Governing the shadow of hierarchy: Enhanced self-regulation in European data protection codes and certifications
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Medzini, Rotem Article Governing the shadow of hierarchy: Enhanced selfregulation in European data protection codes and certifications Internet Policy Review Provided in Cooperation with: Alexander von Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society (HIIG), Berlin Suggested Citation: Medzini, Rotem (2021) : Governing the shadow of hierarchy: Enhanced selfregulation in European data protection codes and certifications, Internet Policy Review, ISSN 2197-6775, Alexander von Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society, Berlin, Vol. 10, Iss. 3, pp. 1-29, https://doi.org/10.14763/2021.3.1577 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/245341 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/legalcode
Volume 10 | Governing the shadow of hierarchy: enhanced self-regulation in European data protection codes and certifications Rotem Medzini The Hebrew University of Jerusalem DOI: https://doi.org/10.14763/2021.3.1577 Published: 30 September 2021 Received: 11 November 2020 Accepted: 12 March 2021 Competing Interests: The author has declared that no competing interests exist that have influenced the text. Licence: This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License (Germany) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/deed.en Copyright remains with the author(s). Citation: Medzini, R. (2021). Governing the shadow of hierarchy: enhanced selfregulation in European data protection codes and certifications. Internet Policy Review, 10(3). https://doi.org/10.14763/2021.3.1577 Keywords: Data protection, Regulatory intermediares, Certification, Accreditation, Codes of conduct, Internet governance Abstract: This paper addresses how European policymakers have delegated the responsibility of protecting European values inside transnational data flows to private bodies acting as regulatory intermediaries. The paper uses a process-tracing methodology to argue that by accrediting private bodies to monitor codes of conduct and to assess conformity with certification schemes, policymakers have allowed enhanced self-regulation to exist in the shadow of European and national hierarchies. The paper process-traces how the two sub-regimes have evolved and then asks what the similarities and differences between the two sub-regimes are. The paper thereafter draws conclusions about how regulators can impact self-regulation that exists in their shadow through regulating via intermediaries instead of using direct modes of regulation. Issue 3
This paper is part of Governing “European values” inside data flows, a special issue of Internet Policy Review guest-edited by Kristina Irion, Mira Burri, Ans Kolk, Stefania Milan. 1. Introduction The governance of European values around issues of data protection is continually on global political, regulatory, academic, and business agendas. The policies that European policymakers and national regulators adopt address the concern that information technology (IT) companies and political actors use private information to track, misinform, and affect individuals’ political and commercial preferences. Data protection policies also increasingly influence business practices: they shape organisational structures and policies, assign tasks to corporate actors, and require the appointment of compliance officers. For multinational organisations, data protection policies can impact business decisions on information flow, information processing, and the location of data centres. New modes of governance and selfregulation emerge from these policies to include regulatory intermediaries, i.e., actors who work in conjunction with policymakers and regulators to influence the behaviour of regulated organisations: controllers and processors alike (together: rule-takers). In the emerging modes of governance, both these groups of actors—the regulatory intermediaries and the rule-takers—can self-regulate in the shadow of European and national hierarchies. Political and social scientists have long been suggesting that self-regulation can exist in the shadow of coercive hierarchies (Black, 1996, p. 27; Héritier & Lehmkuhl, 2008). This occurs when policymakers initiate steps to legislate, for instance where there are no preexisting laws, or where regulators threaten executive decisions, for instance by reregulating towards tighter regulation as a precondition for creating an industry more willing to engage in self-regulation (Héritier & Eckert, 2008, p. 114). Therefore, political scientists and legal scholars explain that self-regulation in the shadow of hierarchy involves both the delegation of tasks and responsibilities from policymakers to private actors to formulate and impose regulations (Black, 1996, p. 27), as well as involving the mechanisms to continuously threaten or induce compliance (Héritier & Lehnkuhl, 2008, p. 2). Such relationships, especially when they constrain or incentivise self-regulation in the shadow of hierarchy, raise questions of politics and policies about whether the threat or incentive will materialise, and questions about the mode of governance that would ensure the long-term commitment of all involved stakeholders. This paper process-traces the adoption of two such (sub-)regimes that exist in the shadow of 2 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
European and national hierarchies: the requirement under the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) to rely on private monitoring and certification bodies to adopt data protection codes of conduct or certifications. 1 The adoption of the GDPR in 2016, and consequently the emergence of a new European data protection regime, offers an interesting case study for the new modes of governance in the shadow of hierarchy. Until 2016, the old data protection regime and its core legislation—the European Data Protection Directive (EDPD)—assigned sole regulatory competence to the national data protection supervisory authorities (DPAs) to monitor and to enforce data protection rules (Newman, 2008). Under this regime, controllers needed to notify DPAs of their self-regulatory practices, and DPAs in turn ratified and then registered the controllers’ processing operations in public registries. Conversely, while the GDPR maintains the leading regulatory position of DPAs in monitoring and enforcing data protection rules (see Article 57), it also adopts a regime of enhanced self-regulation via regulatory intermediation that permits private bodies to interpret, monitor, and sometimes even enforce data protection rules (see Articles 41(1) and 43(1)). These data protection rules must first be defined, either in codes of conduct or certification (see Articles 40 and 42), and then the private bodies must receive accreditation from a public authority (see Articles 41(2) and 43(2)). 2 Only after the standardisation and accreditation phases can the private bodies monitor and assess conformity with the codes and certifications. Once accredited and certified, monitoring bodies, certification bodies, and the rule-takers that they monitor or certify, can all act in the shadow of the hierarchical decisions of European policymakers and national regulators. Two preliminary clarifications are needed regarding the role of DPAs in creating a shadow of hierarchy. First, while a threat by European policymakers to amend the GDPR in order to nudge regulatory intermediaries and rule-takers towards self-reg- ulation is possible, the more immediate ‘threat’ can originate from the DPAs. The GDPR clarifies that the existence of codes and certifications, as well as the delega- 1. To date, the European Data Protection Board (EDPB) has registered three codes of conduct: two with named monitoring bodies and one conditional on naming a monitoring body. Additionally, in May 2019, the EDPB issued two opinions on draft decisions regarding European codes of conduct for cloud service providers (EDPB, 2021a) and cloud infrastructure service providers (EDPB, 2021b). No certifications have yet been registered. 2. According to Colin Bennett and Charles Raab (2006, pp. 153–155), codes of conduct or practice are a set of rules that provide guidance about correct procedures and behavior. Meanwhile, according to Loconto (2017, pp. 117–118) certification occurs when independent third-party actors both attest to the target’s compliance and determine conformity with a standard. An accreditation offers another level of determination, wherein accreditors determine conformity of the certifiers with another set of standards. 3 Medzini
tion of responsibilities to monitoring and certification bodies, are without prejudice to the tasks and powers of the DPAs (see Articles 41(1), 41(4), 43(1), and 43(7)). As regulators, the DPAs have the final word about which decisions are subject to possible effective judicial remedies (Article 78). Second, Articles 40(1) and 42(3) of the GDPR specify that the purposes of the codes and certifications are, respectively, to contribute to the proper application of the GDPR, and to permit ruletakers to demonstrate compliance. Even though the codes and certification are enhanced by the empowerment of private monitoring and certification bodies, a demonstration of compliance does not ensure compliance with the GDPR (Leenes, 2020). Although DPAs can require higher compliance standards than demonstrated, given the continuous debate on whether DPAs have sufficient resources to successfully regulate data protection (European Commission, 2020), monitoring and certification bodies can assist the DPAs to regulate from a distance and can free up the DPAs’ time and resources. I therefore ask, how have European policymakers established the two regulatory arrangements that permit private bodies to act as regulatory intermediaries in order to monitor codes and assess conformity with certifications in the shadow of hierarchy? The paper thereafter asks what the similarities and differences in the design of the two sub-regimes are, and concludes by addressing how hierarchical decisions can impact the self-regulation that exists in the sub-regimes’ shadows. To answer these questions, I chose to use the process-tracing methodology as it has previously been used to empirically and theoretically study European integration (Pierson, 1996). To apply the methodology, I first examined the European regimes for codes of conduct and certification prior to the adoption of the EDPD and the GDPR. I started with these initial decisions in order to understand whether they created path dependencies for policymakers and regulators. From there, I obtained documents for the process-tracing through formal freedom of information (FOIA) requests and from European Council documents leaked by civil activists (n=466). Additional documents included formal and online publications by European institutions such as the European Commission, the European Data Protection Board (EDPB), and the DPAs. Materials on the specification of the codes and certification schemes were retrieved from websites of the European institutions and of the owners of the relevant codes and certifications. I also participated in a workshop hosted by the European Commission on Data protection certification mechanisms and standards: industry needs and views on the new GDPR certification. Based on the documents I gathered, the second step of the analysis involved tracing how the policy outcomes regarding codes of conduct and certification in gen- 4 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
eral, and the reliance on monitoring and certification bodies in particular, came about. This step involved answering why the precise policy outcome became dominant over other policy alternatives, which policymakers were involved in the decision-making process, and how power was distributed amongst them and other parties (Van Den Bulck, 2012, p. 18). I searched the documents for behind-the-scenes political bargaining, decisions and arguments made by policymakers in the European Council, the European Parliament, and the European Commission both in favour and against the decisions to adopt codes and certifications into the regime and to enhance them by relying on monitoring and certification bodies. During the process tracing and document analysis I also looked for policy and regulatory decisions that lay the groundwork for the decision to include the certifications and codes of conduct as part of the proposal for the GDPR. At the next stage, I adopted an inductive qualitative approach aimed at comparing the similarities and differences between data protection codes of conduct and certification. Due to the length of the criteria that the GDPR provides and the additional specification by the EDPB, I separated the comparison into three parts, one part for each phase of the standardisation process: standardisation, accreditation, and certification. The final stage of the research included drawing conclusions about how regulators can impact self-regulation that exists in their shadow through regulating via intermediaries instead of using direct modes of regulation. The next section addresses the theoretical framework of self-regulation: how regulatory regimes incorporate self-regulatory components, and how regulatory intermediation can also be used to create regimes of self-regulation. Section 3 then describes how the two self-regulatory sub-regimes in the shadow of European hierarchies have emerged, and Section 4 compares the two sub-regimes. Thereafter, I draw conclusions about how regulators can impact self-regulation that exists in their shadow by regulating via the intermediaries instead of using direct modes of regulation. 2. Theoretical framework Self-regulation means the process through which individual organisations or the regulated industry design formal or informal rules and procedures and thereafter enforce the rules and procedures on themselves (Porter & Ronit, 2006). Self-regu- lation regimes usually benefit from a greater degree of experience and efficiency, yet they tend to suffer from a lack of accountability and legitimacy (Ogus, 1995). And while self-regulation can be voluntary (Black, 1996), policymakers and regulators can overcome deficiencies in its accountability and legitimacy by introducing 5 Medzini
self-regulatory components into public regulatory regimes. They can mix and match different policy mechanisms and constraints to mandate rule-takers to selfregulate (enforced self-regulation; Ayres & Braithwaite, 1992). Policymakers can also decide to share responsibilities between government actors and private bodies in order to overcome regulatory shortfalls (co-regulation; Levi-Faur, 2011) or regulate the manner in which private actors self-regulate (meta-regulation; Gilad, 2010). Policymakers and regulators can additionally coerce rule-takers to self-reg- ulate by threatening to adopt constraining rules (Black, 1996, p. 27; Héritier & Lehmkuhl, 2008) or by inducing them to consider social values or environmental concerns (Schneider & Scherer, 2019). Hence, policymakers and regulators make the self-regulatory regimes more public, they offer to introduce democratic accountability, and they suggest that the new forms of regulation better consider long-term policy goals. However, these mechanisms and constraints that mandate rule-takers to self-regu- late tend to focus on the direct and hierarchical relationships between regulators and regulated organisations. Conversely, another method of influencing self-regu- lation is to introduce an intermediary to indirectly regulate and affect the self-reg- ulatory practices of rule-takers. When actors in a self-regulatory regime move beyond self-regulation mechanisms and rely on independent regulatory intermediaries to constrain their conduct and improve policy implementation, I call such a form of self-regulation via regulatory intermediation ‘enhanced self-regulation’ (Medzini, 2021b). The term ‘enhanced’ indicates that actors can delegate responsibilities to regulatory intermediaries in order to improve the credibility of self-regu- lation, for example towards accountability in data protection (Medzini, 2021a). The literature on regulatory governance defines regulatory intermediaries broadly as any actor that affects the behaviour of rule-takers and makes some aspect of the regulation of regulated organisations indirect (Abbott et al., 2017, p. 19). Regulatory intermediaries can enter the regulatory regime for either functional or political reasons. Policymakers, regulators, and regulated organisations might decide to rely on intermediaries due to the capacities they possess that other actors lack, or due to their legitimacy to regulate. At the same time, the same actors might decide to rely on regulatory intermediaries for political reasons. Regulatory actors, including the intermediaries, might consider the mechanism of regulatory intermediation as a way to capture the regulatory regime, to gain regulatory rents, or to direct decisions away from the public interest and towards special interests (Marques, 2019). The literature on regulatory intermediation explains that regulatory regimes can 6 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
also include more than one group of intermediaries. In such regimes, one group of regulatory intermediaries (I1) can regulate another group of regulatory intermediaries (I 2), although they might have different and unrelated functions. A leading example of regulatory intermediation regimes in which intermediaries have interrelated functions are tripartite standard regimes (TSR; Loconto & Busch, 2010). TSRs are defined by three separate phases: standardisation, accreditation, and certification. For example, policymakers and regulators first need to approve the criteria for accreditation and certification (the standardisation phase). They would then allow one group of intermediaries (I1) to accredit another group of intermediaries (I2) (the accreditation phase) in order for the accredited bodies to certify (the certification phase). 3 Such an approach creates multiple levels of oversight and consequently an indirect relationship between policymakers and regulated organisations. The literature further explains that European policymakers previously adopted such a TSR approach as part of the European ‘New Approach’ to standardisation; an approach which seeks to open the European market to products without threatening the safety of European consumers (Galland, 2017). At the same time, one consequence of having several phases of intermediation is the introduction of increased complexity. Besides having more intermediaries to capture, more intermediaries mean there are more actors who can hold, or more critically fail to hold, regulated organisations to account. For example, intermediaries can fail to conduct proper oversight or to rectify noncompliance (accountability forum drift; Schillemans & Busuioc, 2014, pp. 201–205). To provide an explanation of how European policymakers have adopted the two sub-regimes of enhanced self-regulation, the next section traces the process by which European policymakers introduce certification and monitoring bodies into the European data protection regime. 3. The origins of the European codes of conduct and certification 3.1. Codes of conduct before and during the old regime The use of codes of conduct as policy instruments in the European data protection regime can be traced to national legislation adopted during the 1970s and 1980s 3. Certification and accreditation provide a statement of conformity following a process of attestation and determination. The mechanism that differentiates certification and accreditation from first-par- ty conformity (self-reporting) or second-party verification is regulatory intermediation. Certification and accreditation occur when one or more third parties conducts the attestation and then determines conformity with the criteria. 7 Medzini
in response to the introduction of electronic data processing (Mayer-Schönberger, 1997). According to Francesca Bignami (2011), codes of conduct were popular in Britain, Germany, and the Netherlands, but not in France and Italy. While the codes existed at the national level, their adoption at the supranational level did not happen so easily. To begin with, European policymakers did not always see eye to eye on the urgency to have European data protection rules nor to have mechanisms of self-regulation. 4 Primarily, the European Commission disagreed with the resolutions passed by the European Parliament due to the potential cost of the resolutions to the private sector. According to Abraham Newman (2008, pp. 112–16), the actions taken by transgovernmental policy entrepreneurs against the emergence of data havens resulted in a much-needed policy shift. They nudged European policymakers to propose the adoption of a European-wide data-protection framework—the EDPD. During the deliberations on the EDPD, the European Commission and the European Council did not agree on the purpose of using codes of conduct. The Commission envisioned that sectoral codes could enable the free flow of personal information throughout the European Community. The codes would contribute to the Commission’s objectives of establishing an adequate level of protection throughout the Community and preventing barriers to information flows. The Commission also sought to use codes of conduct as a source for establishing additional initiatives (European Council, 1991a) which could be considered while it proposed new sector-specific legislation and measures. While the Commission did not prevent the use of national codes of conduct (European Council, 1991b, pp. 17–18), it wanted member states to encourage their business circles to participate in drawing up European codes (European Council, 1990). In contrast, while the Council agreed with the Commission on the need to achieve harmonisation, delegations strived to have sufficient discretion for implementation, while considering their special national and sectoral characteristics. For instance, delegations proposed using the codes to exempt a large majority of cases from the broad notification requirement that was embedded early on into the draft EDPD (European Council, 1992a). The Council later also adopted the Dutch position that the purpose of codes was to supplement or to interpret data protection laws, and not to introduce derogations or new limitations (European Council, 1992b). Following additional consultation with the European Parliament, the Commission 4. While the Council of Europe adopted the Convention for the Protection of Individuals with Regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data of 1981, the Convention lacked mechanisms for self-enforce- ment, and it was unable to create harmonisation among the European member states (Newman, 2008, pp. 109–10). 8 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION application of the GDPR and to specify its application (Articles 40.1 and 40.2) 3. To safeguard personal data transfers to third countries and international organisations (Article 46.2(e)) 4. To engage in riskmitigation and risk negotiation (Article 83.2(j)) Privacy-by- Design requirements (Article 25.3) 3. To safeguard personal data transfers to third countries and international organisations (Articles 42.2 and 46.2(f)) 4. To engage in riskmitigation and risk negotiation (Article 83.2(j)) 5. Cannot be used to certify data protection officers MODE OF SELF-REGULATION Voluntary industry-level selfregulation Voluntary single corporate selfregulation The GDPR sets the basic accreditation criteria for both monitoring and certification bodies. Both accreditation processes require that the certification and monitoring bodies would be experienced and independent; would have procedures for assessing the eligibility of rule-takers; would have procedures to handle complaints, and would have no conflict of interest. With monitoring bodies, DPAs are able to define the requirements for accreditation, which the EDPB would then have to approve. Once the requirements for monitoring bodies are approved, the DPAs could accredit them. In addition to the criteria set by the GDPR, certification bodies also needed to show that their procedures could periodically assess eligibility, and that they respect the certification criteria. If the member states decided that national accreditation bodies (NABs) would award accreditation—instead of, or together with, DPAs—then the accreditation requirements also needed to complement the requirements set by regulation (EC) 765/2008 and the EN-ISO/IEC 17065/2012 standards. 11 15 Medzini
TABLE 2: A comparison of the accreditation criteria for codes of conduct and certification CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION WHO ACCREDITS? Data protection supervisory authorities 1. Data protection supervisory authorities 2. National accreditation bodies 3. A joint accreditation WHO SET THE ACCREDITATION CRITERIA? 1. Basic criteria by the GDPR (Article 41(2)) 2. DPAs define requirements for accreditation 3. EDPB approves the requirements 1. Basic criteria by the GDPR (Article 43(2)) 2. Requirements set by either the DPAs or the EDPB 3. Where accreditation is by NABs: 1. EN-ISO/ IEC 17065/ 2012 2. Additional requirements and technical rules set by DPAs and complement Regulation (EC) 765/ 2008 11. The EDPB has clarified that it is best that the DPAs would also follow the requirements set by Regulation (EC) 765/2008 and the EN-ISO/IEC 17065/2012 standards. It reasoned that doing so would contribute to a harmonised approach to accreditation (EDPB, 2018b). 16 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION BASIC CRITERIA FOR ACCREDITATION 1. Independence and expertise 2. Having procedures and structures to assess eligibility 3. Having procedures and structures to handle complaints about infringement 4. No conflict of interest 1. Independence and expertise 2. Having procedures and structures to periodically assess eligibility 3. Having procedures and structures to handle complaints about infringement 4. No conflict of interest 5. Respect for the certification criteria DURATION Until revocation Up to five years (renewable) or until revocation The criteria for approving certification and codes are, or at least should be, distinct from the criteria for their accreditation. The GDPR details several criteria for approving codes. First, codes need to be submitted by a representative body or a trade association. This is to achieve and maintain their industry-level self-regula- tory nature. 12 Second, codes need to contain details of their purpose, scope, and applicability. Among other details, the codes must specify the application of the GDPR, facilitate the effective application of the GDPR, and provide sufficient safeguards to mitigate risks (EDPB, 1/2019, pp. 14–17). 13 Third, codes should also 12. Member states, the DPAs, the EDPB, and the Commission can only encourage representative bodies to draw up the codes. 13. Article 40(2) provides 12 non-exhaustive examples for the possible purpose of using codes of conduct. The codes should also indicate 1) how they meet a particular need of a sector or a processing activity; 2) how they facilitate the application of the GDPR; 3) how they specify the application of the GDPR; 4) how they provide sufficient safeguards, and 5) how they provide effective mechanisms for monitoring compliance. (EDPB 1/2019, p. 14). Additionally, in July 2021, the EDPS adopted for public consultation “Guidelines 04/2021 on codes of conduct as tools for transfers”. Guidelines 04/ 2021 specify how codes of conduct can be approved and then used for the purpose of providing appropriate safeguards to transfer data to third countries. The EDPB clarifies that codes can be drawn up only for the purpose of specifying the application of the GDPR (“GDPR codes”), only for the pur- 17 Medzini
consider the specific features and needs of the relevant sector, specifically the characteristics of the SMEs in that sector. Fourth, while the GDPR uses a terminology that explains that the monitoring of codes may be carried out by monitoring bodies, the EDPB (2019) interprets this statement as a requirement. Therefore, the codes need to include mechanisms to enable accredited bodies to monitor compliance. Fifth, the codes should have appropriate review mechanisms to ensure that they remain up to date. Lastly, if the codes can also apply to non-European controllers and processors, they need to include binding and enforceable commitments to apply appropriate safeguards. 14 When codes are ready, the DPAs would review them in order to approve them or to provide an opinion on them. Codes with a European-wide application would also have to be reviewed by the EDPB for the Commission to give them European-wide validity. Codes are valid until they are revoked. Conversely, the GDPR gives little information on what the criteria are for approving certifications. One major difference, in comparison with the codes, is that the GDPR does not assign exclusivity to the actors who can own certification schemes (EDPB, 2018b, p. 6). Additionally, European policymakers explain that the purpose of certification is to demonstrate compliance with the GDPR. Hence, the EDPB added that certifications should address the data protection principles of lawful processing, data subjects’ rights, and the obligations of rule-takers (EDPB, 2018a). Furthermore, as with codes, certifications should also consider the specific needs of SMEs and should require certified rule-takers to provide information and access to certification bodies. 15 Lastly, as with codes, if non-European controllers and processors are allowed to rely on these certifications, the certifications should also include binding and enforceable commitments to apply appropriate safeguards. 16 Once the codes are drawn up, the DPAs or the EDPB need to approve the criteria, and, if the latter, then the certifications may receive the title of ‘European Data Protection Seal’. After the certifications are approved, the Commission can specify the requirements to be considered for the mechanisms of the data protection certification. The Commission may also lay down technical standards to promote and recognise these certification mechanisms. pose of data transfer to third party countries (“codes intended for transfers”), or for both purposes. 14. According to the EDPB, only when the Commission decides that a code has European-wide validity can non-European controllers and processors rely on the code (EDPB 1/2019, p. 21). 15. The EDPB further explained that certifications need to be produced in a transparent manner. They should include supporting documents and descriptions of corrective actions (EDPB 2018a, p. 7). 16. Guidelines 04/2021 only apply to codes of conduct and not to certifications. The EDPB has yet to issue similar guidelines for certifications. 18 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
Once both the accreditation and certification criteria are approved, private bodies can be accredited and certified. European policies have therefore clarified who the actors are who can award accreditation, assess conformity with certifications, and monitor compliance with the codes. The policies specify that only DPAs, as public bodies, can assess conformity with the accreditation criteria and can accredit monitoring bodies. The monitoring bodies would then monitor compliance with the codes and issue decisions on suspension or exclusion from them. The codes might also allow the monitoring bodies to take additional action against rule-takers. Only monitoring bodies can take such actions. DPAs, in this regard, cannot take appropriate action in cases of infringement of the codes, and they cannot add ruletakers to the codes, or decide who should be excluded from them. DPAs can either investigate whether rule-takers who violated the codes also violated the GDPR, or they can decide to take action against the monitoring bodies. Such actions can include the administrative fines usually aimed at rule-takers. A decision to revoke the monitoring bodies’ accreditation does not have to mean that the codes themselves become void. As with the accreditation of monitoring bodies, only public bodies can accredit certification bodies. However, unlike the codes, the GDPR enables member states to decide whether their DPA, NAB—or both together—would accredit certification bodies. In that regard, NABs usually benefit from having greater expertise in accreditation, while DPAs have greater expertise in data protection. Accreditations for certification bodies are awarded for at least five years and can be renewed. Certifications and codes also differ significantly with regards to the actors who can assess and award certification; both the DPAs and the accredited certification bodies can certify rule-takers. 17 Certifications are awarded for three years. When a certification body decides to award a certification, it has to provide its reasoning to the DPA. DPAs can sanction both the certification bodies and the rule-takers for infringing the criteria. For both, such sanctions can reach 10 million Euro, or 2% of worldwide annual turnover of the preceding financial year of that undertaking. 17. The EDPB clarified that certification bodies are accredited locally and are based on the decision about where to offer certifications. When the certification body seeks to certify against European Data Protection Seals, it would need to seek accreditation based on the location of its EU headquarters. Schemes that are intended for a single member state cannot receive the title of a European Data Protection Seal (EDPB, 2018a). 19 Medzini
TABLE 3: A comparison of the certification phase for codes and certification CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION WHO MONITORS OR CERTIFIES? Accredited monitoring bodies 1. Accredited certification bodies 2. DPAs THE FUNCTION OF ACCREDITED BODIES* 1. Monitor compliance 2. Suspend or exclude from the code 3. Other actions or sanctions (as defined in the code) 1. Assessment 2. Issue or renew certification 3. Provide reasons for granting or withdrawing certifications BASIC CRITERIA FOR CODES OF CONDUCT AND CERTIFICATION 1. Specification for the application of the GDPR (Article 40(2)) 2. Facilitation of the effective application of the GDPR 3. Contain suitable and effective safeguards to mitigate risks 4. Having mechanisms for allowing accredited bodies to monitor and overall effective oversight 5. Consideration for 1. Consideration for the specific needs of SMEs 2. Provide information and access to processing activities 3. For non- Europeans: having binding and enforceable commitments to apply appropriate safeguards 4. Specified requirements set by the Commission 5. Technical * This does not take away the authority of DPAs to monitor and sanction rule-takers. 20 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION the specific features and needs of market sectors or SMEs 6. For non- Europeans: having binding and enforceable commitments to apply appropriate safeguards 7. When feasible, consultation with stakeholders, including data subjects 8. Review mechanisms standards set by the Commission 6. Cannot be used to certify people (e.g., data protection officers) WHO PREPARES THE CODES OR CERTIFICATION? 1. Member states, the DPAs, the EDPB, and the Commission encourage drawing up of codes 2. Associations or bodies that represent ruletakers prepare the codes 3. DPAs provide an opinion on the draft codes or approve them 4. Supranational application: the EDPB also 1. The member states, the DPAs, the EDPB, and the Commission encourage the establishment of certification mechanisms 2. The DPAs or the EDPB approve the criteria 3. The Commission specifies requirements and defines technology standards * This does not take away the authority of DPAs to monitor and sanction rule-takers. 21 Medzini
CODES OF CONDUCT CERTIFICATION provides an opinion and the Commission gives EU validity (via implementing acts) DURATION Unlimited (until exclusion) For three years (or until withdrawal) WHO CAN JOIN THE CODES OR RECEIVE CERTIFICATION? 1. Rule-takers 2. Non-European controllers and processors 1. Rule-takers 2. Non-European controllers and processors WHO CAN BE FINED UP TO 10 MILLION EURO OR 2% OF WORLDWIDE ANNUAL TURNOVER OF THE UNDERTAKING (ARTICLE 83(4))? Monitoring bodies 1. Rule-takers 2. Certification bodies 3. Unclear about non-Europeans * This does not take away the authority of DPAs to monitor and sanction rule-takers. 5. Conclusions The two case studies of codes of conduct and certification under the European data protection regime have shown that policymakers can establish self-regulation in the shadow of hierarchy by enhancing the regime with regulatory intermediaries. Under this new enhanced data protection regime, rule-takers can only use codes or certifications that have been previously approved by European or national regulators. Rule-takers must also rely on accredited private bodies to monitor the codes and depend on them to assess conformity to certification schemes. Rule-takers can use both mechanisms to manage their risk-based obligations and to show their commitment to applying appropriate safeguards. In addition, rule-takers who adhere to the enhanced codes and certifications may also benefit from the ability to transfer data internationally, knowing that the codes and certifications provide appropriate safeguards (Article 46), and that regulators can consider adherence to 22 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021
codes and certification as a factor for reducing administrative fines (Article 83.2(j)). Policymakers and regulators can also benefit from the successful adoption of codes or certification and the consequential development of a regime of enhanced selfregulation. Regulators can directly regulate the intermediaries and the benefits and certainty that their mechanisms may provide. Regulators who successfully regulate through the intermediaries can also free up their limited time and resources and indirectly nudge rule-takers towards compliance by tracking the work of the intermediaries, and they only need to respond to cases of noncompliance. Regulators may even decide to disregard or sanction the use of any certification scheme or regulatory intermediation that has not been approved or ratified by European or national regulators. The overall result is that private actors who seek to receive an accreditation undergo a conformity assessment to obtain a certification—or to establish new or join existing codes of conduct—and they must self-regulate in the shadow of hierarchy of European and national regulators. Differences between the two hierarchical modes of governance do, however, exist. Codes of conduct under the GDPR are a form of industry self-regulation that can enable autonomy as well as reduce the compliance costs for rule-takers. Industry or sectoral codes of conduct only work if trade associations or other bodies that represent a group of rule-takers understand that the sector can benefit either from setting best practices or from having consistency in how data protection rules should apply in their sector (Bennett & Raab, 2006, p. 156). The codes would not work if DPAs decided that every violation also meant a violation of the GDPR. Regulators making such a decision might be able to use their full investigative and corrective capacities, yet they risk harming the self-regulatory nature embedded in the codes. Another counterproductive decision might result from the decision to always follow the EDPB’s interpretation that the codes must have a monitoring body. For instance, if representative bodies seek to establish codes of conduct that consider the specific needs of micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises, then requiring them to establish and finance a monitoring body with detailed procedures for oversight might reinstate the costs that the codes aim to reduce. The flexibility originally embedded in the regulatory intermediation around the codes enables the market to make decisions that reduce costs. Therefore, a careful interpretation should ensure that the costs saved would not be lost by establishing and maintaining the codes. Conversely, certification is a self-regulatory mechanism that focuses on the individual organisation. Even if certification owners drafted certification criteria and the regulators approved them, it does not mean that private bodies would adopt 23 Medzini
them. The ability of DPAs to sanction both certification bodies and certified ruletakers, as well as their ability to order certification bodies how to act, might allow them to have more influence over the certification process. However, these actions might also increase the risk of having too many restrictions, which would disincentivise private actors from relying on certification schemes. Therefore, regulators must ensure that there are sufficient incentives not only for individual organisations to receive certification but also for certification bodies to take the additional risks and costs of assessing conformity and issuing certifications. Each private body that seeks to become a certification body needs to be able to balance the risks and benefits of undergoing a conformity assessment to receive accreditation. Each rule-taker must similarly decide for itself whether to voluntarily undergo a conformity assessment to receive certification. One option DPAs have is to assess how they can rely better on the periodic nature of the accreditation and certification processes with greater confidence. The periodic assessments provide DPAs with more points of interaction with the certification bodies and the certified ruletakers. Therefore, DPAs should balance between their ability to regulate at a distance through accreditation, their ability to regulate at the point of awarding or renewing certifications, and their ability to regulate directly at the point of investigating a possible infringement. A decision to simultaneously use the full investigative and corrective capacities at all three points of decision might unbalance the self-regulatory nature of the certification mechanisms. This paper therefore refocuses the debate on self-regulation in the shadow of hierarchy around the enhancement of self-regulation via regulatory intermediation and the decisions of the DPAs acting as regulators. It suggests that DPAs should adopt a meta-regulatory approach of regulating at a distance through regulatory intermediation. The paper shows how both codes of conduct and certification under the European data protection regime mix enforced self-regulation, through accreditation and the ratification of criteria, with components of enhanced self-regu- lation, through regulatory intermediation. It suggests how policymakers and metaregulators might use regulatory arrangements and decisions to incentivise and constrain intermediaries, and thereafter also the regulated organisations, to selfregulate in the shadow of hierarchical decisions of the meta-regulator. These above-mentioned comparative analysis and suggestions are, nevertheless, limited by the scope of two case studies, the methodological approach used to study them, and the overall European data protection regime. Hence, future research should adopt a similar methodological approach to trace and assess how other regulatory regimes use regulatory intermediaries to induce self-regulation in 24 Internet Policy Review 10(3) | 2021