visiting Professors Programme of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (UPS/RB/4919), and an ESRC research studentship awarded to Annabel Mullin. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and may not represent the views of the sponsors. 22 Table 1: Crime involvement by age 16 and age 30 (proportion) Age 10-16 (n=5, 801) Age 17-30 (n=11,072) Men Women all Men Women all a. Moved on by police .39 .22 .29 .34 .06 .19 b.Stopped and questioned by police .38 .15 .25 .65 .19 .41 c. Left off with a warning .28 .08 .17 .46 .13 .29 d. Arrested and taken into station .11 .04 .07 .30 .06 .17 e. Cautioned by police .14 .05 .08 .25 .05 .15 f. Found guilty by court .04 .01 .03 .23 .04 .13 Serious crime involvement (Summary index e+d+f) .17 .06 .10 .38 .08 .23 23 Table 2. Patterns of crime involvement in the longitudinal sample split by gender (n=4,658) Men (n=1868) Women (n=2790) n % n % No crime involvement 1,200 64.24 2,491 89.28 Adolescence limited 131 7.01 123 4.41 Persistent 161 8.62 42 1.51 Late onset 376 20.13 134 4.80 30 References Amato, P. R. (1996). Explaining the intergenerational transmission of divorce. 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