A North-South comparison of education and training systems: Lessons for policy

Smyth, Emer; Devlin, Anne; Bergin, Adele; McGuinness, Séamus Research Report A North-South comparison of education and training systems: Lessons for policy Research Series, No. 138 Provided in Cooperation with: The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI), Dublin Suggested Citation: Smyth, Emer; Devlin, Anne; Bergin, Adele; McGuinness, Séamus (2022) : A North- South comparison of education and training systems: Lessons for policy, Research Series, No. 138, The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI), Dublin, https://doi.org/10.26504/rs138 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/268074 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. 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If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ A NORTH-SOUTH COMPARISON OF EDUCATION AND TRAINING SYSTEMS: LESSONS FOR POLICY EMER SMYTH, ANNE DEVLIN, ADELE BERGIN AND SEAMUS MCGUINNESS RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 138 APRIL 2022 E V I D E N C E F O R P O L I C Y A NORTH–SOUTH COMPARISON OF EDUCATION AND TRAINING SYSTEMS: LESSONS FOR POLICY Emer Smyth Anne Devlin Adele Bergin Seamus McGuinness April 2022 RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 138 Available to download from www.esri.ie © The Economic and Social Research Institute Whitaker Square, Sir John Rogerson’s Quay, Dublin 2 https://doi.org/10.26504/rs138 This Open Access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. ABOUT THE ESRI The mission of the Economic and Social Research Institute is to advance evidencebased policymaking that supports economic sustainability and social progress in Ireland. ESRI researchers apply the highest standards of academic excellence to challenges facing policymakers, focusing on 12 areas of critical importance to 21st century Ireland. The Institute was founded in 1960 by a group of senior civil servants led by Dr T.K. Whitaker, who identified the need for independent and in-depth research analysis to provide a robust evidence base for policymaking in Ireland. Since then, the Institute has remained committed to independent research and its work is free of any expressed ideology or political position. The Institute publishes all research reaching the appropriate academic standard, irrespective of its findings or who funds the research. The quality of its research output is guaranteed by a rigorous peer review process. ESRI researchers are experts in their fields and are committed to producing work that meets the highest academic standards and practices. The work of the Institute is disseminated widely in books, journal articles and reports. ESRI publications are available to download, free of charge, from its website. Additionally, ESRI staff communicate research findings at regular conferences and seminars. The ESRI is a company limited by guarantee, answerable to its members and governed by a Council, comprising 14 members who represent a cross-section of ESRI members from academia, civil services, state agencies, businesses and civil society. The Institute receives an annual grant-in-aid from the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform to support the scientific and public interest elements of the Institute’s activities; the grant accounted for an average of 30 per cent of the Institute’s income over the lifetime of the last Research Strategy. The remaining funding comes from research programmes supported by government departments and agencies, public bodies and competitive research programmes. Further information is available at www.esri.ie. THE AUTHORS Emer Smyth and Seamus McGuinness are Research Professors at the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI). Adele Bergin is an Associate Research Professor at the ESRI and Anne Devlin is a Research Fellow at the ESRI. All also hold adjunct positions at Trinity College Dublin (TCD). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report is part of a joint research programme between the ESRI and the Shared Island Unit of the Department of the Taoiseach on The Economic and Social Opportunities from Increased Cooperation on the Shared Island and we would like to thank the Shared Island Unit for their support for this study. We are very grateful to the policy stakeholders who generously gave their time and insights in the indepth interviews and at the consultation event. The State Examinations Commission kindly granted us access to Junior and Leaving Certificate micro-data for the purposes of this study. We are very grateful to Professor Tony Gallagher from Queen’s University Belfast who acted as an advisor to the project. This report has been accepted for publication by the Institute, which does not itself take institutional policy positions. All ESRI Research Series reports are peer reviewed prior to publication. The author(s) are solely responsible for the content and the views expressed. Table of contents |i TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ......................................................................................................... v EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................... vii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Background and Introduction........................................................................................... 1 1.2 Methodology .................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Overview of the education and training systems in Ireland and Northen Ireland ........... 4 1.4 Outline of the report ........................................................................................................ 8 CHAPTER 2: EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES ............................................................................................... 9 2.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 Educational attainment .................................................................................................... 9 2.3 Performance at lower and upper secondary levels........................................................ 21 2.4 Skill development over the lifecourse ............................................................................ 25 2.5 Differences in rates of pay and the relative returns to education ................................ 39 2.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 46 CHAPTER 3: STAKEHOLDERS ............................................................................................................... 49 3.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 49 3.2 Primary and secondary education .................................................................................. 49 3.3 Further education ........................................................................................................... 70 3.4 Higher education ............................................................................................................ 77 3.5 Co-operation across the Island of Ireland ...................................................................... 81 3.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 89 CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................ 91 4.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 91 4.2 Skills and qualifications .................................................................................................. 91 4.3 Primary and secondary education .................................................................................. 92 4.4 Further and higher education ........................................................................................ 93 4.5 North–South co-operation ............................................................................................. 94 4.6 Implications for policy .................................................................................................... 94 REFERENCES ..................................................................................................................................... 97 ii |A North–South comparison of education and training systems LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 Secondary data used in the report ..................................................................................... 3 Table 2.1 Educational attainment, 2014, all persons (%) ................................................................ 13 Table 2.2 Educational attainment, 2014, 25-29 year olds ............................................................... 14 Table 2.3 Educational attainment 2014, 25-29 year olds, females.................................................. 15 Table 2.4 Educational attainment 2014, 25-29 year olds, males ..................................................... 15 Table 2.5 Educational attainment and parental education by jurisdiction...................................... 19 Table 2.6 Probit regression model of gender and parental education on education outcomes ..... 21 Table 2.7 Proportion who reached specific grade standards at lower and upper secondary levels by gender and fsm status, Northern Ireland, 2019 .......................................................... 22 Table 2.8 Proportion who reached specific grade standards at lower and upper secondary levels by gender and exam-fee status, Ireland, 2019 ................................................................. 23 Table 2.9 Correlations at school level between % of disadvantage and % reaching lower and upper secondary exam grade standards, Ireland and northern ireland, 2019 ................ 24 Table 2.10 Vocabulary test score and teacher-rated child competencies among five-year-olds in Ireland and Northern Ireland ....................................................................................... 26 Table 2.11 Logistic regression model of expectation to go on to degree-level or postgraduate education in Ireland and Northern Ireland (pooled data) (odds ratios) .... 37 Table 2.12 Earnings equation, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 2014 .................................................. 44 Table 2.13 Earnings equations, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 2014, pooled model ........................ 46 Table 2.14 Differences in rates of return ........................................................................................... 47 List of figures|iii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Education systems and associated pathways ................................................................ 7 Figure 2.1 High and low educational attainment 2005–2019, 15-64 year olds ........................... 10 Figure 2.2 High and low educational attainment 2005–2019, 25-34 year olds ........................... 11 Figure 2.3 High educational attainment 2005–2019, 25-34 year olds ......................................... 12 Figure 2.4 Low educational attainment 2005–2019, 25-34 year olds .......................................... 12 Figure 2.5 Early school leaving in 2014 (using different definitions) ............................................ 16 Figure 2.6 NEET by age group in 2014 (%) .................................................................................... 17 Figure 2.7 Parental educational attainment for all age-groups combined, 2014......................... 18 Figure 2.8 Proportion of students achieving six or more Leaving Certificate grade 6, of which two or more are grade 4, Ireland, 2019 .............................................................................. 23 Figure 2.9 Vocabulary test score and teacher-rated child competencies among five year olds in Ireland and Northern Ireland, by maternal education ..................................... 27 Figure 2.10 Vocabulary test score and teacher-rated child competencies among five year olds in Ireland and Northern Ireland by household income quintiles ......................... 29 Figure 2.11 Average reading literacy score among 9-10 year olds by gender in Ireland and Northern Ireland .......................................................................................................... 30 Figure 2.12 Average reading literacy score among 9-10 year olds by maternal education in Ireland and Northern Ireland ................................................................................... 31 Figure 2.13 Average maths and science scores among 9-10 year olds by gender in Ireland and Northern Ireland ................................................................................................... 32 Figure 2.14 Average maths and science scores among 9-10 year olds by maternal education in Ireland and Northern Ireland .................................................................. 33 Figure 2.15 Average reading, maths and science scores among 15 year olds by gender in Ireland and Northern Ireland ....................................................................................... 34 Figure 2.16 Average reading, maths and science scores among 15 year olds by maternal education in Ireland and Northern Ireland .................................................................. 36 Figure 2.17 Average literacy and numeracy scores by educational attainment in Ireland and Northern Ireland ................................................................................................... 39 Figure 2.18 Mean hourly earnings by education, adjusted for purchasing power parity .............. 43 Introduction|1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1.1 BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION The Irish Government’s Shared Island initiative has identified education as an important area with potential for more co-operation between Ireland and Northern Ireland. 1 This report was commissioned in order to provide a better qualitative and quantitative evidence base on the two education systems, in terms of their respective performance and common or connected policy concerns. Remarkably, this is the first systematic comparison of the two systems across the span of primary to higher education. In contrast to studies that emphasise the potential for policy borrowing, that is, transplanting an example of good practice from one system to another, this study explores the potential for policy learning (see Raffe and Semple, 2011). Access to, and participation in, education is a key factor determining employment opportunities, career success, wage growth and broader life chances, such as health and well-being (Belfield and Levin, 2007). The effectiveness of the education and training system in enabling the acquisition of skills and qualifications matters not only for individuals but also for the economy and society. At a macroeconomic level, human capital plays a significant role in determining employment and productivity levels and ultimately macroeconomic growth rates (Bergin and Kearney, 2007). By contrast, early school leaving has a societal cost and is linked to unemployment, social exclusion and poverty (Smyth and McCoy, 2009). Therefore, it is essential to consider how the education and training system shapes pathways to qualifications. McGuinness and Bergin (2020) have shown substantial gaps between educational attainment in Northern Ireland and Ireland. Furthermore, Bergin and McGuinness (2021) found that the rate of early school leaving in Northern Ireland was almost twice that of Ireland, with the analysis indicating that early school leaving there is much more heavily concentrated among males and those from working-class backgrounds. However, these broad comparisons do not explain the processes behind these figures or what groups (in terms of gender and social background) have particular types of qualifications. Despite the clear value of such a comparison, there has been very little research comparing the two education and training systems. This study aims to fill this gap by comparing the two systems, from primary to higher education, as a basis for policy learning. 1 See https://merrionstreet.ie/en/news-room/speeches/online_address_by_an_taoiseach_on_shared_island.html. 2 |A North–South comparison of education and training systems In addressing the following research questions, this study provides new insights into the way the education and training systems in Ireland and Northern Ireland shape outcomes. 1. What are the trends in educational attainment in the two jurisdictions? How do overall educational outcomes (in terms of qualifications, exam performance and skills) compare across the two jurisdictions? To what extent are these outcomes differentially influenced by gender and social background? 2. What are the skill levels among the two populations from primary education to adult life? Is any mismatch evident between skills and qualifications? 3. How do earnings and the relative returns to different levels of education compare in Ireland and Northern Ireland? 4. What aspects of the respective education and training systems shape differences in terms of skills and qualifications? What lessons can be learned for the future? The study is timely given the independent review of education currently being conducted in Northern Ireland, as well as the ongoing reviews, especially at primary and upper secondary levels, taking place in Ireland. 1.2 METHODOLOGY Given the lack of comparative research on the education and training systems in Ireland and Northern Ireland, this study adopts a mixed methods research approach to develop a richer picture of the two education and training systems, from primary to tertiary levels, and any issues associated with them. 2 The report combines quantitative analysis of existing data, which provides insights into a range of educational outcomes, with in-depth qualitative interviews with key policy stakeholders in both systems. The latter seek to improve understanding of the way in which the specific nature of each system shapes the level of qualifications and skills and inequalities in educational outcomes. This also provides a greater understanding of how different aspects of the education and training systems are assessed from a range of points of view. This approach offers rich insights into the factors shaping the nature of the education and training systems and helps identify potentially important directions for policy. The secondary data used come from a range of sources, which were selected on the basis of whether or not they covered the two jurisdictions and contained comparable information on Ireland and Northern Ireland (see Table 1.1 for details). 2 An analysis of early years provision and adult/community education is outside the scope of the current study but could usefully provide the focus of future research. Introduction|3 The analyses are based on the most recent years for which data are available. The analyses are largely descriptive in nature comparing, for example, levels of skill development and the extent to which these vary by gender and family background. However, multivariate models are used to provide more direct comparisons of the scale of difference between the two jurisdictions, comparing like with like, in relation to outcomes such as educational expectations, early school leaving and pay levels. TABLE 1.1 SECONDARY DATA USED IN THE REPORT Name Sample and year Measures European Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) 15-64 year olds in IE and NI, 2005–2019 Educational attainment; % not in employment, education or training (NEET) Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) Adults (16-65 year olds) in IE and NI, 2011–2012 Educational attainment; % NEET; pay levels; literacy and numeracy test scores Department of Education published data GCSE and A-level students in NI, 2019 Levels of exam performance State Examinations Commission micro-data Junior and Leaving Certificate students in IE, 2019 Levels of exam performance Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) 5 year olds in NI Vocabulary test score and teacher-assessed skills Growing Up in Ireland Study (GUI) 5 year olds in IE Vocabulary test score and teacher-assessed skills Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 4th grade students (approx. 9-10 years) in IE and NI, 2016 Reading test scores Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 4th grade students (approx. 9-10 years) in IE and NI, 2019 Maths and science test scores Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 14 year olds in IE and NI, 2018 Reading, maths and science test scores; educational expectations A range of stakeholders were invited to be interviewed for the qualitative part of the study. Stakeholders in Ireland and Northern Ireland were chosen from the areas of education policy and provision (including government departments, state agencies, school management bodies and teacher unions) and across the various sectors of education. In total, 31 interviews with 35 stakeholders were conducted by members of the ESRI research team, all of which were recorded and 4 |A North–South comparison of education and training systems transcribed. 3 The interviews followed a semi-structured format, with a range of questions helping to direct the interviews. The interviews investigated a number of themes, including main policy developments, contact and co-operation between different parts of the system, how well the education and training system prepares young people for the world of work and adult life, various dimensions of educational inequality, institutional issues around discretion to shape policies and practices, the frameworks for ensuring quality, and North–South contact and cooperation. The analysis began by identifying emerging themes, which were then examined in greater depth, with a focus on identifying both shared and diverging views across the main themes. The quotations from these interviews provided in this report were chosen to reflect both common perspectives and variations in opinions. Following the above research stages, a consultation event was held at which initial findings were presented and feedback was sought from stakeholders. 4 This was an important step in the research process, helping to ensure findings were accurately interpreted and that the report portrayed the range of views across education stakeholders in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Given the scope of the study, it was not feasible to interview teachers, students or parents on their perspectives regarding educational provision in either of the two jurisdictions. However, the study does integrate findings from previous research, which drew on the student perspective in particular. 1.3 OVERVIEW OF THE EDUCATION AND TRAINING SYSTEMS IN IRELAND AND NORTHEN IRELAND Education in Ireland is compulsory for children between the ages of six to 16 years, or until they have completed three years of second-level (post-primary) education. In practice, however, most children start primary school before the age of six. In Northern Ireland, education is compulsory for children between the ages of four and 16. 5 Both jurisdictions provide free pre-school education, but the two systems now differ significantly in terms of the timing of early years provision. In Northern Ireland, this is available to children in the year before they start primary school under the Pre-School Education Programme. In Ireland, children can participate in 3 Some interviews involved multiple stakeholders. 4 For more information, see https://www.esri.ie/events/shared-island-unit-education-consultation. 5 It should be noted that the School Age Bill passed the final stage in the Northern Ireland Assembly in February 2022, which gives more flexibility to parents/guardians with regards to the school starting age. Introduction|5 the Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme when they are as young as two years and eight months of age, for a maximum of two years. At both primary and secondary levels, Northern Ireland’s school system is fragmented on the basis of school type and religious denomination. A range of school categories make up the system in Northern Ireland, including Controlled (many of which were originally Protestant schools), Catholic Maintained, Voluntary Grammar, Integrated, Irish-Medium and Independent schools. 6 Grant-aided schools follow the Revised Northern Ireland Curriculum, which has a largely prescribed curriculum from four to 14 years, with greater flexibility and choice from 15 years onwards. Children attend primary school for seven years (from four to 11 years). Second-level education is provided in secondary schools or grammar schools. Entry to grammar schools is through academic selection and the results of transfer tests are used to determine places. At the end of compulsory education (16 years), students take their GCSE examination, after which those who stay in education study for a further two years, either for A-levels or vocational courses, in schools or further education colleges. Subsequent education pathways include further education and higher education. In Ireland, primary and secondary systems are also typically structured around religious denomination. Primary schools are publicly funded but are generally privately organised and usually with Church (mostly Catholic) involvement in governance. Primary education consists of an eight-year cycle and students follow a national curriculum. There are three types of secondary school (voluntary secondary, Education and Training Board (ETB), and community/comprehensive) and all schools follow the same curriculum and qualifications framework. Following recent statutory change, secondary schools are now not permitted to assess students for entry. However, it is very common for students not to attend their nearest or most accessible school, with around half not doing so, most often in urban areas, indicating a strong degree of active school selection by parents and children, with the families that make more active choices tending to be more advantaged (Smyth et al., 2004). Second-level education comprises an initial threeyear junior cycle, which has recently been reformed, and is followed by a two- or three-year senior cycle (depending on whether students take the optional oneyear Transition Year course). In the final two years of the senior cycle, students can take one of three programmes (established Leaving Certificate, Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme or the Leaving Certificate Applied Programme) and each 6 Controlled schools are managed and funded by the Education Authority through school boards of governors (including representatives of the Protestant churches in most cases). Catholic Maintained schools are managed by boards of governors nominated by trustees. For Voluntary Grammar schools, the board of governors is the employing authority. This is also the case for Integrated schools, which bring together both communities. Irish-medium schools span the controlled and maintained sectors. It should be noted there is a very small number of independent schools in Northern Ireland. 6 |A North–South comparison of education and training systems has a state examination at the end of the programme. Subsequent education pathways in both jurisdictions include further education and higher education. The education systems and the associated pathways are displayed in Figure 1.1. FIGURE 1.1 EDUCATION SYSTEMS AND ASSOCIATED PATHWAYS 8 |A North–South comparison of education and training systems 1.4 OUTLINE OF THE REPORT The remainder of the report is structured as follows. Chapter 2 examines patterns in key education outcomes in the two jurisdictions, including overall education attainment, exam performance at secondary level and skills accumulated over the life course. 7 The chapter also examines the relationship between qualifications and skills and the relative returns to education and skills. Chapter 3 examines the emerging themes from the stakeholder interviews and the consultation event, and highlights both commonalities and differences between the educational systems of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Chapter 4 provides an overview of the study findings and highlights implications for future North–South co-operation. 7 The secondary school systems differ in the use of terminology (e.g. post-primary, second-level) so the term ‘secondary’ is used throughout the report in accordance with international classification systems. Education outcomes|9 CHAPTER 2 Education outcomes 2.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter draws on survey and administrative data to document three sets of outcomes in the two jurisdictions: overall educational attainment, that is, the highest educational level obtained; exam performance at lower and upper secondary levels; and the skills developed at different stages of the life course. All three dimensions are important in assessing educational outcomes. Qualification level has been found to be strongly associated with employment chances, job quality and pay levels (Müller and Gangl, 2003). Grades at a particular educational stage can determine access to the next educational level (e.g. from upper secondary to higher education) and play a role in shaping employment chances among school leavers, at least in some countries (Barnardi, 2003; Smyth, 2008). Looking at skill development, as measured by international comparative studies (such as the Programme for International Assessment (PISA), the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS)), provides insights into the kinds of competencies developed within educational systems (Dämmrich and Triventi, 2018). Sections 2.2 to 2.4 of this chapter document patterns of qualifications, grades and skills respectively in Ireland and Northern Ireland. The emphasis is on comparing overall outcomes in the two systems but also on examining the extent to which these outcomes are differentially influenced by socio-economic background and gender. Section 2.5 examines the relationship between qualifications and skills (such as literacy, numeracy and digital skills) and the relative returns to education and skills. 2.2 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT In this section we use several data sources to measure comparative rates of educational attainment both over time (based on EU Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) data) and at a specific point in time (based on Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) data). We then go on to assess the relative incidence of both early school leaving and of young people who are not in education, employment or training (NEET). 2.2.1 Patterns of educational attainment using the EU-LFS Figure 2.1 uses data from the EU-LFS for Northern Ireland and Ireland to measure educational attainment in both jurisdictions over time. The EU-LFS provides 16|A North–South comparison of education and training systems FIGURE 2.5 EARLY SCHOOL LEAVING IN 2014 (USING DIFFERENT DEFINITIONS) Source: PIAAC, own analyses. Note: The number of observations for early leavers, EU early leavers and PIAAC/OECD early leavers respectively are 723, 1,293, and 1,290. Next, we examine comparative rates of educational and employment exclusion focusing specifically on those who are NEET. Figure 2.6 shows that while the overall rate of NEET is highly similar for both jurisdictions, at approximately 21%, some differences do occur when we measure the NEET incidence within particular age groups. The NEET rate was higher in Northern Ireland among those aged below 24 and over 65 years; in contrast, NEET rates were higher in Ireland among those aged 25 to 44. 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 Early leaver EU early leaver PIAAC/OECD early leaver % Northern Ireland Ireland Education outcomes|17 FIGURE 2.6 NEET BY AGE GROUP IN 2014 Source: PIAAC, own analyses. Note: N = 3,761 for Northern Ireland and 5,983 for Ireland. 2.2.3 How social background relates to educational attainment, early school leaving and NEET Social background is well documented as having a strong relationship with both education and economic outcomes for individuals (Hill, 2017; OECD, 2005). In particular, there is an extensive literature on the impact of parental educational attainment and/or occupation on child educational attainment (OECD, 2005; Shavit and Blossfeld, 1993). However, the extent to which parents’ educational attainment is a predictor of education varies between countries (OECD, 2005). Figure 2.7 presents parental educational attainment for all age groups in the two jurisdictions using the PIAAC dataset. It shows that 50% of those in Ireland report that neither parent had attained an upper secondary education, compared to 41% in Northern Ireland. On the other hand, 22% of those in Ireland have at least one parent who attained a tertiary level education, compared to 17% in Northern Ireland. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 NEET <24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55+ % Northern Ireland Ireland 18|A North–South comparison of education and training systems FIGURE 2.7 PARENTAL EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT FOR ALL AGE GROUPS COMBINED, 2014 Source: PIAAC, own analyses. Note: N=3,397 for Northern Ireland and 5,677 for Ireland. We then look at how the educational attainment of parents measures against individual education level. In Northern Ireland, those individuals whose parents have the lowest levels of education are less likely to have higher levels of education than their counterparts in Ireland; 21% in Northern Ireland whose parents have no upper secondary education attain either a post-secondary or higher education, compared to 53% in Ireland (Table 2.5). These individuals whose parents have the lowest levels of attainment are much more likely to have a primary or below education; 27% of individuals in Northern Ireland whose parents have no upper secondary qualifications have at most a primary education, while for those who have one parent with at least a secondary education this figure falls drastically to 4%. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Neither parent has attained upper secondary At least one parent has attained secondary or post-secondary, nontertiary At least one parent attained tertiary % Northern Ireland Ire Education outcomes|19 TABLE 2.5 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND PARENTAL EDUCATION BY JURISDICTION Primary or below Lower secondary Upper secondary Postsecondary Degree or above N Northern Ireland No upper secondary 27.1 15.4 36.3 9.5 11.8 1,411 At least 1 has attained secondary or postsecondary, nontertiary 4.4 9.6 42.6 12.9 30.6 1,414 At least 1 attained tertiary 0.0 1.5 21.8 17.7 59.0 572 Ireland No upper secondary 4.7 18.8 23.6 35.2 17.8 2,826 At least 1 has attained secondary or postsecondary, nontertiary 0.9 6.7 21.6 40.9 29.9 1,601 At least 1 attained tertiary 0.6 4.0 13.2 32.2 50.0 1,250 Source: PIAAC, own analyses, all age groups. These differences between the two jurisdictions are stark and suggest that social background is a greater predictor of educational attainment in Northern Ireland than in Ireland. We use a probit model to formally estimate this relationship between social background and low educational attainment. In our social background model, Table 2.6, the dependent variable is binary, indicating whether an individual has low educational attainment across a range of measures. In columns 1 and 2, the dependent variable in the model captures NEET status, in columns 3 to 5 the model captures early school leaving using the three different measures previously mentioned and columns 6 and 7 report results from models where the dependent variable captures whether the highest level of education achieved is primary or below. In columns 2 and 7, the sample is restricted to those who are 25-34 years of age. 20|A North–South comparison of education and training systems Our models also include a control for gender that takes the value one if the individual is male and zero for females. Parental educational attainment is also a binary variable, whereby those individuals who had neither parent with an upper secondary education are coded as one and zero otherwise. Table 2.5 shows the results of these models, which were run separately for Northern Ireland and Ireland; marginal effects are displayed. 12 In Northern Ireland, individuals are 19 percentage points more likely to be NEET if their parents have low educational attainment compared to 18 percentage points in Ireland. However, when we look at this among those aged 25-34 years, the results differ to a much greater extent. Among this age group in Northern Ireland, individuals whose parents have low educational attainment are 20 percentage points more likely to be NEET compared to ten percentage points in Ireland. In terms of early school leaving, the same pattern emerges. Individuals in Northern Ireland whose parents have low educational attainment are 27 percentage points more likely to be early school leavers (PIAAC using the OECD definition of early school leaving) compared to those in Ireland who are 13 percentage points more likely to be early school leavers. Thus, using this definition of early school leaving, the estimated impact of social background is twice as large in Northern Ireland than it is in Ireland. Primarylevel education is also twice as likely to be affected by parents’ education in Northern Ireland than is the case in Ireland (22 percentage points versus 11 percentage points). When we restrict the sample to those aged 25-34, again the difference is much greater; those in Northern Ireland whose parents have low educational attainment are 13 percentage points more likely to attain a primary education compared to four percentage points in Ireland. We can see from Table 2.6 that gender is not associated with educational attainment when parental education is controlled for, at least to the level that may be anticipated. This is particularly the case in Northern Ireland, which is of interest given the ongoing policy debate there on the educational attainment of workingclass Protestant boys. 13 It should be noted that religious affiliation is not collected in this survey so social background and community membership cannot be disentangled here. The Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement concluded that while gender and religious differences do occur, social background (based on free school meal entitlement) was where the greatest attainment differences were evident. 14 That the social background effect remains so apparent among those aged 25-34 years in Northern Ireland is particularly concerning. 12 Marginal effects can be interpreted as the percentage point difference in reporting as the outcome variable, e.g. NEET, early school leaving or having a primary education. 13 While gender does not significantly impact outcomes when social background is controlled for, it is an important predictor of performance within education levels. 14 It is often cited that working-class boys, in particular working-class Protestant boys, underperform in school. This was a key finding of the Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement in Northern Ireland published in 2021 (Purdy et al., 2021). Education outcomes|21 TABLE 2.6 PROBIT REGRESSION MODEL OF GENDER AND PARENTAL EDUCATION ON EDUCATION OUTCOMES NEET NEET (25-34 years) Early school leaving Early school leaving EU Early school leaving PIAAC Primary Primary (25-34 years) Northern Ireland Male -0.048*** -0.122*** -0.036 -0.032 -0.011 0.016 -0.010 Parents have low educational attainment 0.192*** 0.199*** 0.195*** 0.153*** 0.266*** 0.224*** 0.134*** N 3,385 694 270 471 471 3,393 694 Ireland Male -0.068*** -0.072*** 0.006 -0.012 0.028* 0.022*** 0.005 Parents have low educational attainment 0.176*** 0.099*** 0.112*** 0.092*** 0.130*** 0.112*** 0.038*** N 5,675 1,328 397 720 720 5,677 1,329 Source: PIAAC, own analyses. Notes: Marginal effects are displayed. ***p<0.01, **p<0.05, *p<0.1. 2.3 PERFORMANCE AT LOWER AND UPPER SECONDARY LEVELS This section looks at the extent to which exam performance at lower and upper secondary levels varies by gender and social background across the two jurisdictions. Given differences in the curriculum and assessment systems, outcomes cannot be directly compared. Instead, the analyses focus on the proportion of students achieving benchmarks that are commonly used in each system. At lower secondary level, the standards used are five or more GCSEs at grades A*–C grade (Northern Ireland) and six or more D3 or merit grades, of which two are A–C at higher or common levels (Ireland). At upper secondary level, the standards are three or more A-levels at A*–C grades (Northern Ireland) and six or more grades at H1–H6 or O1–O6, of which two or more are at H1–H4 (Ireland). The data used relate to 2019 as the assessment approach in both settings differed in 2020 and 2021 because of the pandemic. The exam data do not contain detailed information on social background. However, in Northern Ireland receipt of free school meals (FSM) is a long-established, if not always uncontroversial, proxy for socio-economic disadvantage (Taylor, 2017). Similarly, in Ireland being eligible for an exam-fee waiver can be taken as a proxy for disadvantage. Furthermore, the concentration of disadvantage at the school level can be measured using the same proxy. 22|A North–South comparison of education and training systems TABLE 2.7 PROPORTION WHO REACHED SPECIFIC GRADE STANDARDS AT LOWER AND UPPER SECONDARY LEVELS BY GENDER AND FSM STATUS, NORTHERN IRELAND, 2019 Males Females FSM students Non-FSM students FSM students Non-FSM students % 5+ GCSEs A*- C 74.2 87.8 82.1 93.6 % 3+ A-levels A*- C 57.9 71.8 63.1 75.9 N (Year 12) 2,703 7,304 2,935 10,085 N (Year 14) 803 4,379 1,348 5,545 Source: Department of Education (2019). Year 12 and Year 14 examination at post-primary schools in Northern Ireland 2018/2019 tables. Table 2.7 shows that exam performance in Northern Ireland varies by both gender and FSM status. Females achieve higher grades than males at both GCSE and A- level. Disadvantaged students achieve lower grades than non-disadvantaged students at both levels, with male disadvantaged students achieving the lowest exam results overall. Other published exam data (Department of Education, 2019, Tables 10 and 11) allow us to examine whether the concentration of disadvantage at school level (that is, the proportion of students in the school with FSM status) makes a difference to exam performance. Unfortunately, the figures are presented separately for grammar and non-grammar schools. This makes it difficult to look at the overall relationship between school-level disadvantage and academic outcomes because grammar schools typically have much smaller numbers of students with FSM status. Overall, students attending grammar schools with the most advantaged profiles receive higher grades at GCSE and A-level. Performance among students in non-grammar schools does not vary as markedly by the concentration of disadvantage at school level. 15 15 Published exam data also indicate variation in exam performance among non-grammar schools in terms of their governance structures, so this may complicate the pattern of variation by disadvantage. Education outcomes|23 TABLE 2.8 PROPORTION WHO REACHED SPECIFIC GRADE STANDARDS AT LOWER AND UPPER SECONDARY LEVELS BY GENDER AND EXAM-FEE STATUS, IRELAND, 2019 Males Females Exam-fee waiver students Non-exam-fee waiver students Exam-fee waiver students Non-exam-fee waiver students % JC 6+ ‘passes’ and 2 ‘honours’ 52.5 77.0 67.1 87.7 % LC 6+ ‘passes’ and 2 ‘honours’ 38.5 62.7 49.0 73.5 N (JC) 11,025 21,333 10,664 20,729 N (LC) 8,529 18,929 9,231 18,959 Source: State Examinations Commission micro-data, own analyses. Note: JC = Junior Certificate; LC = Leaving Certificate. Analyses for Ireland also show variation by gender and socio-economic disadvantage (Table 2.8). Females achieve higher grades at both lower and upper secondary levels, and these gender gaps are relatively larger than in Northern Ireland. Disadvantaged students achieve lower grades than non-disadvantaged students at both levels and the relative gaps are larger than in Northern Ireland. FIGURE 2.8 PROPORTION OF STUDENTS ACHIEVING SIX OR MORE LEAVING CERTIFICATE GRADE 6, OF WHICH TWO OR MORE ARE GRADE 4, IRELAND, 2019 Source: State Examinations Commission micro-data, own analyses. Note: Leaving Certificate grades run from 1-8, within levels, with H1 being the highest grade which can be achieved. Analyses of exam micro-data allow us to disentangle the impact of disadvantage at individual and school levels. At the individual level, disadvantage is measured by whether the student has an exam-fee waiver or not. Schools are then divided into quartiles on the basis of the proportion of their students who have an exam-fee waiver. More disadvantaged students achieve lower grades than non- 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Least disadvantaged 2 3 Most disadvantaged % of students School concentration of disadvantage Exam fee waiver No exam fee waiver 24|A North–South comparison of education and training systems disadvantaged students, regardless of the school context (Figure 2.8). Furthermore, students in schools with a greater concentration of disadvantage achieve lower grades than those in schools with more advantaged profiles. TABLE 2.9 CORRELATIONS AT SCHOOL LEVEL BETWEEN % OF DISADVANTAGE AND % REACHING LOWER AND UPPER SECONDARY EXAM GRADE STANDARDS, IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND, 2019 Disadvantaged students in the school (%) Students who reach lower secondary grade standards (%) Northern Ireland % Disadvantaged (FSM status) % reaching lower secondary grade standards -0.780*** % reaching upper secondary grade standards -0.539*** 0.660*** Ireland % Disadvantaged (exam-fee waiver status) % reaching lower secondary grade standards -0.688*** % reaching upper secondary grade standards -0.709*** 0.802*** Source: State Examinations Commission micro-data, own analyses; Department of Education school-level data and results of school league tables published in the Belfast Telegraph. 16 The figures presented above indicate that academic performance varies by the social composition of schools in both jurisdictions. As context, it is worth examining the extent of social segregation between schools in both systems; such segregation can result from neighbourhood segregation, school choice and (in Northern Ireland) the selection system. An index of dissimilarity provides a useful summary measure to compare segregation in the two settings; it measures the extent to which a certain proportion of the population would have to move schools so that there would be an equal distribution of groups of students across schools (Duncan and Duncan, 1955). For these purposes, free school meal receipt and exam-fee waiver status are used as proxies for disadvantage in Northern Ireland and Ireland respectively. To calculate these measures, we use State Examinations Commission microdata on lower secondary students in Ireland and published figures for the number of students with and without FSM status in individual Northern Ireland schools. 17 The analyses indicate that social segregation is greater in schools in 16 See https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/education/league-tables/. 17 Unfortunately, school-level data in Northern Ireland relate to the total number of students with and without FSM status and so the extent to which between-school segregation is greater at lower or upper secondary level cannot be examined. Education outcomes|25 Northern Ireland, with an index of dissimilarity of 24.4 compared with 18.4 in Ireland. In other words, almost one-quarter of students in Northern Ireland would have to move school to achieve an equal distribution of disadvantaged students across schools. It should be noted that this measure does not take account of more nuanced measures of social background (such as parental education or social background) or religion/community. Analyses were conducted at the school level to examine the extent to which average exam performance reflected the concentration of disadvantage (Table 2.9). In both systems, exam performance decreases with increasing levels of disadvantage. At lower secondary level, this relationship was somewhat stronger in Northern Ireland, suggesting that the above analyses, which distinguished between grammar and non-grammar schools, somewhat obscured the extent of educational disadvantage. At upper secondary level, the relationship between disadvantage and average grades is less marked in Northern Ireland than in Ireland. This appears to reflect the impact of patterns of early school leaving, which are higher in Northern Ireland (see Section 2.2), making those who remain for A-levels a more selective group in terms of social background and prior achievement. Using the difference in student numbers in Year 8 and Year 14 as a proxy for drop-out, a correlation of 0.48 is found between early school leaving and school-level disadvantage in Northern Ireland. In other words, the level of early school leaving is much greater in schools serving more socio-economically disadvantaged populations. 2.4 SKILL DEVELOPMENT OVER THE LIFECOURSE This section looks at skill development from entry-level to primary education and through to adulthood, drawing on international comparative studies in which both Ireland and Northern Ireland participated, as well as on survey data collected on five year olds. The analyses focus on differences by gender and parental education (and, in the case of adults, their own level of educational attainment). The analysis of other axes of differentiation, such as migrant status, is beyond the scope of the current study. However, it is worth noting that the Irish school-going population is more diverse than that of Northern Ireland; analyses of PISA data indicate that 18% of the 15 year olds surveyed in Ireland were first- or second-generation migrants, compared with just 9% in Northern Ireland (PISA, own analyses).18 2.4.1 Skills at the time of primary school entry Insights into skill development around the time of primary school entry can be gleaned from the Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) study and from the Northern Ireland 18 Migrant integration will be addressed in a forthcoming study under the Shared Island Unit research programme. 32|A North–South comparison of education and training systems FIGURE 2.13 AVERAGE MATHS AND SCIENCE SCORES AMONG 9-10 YEAR OLDS BY GENDER IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND Source: TIMSS 2019 data, own analyses. Notes: The samples sizes are 2,254 for males and 2,311 for females in Ireland and 1,756 males and 1,733 females in Northern Ireland. In both Ireland and Northern Ireland, children from more highly educated families do significantly better in both maths and science, with a similar gap between the top and bottom groups in the two settings (Figure 2.14). Maths scores are higher in Northern Ireland for all education groups, with no significant betweenjurisdiction differences in science for any of the education groups. 490 500 510 520 530 540 550 560 570 580 Ireland Northern Ireland Ireland Northern Ireland Maths Science Male Female FIGURE 2.14 AVERAGE MATHS AND SCIENCE SCORES AMONG 9-10 YEAR OLDS BY MATERNAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND Source: TIMSS 2019 data, own analyses. 400 450 500 550 600 650 Lower secondary Upper secondary Post-secondary but not university University or higher Maths Ireland Northern Ireland 400 450 500 550 600 650 Lower secondary Upper secondary Post-secondary but not university University or higher Science Ireland Northern Ireland 34|A North–South comparison of education and training systems 2.4.3 Skills in adolescence The PISA 2018 study provides information on the reading, maths, and science literacy levels of 15 year olds (see Table 1.1). For this wave, reading was the major domain assessed, with maths and science assessed as minor domains. Both countries were high performing in reading in comparative terms, with higher average scores in Ireland than Northern Ireland, but around the OECD average and not significantly different from each other in maths and science (Sizmur et al., 2019). Within the UK, reading scores were above average for all jurisdictions but students in England outperformed those in Northern Ireland, Wales and Scotland in maths and science (Sizmur et al., 2019). The selective nature of secondary education in Northern Ireland means that reading literacy varies much more between schools than it does in Ireland (34% compared with 11% of the total of the variance in reading is due to the school level) (OECD, 2020b). FIGURE 2.15 AVERAGE READING, MATHS AND SCIENCE SCORES AMONG 15 YEAR OLDS BY GENDER IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND Source: PISA 2018 data, own analyses. Note: The samples sizes are 2,800 for males and 2,777 for females in Ireland and 1,194 for males and 1,219 for females in Northern Ireland. In both systems, female students achieved significantly higher reading literacy scores than males but no significant gender differences were evident for maths or science (Figure 2.15). Maths and science scores did not differ between the two systems. The overall gap in reading literacy was driven by the differences in male scores. In both systems, the children of mothers with degree or postgraduate qualifications achieve significantly higher scores in all three domains than those in the lowest education group (vocational upper secondary or less). 23 The 23 It should be noted that PISA uses a pre-grouped classification of educational levels; levels 3B and C are combined with 0, 1 and 2 here because of small cell sizes. 440 460 480 500 520 540 IR NI IR NI IR NI Reading Maths Science Male Female Education outcomes |35 differentiation by maternal education is more marked in Ireland than in Northern Ireland (Figure 2.16). For reading, scores are higher in Northern Ireland than Ireland for the lowest education group but significantly lower for the sub-degree and degree-level groups. Scores in maths and science are also significantly higher in Northern Ireland than Ireland for the lowest education group, with no significant differences for the other groups. 36|A North–South comparison of education and training systems FIGURE 2.16 AVERAGE READING, MATHS AND SCIENCE SCORES AMONG 15 YEAR OLDS BY MATERNAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND Source: PISA 2018 data, own analyses. 420 440 460 480 500 520 540 560 ISCED 0,1,2,3B,C ISCED 3A, ISCED 4 ISCED 5B ISCED 5A, 6 Reading Ireland Northern Ireland 400 420 440 460 480 500 520 ISCED 0,1,2,3B,C ISCED 3A, ISCED 4 ISCED 5B ISCED 5A, 6 Maths Ireland Northern Ireland 400 420 440 460 480 500 520 ISCED 0,1,2,3B,C ISCED 3A, ISCED 4 ISCED 5B ISCED 5A, 6 Science Ireland Northern Ireland Education outcomes |37 The PISA study can provide useful insights into specific school experiences that may be linked to subsequent early school leaving. Attitudes to reading were found to be more negative in Northern Ireland, with 43% strongly disagreeing that ‘reading is one of my favourite hobbies’ compared to 29% in Ireland; the figures for not reading for enjoyment were 61% in Northern Ireland and 47% in Ireland. However, truancy levels were somewhat higher in Ireland (30% compared with 25% skipping a whole day in the past two weeks and 28% versus 22% skipping some classes). Other aspects of school engagement were otherwise broadly similar. TABLE 2.11 LOGISTIC REGRESSION MODEL OF EXPECTATION TO GO ON TO DEGREE-LEVEL OR POSTGRADUATE EDUCATION IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND (POOLED DATA) (ODDS RATIOS) Model 1 Model 2 Male 0.438*** 0.485 Parental education: Upper secondary Sub-degree Degree or higher 1.535*** 2.176*** 4.872*** 1.469*** 2.033*** 4.324*** Northern Ireland 0.770*** School type: Non-grammar Voluntary secondary Vocational Community-comprehensive (Ref.: Grammar school) School type*gender: Male*non-grammar Male*secondary Male*vocational Male*comm./comp. 0.396*** 0.838 0.530*** 0.717* 0.625* 0.983 1.015 0.816 Nagelkerke R2 14.8 17.5 Source: PISA, own analyses. Note: *** p<.001, * p<.01. Fifteen-year-old students in Ireland were significantly more likely than those in Northern Ireland to expect to go on to higher education (58% compared with 49%) and to expect to obtain a higher status job, with an average ISEI score of 67 compared with 63.6. A logistic regression model (Table 2.11) allows us to examine the between-jurisdiction differences in educational expectations. Males and those whose parents have lower levels of education are less likely to expect to go on to 38|A North–South comparison of education and training systems higher education. 24 Even controlling for these factors, expectations are significantly lower in Northern Ireland. Model 2 shows the extent to which these patterns vary across different types of school. Controlling for parental education and gender, the highest expectations are found among students attending grammar schools (in Northern Ireland) or voluntary secondary schools (in Ireland). The lowest expectations are found in non-grammar schools in Northern Ireland, with male students in these schools having significantly lower expectations than that of any other group. 25 2.4.4 Skills in adulthood PIAAC 2012 provides insights into the literacy and numeracy skills of the adult population. In both jurisdictions, there are no significant gender differences in average literacy scores but males tend to score significantly higher in the numeracy tests. Figure 2.17 shows patterns by highest level of educational attainment. In both settings, there is a clear gradient, with those with degree-level qualifications having higher literacy and numeracy scores than those with lower levels of education. 26 There is no significant difference in average scores between the two settings, except for higher numeracy scores among the post-secondary/sub-degree group in Northern Ireland compared with Ireland. The relative gap in scores between the highest and lowest educational groups is slightly larger in Northern Ireland than Ireland for both literacy and numeracy. 24 The coefficients are reported as odds ratios. An odds ratio of less than one indicates a reduced chance of expecting to go on to higher education while values of more than one indicate an increased chance. 25 Because it can be difficult to interpret interaction effects in logistic regression models (see Norton et al., 2004), separate models were also run for males and females. These confirmed the finding that the lowest expectations were found among males in non-grammar schools. 26 It should be noted that the educational classification is slightly different to that presented earlier in the chapter in order to have enough cases for analysis. Education outcomes |39 FIGURE 2.17 AVERAGE LITERACY AND NUMERACY SCORES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT IN IRELAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND Source: PIAAC 2012 data, own analyses. 2.5 DIFFERENCES IN RATES OF PAY AND THE RELATIVE RETURNS TO EDUCATION Recent times have seen increased attention paid to the differences in living standards across the two regions. It can be difficult to get reliable measures due to differences in data collection approaches and peculiarities in national accounting frameworks, particularly when relying on per capita income measures. These difficulties in obtaining reliable measures of comparative income are discussed extensively in Bergin and McGuinness (2021), in which the authors conclude that 200 220 240 260 280 300 320 Lower sec. Upper sec. Post-sec./Sub-degree Degree or higher Literacy Ireland Northern Ireland 200 220 240 260 280 300 320 Lower sec. Upper sec. Post-sec./Sub-degree Degree or higher Numeracy Ireland Northern Ireland 40|A North–South comparison of education and training systems purchasing power parity (PPP) adjusted household disposable income is a reliable available metric of relative living standards. Using this metric, Bergin and McGuinness (2021) conclude that income levels are approximately 12% higher in Ireland than in Northern Ireland. However, given the recent debate on this issue, it is useful to explore some additional arguments related to the comparability of earnings or income data across the two jurisdictions. 2.5.1 PIAAC data advantages and caveats The PIAAC data provide us with another very important insight into differences in living standards, as it constitutes a common survey-based measure of hourly earnings that has also been adjusted for differences in prices between Ireland and the UK. It is important to note that while total household income is made up of a number of elements, including labour market earnings, social welfare transfers and income from assets, the measure used here focuses exclusively on income from employment. As such, our measure will more closely reflect differences in productivity levels between both regions. Within the field of labour economics, earnings from employment are considered to be the most crucial aspect in determining an individual’s decision to invest in education. Higher rates of return to education will tend to incentivise greater investments in educational qualifications and differences in wage rates are often an important component in explaining differences in rates of educational attainment across countries or regions. However, this view is contested by sociologists, who maintain that the decision to invest in education is much more nuanced, with a range of factors impacting the choice. The often-cited work of Côté and Levine (1997) attributed the decision to continue with post-secondary education to five key factors: monetary gain and career progression; personal growth; to be in a position where they could help others; expectations from friends and family; and seeing university as better than the alternatives. Other theorists (see, for example, Breen and Goldthorpe, 1997) view educational decision making as reflecting the relative costs and benefits of participation for different social groups, with middle-class young people going on to higher education to avoid social demotion relative to the position of their parents. School factors, in particular the orientation of the school in terms of preparing students for higher education, have also been found to have a significant impact on young people’s post-school pathways (Smyth and Banks, 2012). PPP adjustment does not take explicit account of differences in housing costs. Bergin and McGuinness (2021) report that housing costs account for around 20% of disposable household income in both Northern Ireland and Ireland. However, these figures have attracted some criticism on the grounds that higher proportions of young people in Ireland live in the parental home, suggesting that average costs Education outcomes |41 are lower as they are spread over a greater number of household members. Eurostat data show that in 2018 in Ireland 41% of those aged 25-29 years lived with a parent. However, while the Irish figure has increased in recent years, it is by no means the highest in Europe (the figure is over 60% in Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Italy, Malta, Portugal, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Spain). 27 Furthermore, the 25-29 age group accounts for just 6% of the Irish population, so the fact that around 40% of this group live with their parents (as opposed to 25% based on the UK average) 28 will not have a large impact on overall household composition in Ireland compared to Northern Ireland. This would only be a factor if the pattern persisted into older age groups and raised overall average household size. The fact that average household sizes (2.5 in Northern Ireland and 2.7 in Ireland) 29 , 30 are broadly similar, based on 2016 estimates, suggests that this issue does not have a significant impact and that housing costs in both jurisdictions are similar when expressed as a share of disposable income. Another potential weakness of the data is that the PPP adjustment is carried out for the UK, rather than Northern Ireland specifically. If there are large variations in price levels between regions, this will potentially result in some inaccuracies in the relative wage data. Data on relative regional consumer price levels (RRCPL) produced by ONS in 2016 indicated that average living costs were just 2.3% below the UK average, 31 suggesting that such regional disparities will have minimal distortionary impacts on the PPP adjustments used here. Nevertheless, we have re-adjusted the earnings data from PIAAC with this regional price index and inflated the Northern Ireland wage data by a factor of 2.3% to account for marginally lower prices (and greater purchasing power) in Northern Ireland compared to the UK average. Therefore, our wage estimates will now fully reflect regional differences in prices between Northern Ireland and Ireland. Based on the PIAAC data, this PPP re-adjustment has the impact of increasing average hourly earnings in Northern Ireland from $15.97 to $16.35. It is often claimed that such a PPP adjustment may be flawed as it fails to take account of the fact that house prices in Northern Ireland lie well below the UK average, suggesting that the failure to explicitly account for this within a regionalspecific PPP adjustment could have potential extortionary impacts on the data. However, this is a somewhat misleading argument as only a small proportion of 27 See https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Young_people_- _social_inclusion&oldid=526294. 28 See https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/families/datasets/youngadultsl ivingwiththeirparents. 29 For Northern Ireland figure, see https://www.communities-ni.gov.uk/system/files/publications/communities/nihousing-stats-18-19-tables6.ODS. 30 For Ireland figure, see https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cp4hf/cp4hf/hhlds/. 31 See https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/inflationandpriceindices/articles/relativeregionalconsumerpricelevelsuk/2016. 48|A North–South comparison of education and training systems In spite of marked differences in qualification profiles, broadly similar patterns of skill development are found in the two jurisdictions at primary and secondary levels and among the adult population. Among adults, despite differences in the level of educational attainment between the two settings, there are remarkable similarities in literacy and numeracy skills at a given educational level. An important focus of the current study is on the extent to which educational outcomes are socially differentiated in the two settings. There is a welldocumented body of literature on the relationship between social background and education and other economic outcomes. In both jurisdictions, literacy, numeracy and science test scores are socially differentiated, being higher among those with graduate mothers and those from the highest income quintile families. However, we find using PIAAC data that social background is a much stronger predictor of educational attainment in Northern Ireland than is the case in Ireland. These findings suggest the (negative) impact of academic selection in Northern Ireland and the (positive) impact of the DEIS programme in supporting schools serving socio-economically disadvantaged students in Ireland, issues which will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3. Exam performance in the two jurisdictions is then examined with reference to social background. At both lower and upper secondary levels, students from disadvantaged backgrounds in Northern Ireland and Ireland achieve much lower exam grades than other students. Taking the findings on educational attainment and academic performance in tandem, it is evident that the two systems differ in the way in which inequality is manifest in educational outcomes. Intergenerational educational mobility rates are found to be lower in Northern Ireland than in Ireland, with lower levels of parental education being much more predictive of early school leaving in Northern Ireland. In Ireland, young people from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to stay in school until the end of upper secondary education but social differentiation in the grades received is more evident than in the Northern Irish context. This reflects the fact that in Northern Ireland those who may have achieved poorer grades leave the education system before reaching this level while those who would be higher performers and who are from less disadvantaged backgrounds are likely to stay on. A smaller proportion of 15 year olds in Northern Ireland plan to go on to higher education, a pattern that largely reflects lower expectations among those, especially male, students attending non-grammar schools. Chapter 3 draws on interviews with policy stakeholders in an effort to unpack the factors underlying these patterns. Stakeholder perspectives|49 CHAPTER 3 Stakeholder perspectives 3.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter draws on 31 interviews with 35 stakeholders from government departments, state agencies, school management bodies and teacher unions in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Their accounts are placed in the context of previous research on education in Ireland and Northern Ireland, in an attempt to unpack the findings presented in Chapter 2. In the context of a lack of comparative research on Ireland and Northern Ireland, these interviews provide rich insights into the commonalities across and differences between the two jurisdictions. Not surprisingly, stakeholder perspectives can differ depending on their position (for example, an education union versus a government department) but the focus here is on identifying the key themes emerging from their accounts, highlighting perceptions of current policies as well as likely directions for the future. Section 3.2 outlines perceptions of primary and secondary education while further and higher education are explored in Sections 3.3 and 3.4 respectively. Section 3.5 examines existing patterns of North–South co-operation and stakeholder perceptions of the potential for further engagement in the future. 3.2 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION 3.2.1 Primary education system Discussions of the primary system in Ireland have centred on two main issues: curriculum reform and the governance of primary schools. The primary school curriculum has been in place since 1999, covering six broad subject areas and emphasising the child as an active agent in their own learning. Research has shown less emphasis on play-based learning in the early years than originally envisaged, as well as challenges around class size and classroom layout in facilitating the kind of group-work and interactive activities that children find engaging (Darmody et al., 2010; McCoy et al., 2012; Smyth, 2018). The curriculum has since been reviewed by the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA), leading to changes being made in the languages and maths curricula. Consultations are currently underway on a revised curriculum framework to respond to new insights on children’s development and learning, and the need to emphasise student wellbeing and develop new skills (such as coding) (NCCA, 2020). Another area for policy debate in Ireland has centred on the governance of schools. The vast majority (89%) of primary schools are under Catholic patronage, though in recent years there has been a growth in the number of multidenominational 50|A North–South comparison of education and training systems Educate Together and Community National Schools. Research has pointed to the mismatch between the profile of schools and the religious profile of the population and the challenges for children from minority belief groups in attending Catholic schools (Darmody et al., 2016; Faas et al., 2016). The primary curriculum in Northern Ireland, which was revised in 2007, places an emphasis on providing a broad and balanced curriculum, covering six areas of learning (CCEA, 2007). The curriculum aims to foster cross-curricular skills (such as communication) and thinking skills (such as problem-solving), and is divided into three stages at primary level. One small-scale study (Greenwood, 2013) indicated that teachers were broadly positive about the use of these new cross-curricular approaches. Shewbridge et al. (2014), in a review for the OECD, also noted positive feedback from stakeholders on the revised curriculum. However, commentators (see, for example, Henderson et al., 2020) have noted the absence of systematic evaluation of primary curricular reform. Primary school governance in Northern Ireland is largely divided on a religious basis, with a small group of integrated schools. Research has focused on the implications of this model at both primary and secondary levels for student outcomes and broader community cohesion (Borooah and Knox, 2015; Duffy and Gallagher, 2017; Milliken et al., 2020). 3.2.2 Secondary education system Curriculum reform is also a dominant theme in Irish secondary education, with the recent reform of the junior cycle (lower secondary) and a review currently underway of senior cycle (upper secondary). Research has pointed to the backwash effect of the high-stakes Leaving Certificate exam, leading to a narrower experience of teaching and learning and the neglect of higher-order thinking and broader life skills (Smyth et al., 2011; Smyth et al., 2019). Preparation for the exams is found to impact on student wellbeing, with high levels of stress, especially among females (Banks and Smyth, 2015). Young people report a mismatch between their school-based learning and the independent learning expected of them in further and higher education, contributing to transition difficulties (McCoy et al., 2014a). While there is ongoing debate about the potential role of any school-based assessment at senior cycle, there appears to be a consensus among students, parents and teachers around the need to use a broader range of assessment methods and to move away from a focus on a single period of assessment at the end of upper secondary education (Smyth et al., 2019). The different secondary school sectors (voluntary secondary, Education and Training Boards (ETBs), community and comprehensive) differ in their funding and governance structures but operate within a common curriculum and assessment system. School choice is very active in Ireland, with around half of the cohort not attending their nearest (or most accessible) secondary school, resulting in significant differences in the social background and prior achievement of their Stakeholder perspectives|51 student population (Hannan et al., 1996; Smyth et al., 2004; Williams et al., 2018). The concentration of disadvantage in certain schools has been found to negatively impact the academic performance and broader socioemotional wellbeing of young people (McCoy et al., 2014b; Smyth, 2019; Smyth, 2020), with a policy response to target resources and supports towards these schools (see below). In Northern Ireland, a dominant theme in policy discourse and research has centred on the impact of academic selection on student experiences and outcomes. A largescale multi-strand study (Gallagher and Smith, 2000) indicated a large ‘grammar school effect’, whereby achievement levels were heavily influenced by being selected into the grammar school sector, with clear consequences for young people’s post-16 pathways (see also Borooah and Knox, 2015; McMurray, 2020). The study also revealed a backwash effect on primary schools, with teachers in the final year of primary education focusing on preparation for the transfer test and narrowing the curriculum coverage in response. Furthermore, students reported feelings of fear and anxiety around taking the test (Leonard and Davey, 2001; NICCY, 2010). Test preparation often involves private tuition outside school, with take-up rates higher among higher income groups and such tuition conferring an advantage in grammar school access (Jerrim and Sim, 2019). At the school level, the consequence of academic selection has been a longer tail of lower-achieving schools than is the case in England, Wales or Scotland (Gallagher and Smith, 2000). Selection by standardised test scores results not only in a difference by prior achievement but a concentration of disadvantage in secondary (non-grammar) schools (Jerrim and Sim, 2019; McMurray, 2020; Brown et al., 2021). Policy discussions around the removal of selection in the early 2000s reached a political impasse, with a resulting system of two unregulated parallel sets of tests used to determine grammar school entry (Gallagher, 2021; McMurray, 2020). Like Ireland, the presence of high-stakes exams at GCSE and A levels is found to have a backwash effect on student educational experiences, with young people reporting feelings of pressure and stress in the run-up to the exam (Canavan, 2021). Shewbridge et al. (2014) point to a mismatch between the skills-based curriculum previously studied by young people and the focus on preparing for GCSE exams, with OECD (2020) recommending a move towards a range of diverse assessments. At the time of writing, Northern Ireland is entering into an independent review of the whole educational system. 3.2.3 Perceptions of the educational systems as a whole In the qualitative interviews, there were numerous differences highlighted between the education systems, as well as numerous commonalities between the two, with one stakeholder suggesting: 52|A North–South comparison of education and training systems There certainly are significant differences, but at the end of the day the teacher standing in front of the kids is teaching largely in a similar manner, addressing largely similar needs using largely similar methods to their colleagues in the South. (Stakeholder, NI) There was an emerging theme whereby stakeholders often felt that the purpose of the education system was not always clearly articulated, meaning that teachers were often called upon to deal with a broad range of needs, an issue that has been documented in other contexts (Ball, 2021; Sewell and Newman, 2014; Brighouse, 2006). A stakeholder in Northern Ireland said: Society needs to come to a consensus about [what] it wants – either that’s ten GCSEs and people going on to uni or well-rounded and developed young people who contribute to society. (Stakeholder, NI) In Ireland, the same idea was articulated by another stakeholder who suggested: We’re doing a really good job preparing people for a whole range of things. Part of the difficulty is I’m not sure whether society really knows what it wants from the education system, and I think to some extent we do need a national discussion about this … Schools become responsible for teaching about water safety, schools become responsible for teaching about sexuality education … They are responsible for everything. The problem is schools are not resourced and, in many cases, teachers are not trained to provide education for absolutely everything. (Stakeholder, IE) The tension between the system’s role in fostering holistic development and the exam-focused nature of assessment was felt most acutely in the secondary sector, an issue which is discussed in greater detail below. Perhaps not surprisingly, it was felt very strongly by several stakeholders in both jurisdictions that education needs more funding. In Northern Ireland, several commentators described a relative decline in funding in recent years. Every school of every school type in Northern Ireland is struggling financially. … You know those schools who were doing well and actually balancing their budget two or three years ago are now no longer doing that. So issue number one is finance and actually outside all of the other issues flow from that. So you’ve got resource issues. You've got support issues. (Stakeholder, NI) We have lower levels of funding per pupil compared to other parts of the UK … so real pressure on budgets and relative underfunding. …. I Stakeholder perspectives|53 think the impact has been evident in schools and we have had principals talking about the pressures that they have in terms of maintaining their staffing and maintaining materials and so forth in schools. (Stakeholder, NI) Data on school spending per student indicate that the levels in Northern Ireland have fallen significantly behind those in England and Wales since 2015, with levels in Scotland increasing relative to the other jurisdictions (Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2020). In Ireland, many of the stakeholders quoted the OECD data (2021) on education funding, which finds that Ireland spends less per capita on education than the OECD or EU averages: If we want to get to OECD averages the Irish education budget is down just over €3 billion every year. If you want to look at EU averages, you're talking nearer four and a half billion every year. (Stakeholder, IE) Many also pointed out that the Irish education system performs very well, producing good outcomes despite being underfunded: If you look at the OECD figures for spending on education, we are way down at the bottom. I think we may be bottom at the moment among all the OECD countries for spending on education as a proportion of our GDP, or as a proportion of total government spending. I think things like the quality of teachers and the quality of teaching makes up for a lot of resource shortages and financial shortages. You know the class sizes being too big. I think there's still a lot of barriers to overcome in Southern education. (Stakeholder, IE) Commentators pointed to the strong performance of both Ireland and Northern Ireland in international assessment studies. The comparisons that we have on the international level, whether it’s through the TIMMS [Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study] and PIRLS [Progress in International Reading Literacy Study] results at primary school or PISA at post primary. There is evidence that we perform at a high level but actually particularly in reading, but also in maths and science. So we think we can look and say in international comparison, the system is performing well. (Stakeholder, NI) 54|A North–South comparison of education and training systems The Northern Ireland system by any measure that’s out there does very well in literacy, does very well in reading skills and does very well in the value that society places on education. And these are things that are sought after in other countries so we can’t lose that. It does reasonably well in mathematical skills, not as well as it’s doing in the literacy and the reading. (Stakeholder, NI) Another commonality between the two jurisdictions is the gender balance of teachers and particularly the gender balance in positions of leadership within schools: The gender stuff manifests itself in some strange ways. It doesn’t appear to be an issue in terms of examination outcomes and if there was a gender inequality there it’s boys who are suffering. But in teaching 60% are female but if you look at the number of principals and senior teachers across the system then there’s a disproportionate number of males in positions of leadership. (Stakeholder, NI) It was also felt by some stakeholders that a more diverse range of teachers not just in terms of gender but also in terms of social background would be beneficial for students. For example, one stakeholder in Northern Ireland suggested that teaching needs to be seen as a career option for those from disadvantaged backgrounds: [T]rying to get young people into education, into actually teaching, who have experience of life that is different and therefore can empathise with the children. (Stakeholder, NI) 3.2.4 Primary education Stakeholders in both jurisdictions were broadly positive about the primary curriculum, contrasting it positively with that at secondary level (see below). It’s how to use those skills in higher-order thinking, critical problem solving, collaborative exercise, that seems to be developing well in primary but not developing as well in the post primary. (Stakeholder, NI) We have a very … strong skills-based, skills and knowledge mixturebased curriculum, very forward thinking and all of that right through primary school Key Stage 3. But a bit of a disconnect then with the GCSE, which is very knowledge based. Key Stage 4 assessment doesn’t sit comfortably with our curriculum that came before. (Stakeholder, NI) Stakeholder perspectives|55 At the time of writing, work was ongoing on reviewing the primary curriculum in Ireland to focus more on a framework approach: The primary curriculum will be a framework [and] … outline like the key objectives, what’s the philosophy of primary education here? What do we want for our children? And then there’ll be curricular areas and it will be a learning outcomes approach. And that is a new trend also in education and it’s global … to frame a curriculum in terms of learning outcomes rather than content to be taught. (Stakeholder, IE) This commentator highlighted the importance in implementing the new curriculum of ‘giving teachers the time and space to work with the learning outcomes’. Another emerging theme, which was expressed in both jurisdictions, relates to the consequences of school size and class sizes. In some cases, there are very large class sizes, with Ireland having the ‘largest class sizes in the Eurozone’ (Stakeholder, IE). 38 Both jurisdictions have some very small schools and in Northern Ireland the policy appears to be to reduce the number of small schools, which was seen as having led to increasing class sizes in the remaining schools. The concern raised among stakeholders in Ireland is that decisions appear to be made based on cost rather than on what is deemed most appropriate for students. Looking at small schools that are unsustainable in terms of the six areas – financial, leadership, numbers, enrolment and so on and also composite classes. The idea that two or three year groups in one class is maybe less quality for the children that experience that than if they move through the years in different classes with different teachers. (Stakeholder, NI) Two-thirds of primary schools have six teachers or less, which again doesn’t augur well for sharing collaborative practice, developing expertise, etc., because each school is trying to teach the full curriculum to the full breadth of ages, from infants to sixth, and so on. So that doesn't make the job easy for teachers, and particularly the increasing expectations that parents in society have of schools and teachers. (Stakeholder, IE) In the consultation process with stakeholders, several issues were raised in relation to the primary sector, some of which were raised in key informant interviews and others which had not been raised previously. A principal area of policy concern was 38 OECD (2021) indicate that Ireland has the largest class sizes at primary level among all European countries except the UK. Figures are provided for the UK as a whole rather than for the four jurisdictions separately. 56|A North–South comparison of education and training systems that of special education, with discussants perceiving that provision was more challenging in Northern Ireland than in Ireland. Another issue raised is the lack of qualified substitute teachers, which was seen as a real problem in Ireland, while in Northern Ireland the perception was that there is an over-supply of teachers. 39 Discussants indicated that there were ‘capacity talks’ underway to resolve issues around substitute teaching and that there has been some North–South ministerial interaction on the matter. However, as indicated during our key informant interviews, bureaucratic differences relating to the registration of teachers in both jurisdictions are seen to impede cross-border flows. It was also felt that there might not be an appetite for reform of the substitute teaching system. In the context of the pandemic, a main priority for schools, in both jurisdictions, has been to keep both the children and staff safe and ‘ticking over’. A further issue raised was that teachers in Northern Ireland are not getting enough support for refugee children and/or those children for whom English is an additional language. Related to this, there was a perception among stakeholders that in Northern Ireland Catholic schools are taking in more refugee children than schools in the controlled (largely Protestant) sector. 40 Analyses of published Department of Education data (for 2019/2020) conducted for this report indicate that the proportion of ‘newcomers’ (students with English as an additional language) is much higher in the non-grammar sector (with newcomers making up an average of 4.6% of students in secondary schools and 0.7% of those in grammar schools). Among secondary schools, newcomer representation is higher in Catholic Maintained and Controlled Integrated schools than in other school types. With respect to commonalities, it was felt that achievement rates across the two jurisdictions are very good in reading, maths and science and that both primary sectors perform very well at an international level. Stakeholders highlighted a number of challenges. In Ireland, curriculum reform has been very slow; specifically, the NCCA has been undertaking a curriculum review that has been ongoing for a number of years. Other challenges relate to the level of increased diversity in schools, wellbeing following COVID-19 and new issues around gender 39 However, views on this differed in Northern Ireland, with one stakeholder arguing that while there were more graduates than full-time teaching positions each year these people were not unemployed; there is a high demand for teachers from Northern Ireland overseas, particularly in the Middle East, and many have job offers before completion of their studies. Substitute teachers are also a necessary part of the system; if every graduate got a fulltime position upon graduating there would be no substitutes to cover sick leave, maternity leave etc., which would cause significant staffing problems for schools. This stakeholder also argued that issues around school budgets meant principals were cautious in hiring new permanent staff. 40 This is possibly due to refugees being more likely to settle in Catholic communities in Northern Ireland. Research which looked at the integration of Syrian refugees there found those who identified as Protestant, Unionist or British were more likely to hold negative attitudes towards Muslims (Lippard and McNamee, 2021; this has also been found for immigrants of other nationalities; see Michael and Devine, 2018). Stakeholder perspectives|57 fluidity arising for schools. These issues also raise challenges for teacher education, which must be responsive to the changing needs and profiles of the student body. General levels of social inequality are evident in both systems and are reflected in how long pupils remain engaged within the educational system and in patterns of progression to higher level study. Related to this, the Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) model was much admired by participating primary specialists from Northern Ireland and it was acknowledged that equivalent levels of support were lacking there. An example was given of an inspector visiting a school in Northern Ireland where there was one additional support person for 300 pupils; it was felt that additional supports tended to be considerably higher, on average, in Ireland. However, participants in Ireland also felt that there were important lessons to be learned from the primary system in Northern Ireland, particularly from its focus on science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) and robotics. In terms of North–South collaboration, some examples of a number of existing collaborative projects were outlined. However, it was felt that the level of collaboration could be increased and that there was a need to examine models of existing best practice of North–South educational co-operation. The primary curriculum in the South is 20 years old and Ireland is a very different country from where we were 20 years ago, we are more diverse. (Stakeholder, consultation event) In the South, there’s a perception that there is an appropriate level of teachers and additional support for DEIS schools and that this is not matched in the North. (Stakeholder, consultation event) 3.2.5 Secondary education Stakeholders across both settings were mostly critical of the exam-focused nature of secondary education, criticising the way in which exam preparation reduces the opportunity to develop a broader set of skills. In both jurisdictions, it was felt by stakeholders that the education system had become a place solely aimed at getting people to university, increasingly so as individuals moved through the school system. Commentators often contrasted the nature of primary and secondary education. One stakeholder in Northern Ireland felt that primary education was very strong and was based on skills and knowledge but as a student progressed there was a move to a solely knowledge-based curriculum and that assessment did not align with the curriculum. Thus, they felt ‘Key Stage 4’ assessment did not ‘really assess the skills needed for the 21st century’. They went on to say: 64|A North–South comparison of education and training systems 3.2.6 Inclusion Stakeholders were asked about two forms of inclusion – the extent to which there are unequal educational outcomes based on socio-economic disadvantage and the nature of provision for children and young people with special educational needs/disabilities. 3.2.6.1 Educational inequality In both jurisdictions, stakeholders commented on the existence of educational inequality, the challenges for schools serving these communities and the longerterm consequences of failing to tackle these inequalities. We do have issues where we have a significant number of young people who are not achieving, who are disengaged from the system. (Stakeholder, NI) In some areas … there is extreme disadvantage, talking about lots of poverty but also crime, drugs, just a lot of social issues. (Stakeholder, IE) Fractures become chasms become crevasses over time so fix the fractures. (Stakeholder, NI) The two systems were, however, quite different in the focus and nature of the policy response. In Ireland, the policy focus and evaluation measures have been on the gap in attainment between schools with and without a concentration of social disadvantage. In Northern Ireland, routinely-reported statistics relate to the achievement gap between socially disadvantaged individual students and others. There, school funding has a ‘Targeting Social Need’ component giving additional resources to schools divided into three bands on the basis of the proportion of students from socially disadvantaged backgrounds, assessed as being in receipt of free school meals (Department of Education, 2019). 43 Additional funding is also given to schools in respect of Traveller, migrant and looked-after (in care) children. Recently, the report of the Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement in Northern Ireland (2021) made recommendations suggesting an increased focus on early years education, an emphasis on socioemotional wellbeing, improved curriculum relevance, a focus on boys’ underachievement and continuous professional development for teachers and school leaders. In Ireland, the DEIS programme involves not only additional resources but also supports around literacy and numeracy, as well as school planning (Smyth et al., 2015). In addition, 43 At secondary level, attainment at Key Stages 2 or 3 is also taken into account in the funding formula. Stakeholder perspectives|65 DEIS schools are allocated home–school–community liaison coordinators who work with parents and students to enhance school engagement: We also have the home, school and community liaison teachers in the disadvantaged schools, and their purpose is to work with the families of the children so as that liaison between the school and the family and families do appreciate that contact from the school because it’s not the same as contact from the welfare services or other state services that they might have a more negative relationship with. They have a positive relationship with the school and that can help again to develop the culture in the family of coming to school of learning and its increasing expectations of what’s possible for the child after school. (Stakeholder, IE) Stakeholders in Northern Ireland were often critical of the existing nature of supports in their jurisdiction, with one commentator stating that educational disadvantage receives ‘quite a lot of attention but that doesn’t translate into action’. While recognising the spotlight the report by the Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement placed on disadvantage, a few commentators were critical, feeling it is ‘managing to avoid mentioning social class’ (Stakeholder, NI) and that it ‘fudge[s] the big stuff like academic selection’ (Stakeholder, NI). A key criticism of existing provision centred on the fact that additional funding is not necessarily directed towards specific supports or interventions (see also NICCY, 2017). One stakeholder felt that the key issue is: where money is put into school for educational disadvantage that has to be reported on educational disadvantage. Buying a mini-bus for all the children is great but that actually doesn’t help bridge the gap between the haves and the have nots. (Stakeholder, NI) Another noted: They are a blunt tool to solve, you know, to try to solve a problem that is not blunt and needs far more detailed solutions. … I think what we think is by throwing money at something through a formula. … When you don’t track what the money actually is used for, there’s no real assessment evaluation. … [I]n many schools it just goes to balance the books. In many other schools it is used to target, you know, the kids who actually need it. I don’t think we’re being very successful at all. (Stakeholder, NI) In fact, a number of those interviewed from Northern Ireland commented favourably on the DEIS programme in Ireland: 66|A North–South comparison of education and training systems One of the programmes I think that we are probably interested in is the DEIS programme, you know, in terms of tackling DEIS, in terms of tackling disadvantages … because it’s been such a long-term and sustained intervention and you know a little bit different than the approach that we have taken. (Stakeholder, NI) Stakeholders in Ireland were broadly positive about the programme, though some did point to the need for more funding. It also was good that we didn’t address the question [disadvantage] by simply throwing money at the problem, but that you need a whole basket of complementary measures, so you have to tackle teacher education, you have to tackle teacher CPD [continuous professional development], you have to put programmes like reading recovery or that in place as well. And you also allowed a certain flexibility for schools to determine what was needed in their own individual circumstances. (Stakeholder, IE) We would have a concern about the level of funding. We have a concern about the fact that no new schools can join the programme. (Stakeholder, IE) 44 However, it is worth noting that certain issues were not raised by stakeholders in Ireland. The lack of routinely-published information on exam performance by social background in Ireland (as is done in Northern Ireland) means that there is no method of monitoring potential changes in inequality over time. Furthermore, the focus of provision has been on the concentration of disadvantage at school level. Research indicates that over half of those from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds attend non-DEIS schools (Smyth et al., 2015) but receive no supports by virtue of their disadvantage. A key difference between the two jurisdictions identified in interviews relates to the way in which religion/community intersect with social background in shaping inequalities. When religion in Ireland was commented on, discussion largely focused on the perceived mismatch between the profile of the population and the denominational profile of schools, particularly at primary level. A recurring theme among stakeholders in Northern Ireland centred on perceived differences between working-class Protestant and Catholic areas in educational expectations for young people. 44 The DEIS programme was temporarily closed to new schools but an announcement was made in March 2022 by the Department for Education that the programme was being extended to include new schools. Stakeholder perspectives|67 A lot of work has been done particularly in the North here around continuing failure on the part of Protestant boys even those who are coming from very poor economic circumstances, like Catholic boys in the same situation are still outperforming them significantly … pointing to the lack of role models and expectation. (Stakeholder, NI) They [Catholics] tend to stay within their own communities so the Protestants … see education as a route out of the working-class environment, whereas and I know it’s a wide statement, but for some Catholics they see it as a way to come back in and serve their own community and therefore they built up their schools and the standard of education, of academic education, in Catholic schools was higher. (Stakeholder, NI) There’s an element in Protestant culture in Northern Ireland of well, we have a family where we work on the shipyard or we’re at this level and, you know, we don’t do the transfer test. We don’t go to grammar schools now. (Stakeholder, NI) In both settings, stakeholders felt that the COVID-19 pandemic and related school closures had contributed to a worsening of inequality in learning outcomes, as well as reduced access to broader supports. DEIS is premised on concentrated disadvantage in the classroom, and … there wasn’t a means of supporting that in the home environment. So those children, who would … generally be surrounded by peers who were from more affluent backgrounds within their school, maybe somewhat benefiting from that, whereas that’s not the case during the pandemic. So that, I suppose, that was the one piece of inequality that that came through. (Stakeholder, IE) Missing out on school meant they missed out on so many other things that keep them going and what has become apparent during this pandemic is schools are so much more than places of education, places of learning, that place the children are cared for, where they’re fed, where children make their friends, … they’re just so important to children’s lives. (Stakeholder, NI) An analysis of provision for students from a migrant background and/or those for whom English is a second language is beyond the scope of the current study. It is worth noting that the student population is more diverse in Ireland than in Northern Ireland. Since 2012/2013, the allocation of teachers for special needs education and language support has been combined, though schools with a high proportion of students requiring language support do receive additional resources (McGinnity et al., 2018). Migrant students are more likely than other students to 68|A North–South comparison of education and training systems attend DEIS schools (Darmody et al., 2022). In Northern Ireland, schools are paid a Newcomer Pupil Premium to cater for language support needs. Migrant students are underrepresented in grammar compared with secondary schools (ETI, 2020). 3.2.6.2 Special educational needs Provision for children and young people with special educational needs (SEN) was not a central focus of the study. Nonetheless, interesting insights emerged from the stakeholder interviews. Both systems have experienced two sets of challenges: a growth in the number of students with SEN and the consequences for mainstream schools of a shift towards inclusion. In Northern Ireland, it is estimated that 22% of the school population have some form of SEN but a smaller number, 5%, have a statement of SEN (a document outlining needs and supports on the basis of a statutory assessment) (NICCY, 2017). In Ireland, it is estimated that around 25% of 9 year olds have SEN (Banks and McCoy, 2011). The level of need, combined with a shift away from the special school model, was seen as leading to challenges in both systems. The policy agenda, I think both North and South, is towards inclusion that all children should as far as possible go to their local school … But then that creates the challenge. Well, how do you support the school to accommodate that wide range of diversity, abilities, needs in the system? (Stakeholder, IE) Our numbers have been increasing steadily and markedly over the last number of years, and the increase was something like 45% in the last five or six years or something like that, but it’s a very, very significant increase and we’re seeing children with more and more complex needs, and a demand that those needs are met. (Stakeholder, NI) In both settings too, the emphasis on high-stakes examinations was viewed as having a negative impact on the inclusion of students with SEN: They [students with SEN] have their own insight, their own wisdom and it’s important that they feel, that they and their parents feel, included rather than passed over by a system that’s only focusing on grades. (Stakeholder, NI) Both systems have seen significant increases in investment in SEN provision but challenges were seen to remain around accessing schools in Ireland and the waiting times for assessment for statementing in Northern Ireland. Something is not adding up in the translation and implementation of policy at the local level … So I think the whole piece around really unlocking the local dynamics and understandings around the role of Stakeholder perspectives|69 special schools, the role of mainstream schooling. It is about inclusion. What does that mean in reality? And so on. All the policy principles would, I think, reflect the best research out there. And yet you have parents who are tearing their hair out literally saying I can’t get a place for my child in certain areas. (Stakeholder, IE) This is all managed in our system through statutory requirements, through the statement, with the result that when parents know that they need to get a statement or feel that they need to get a statement or to get the support that they need, so it’s become a very rigid type system and a legalistic type system and parents are pushing hard to get children a statement. (Stakeholder, NI) This is in contrast to the system in Ireland whereby diagnosis of a particular disability is no longer needed for additional supports to be put in place (Department of Education and Skills, 2017). This change was made in response to advice from the National Council for Special Education in 2013, which found that having to wait for an assessment and formal diagnosis led to inequity in the system (NCSE, 2013). In Northern Ireland, while some additional help can be provided within a mainstream setting, this is done on the basis that all children are different and may require different resources, such as specific books, or information being taught somewhat differently than it is to their peers. For any more complex help, a statement of special education needs from the Education Authority is needed before the school can make any special education provision (Education Authority, 2021). Statements are supposed to be completed within 26 weeks but in 2019/2020, 85% were late and the average time taken was 45 weeks (NIAO, 2020), an issue that has been flagged as of concern by NICCY (2020). One stakeholder in Northern Ireland felt that the system was ‘weighed down by all these requests and assessments’, which resulted in people not following through; ‘it weeds people out’. The stakeholder pointed out there were very high levels of SEN in Northern Ireland and one potential cause may be that intervention was not early enough. However, in September 2021, the Minister for Education in Northern Ireland, answering a question in the Northern Ireland Assembly on the delays faced by children in receiving their statement of special education needs, stated: The Education Authority (EA) has taken forward a significant programme of work to reduce waiting times for the completion of statutory assessments. The EA is currently conducting 2,160 statutory assessments for a statement of special educational needs. Ninetyeight per cent of cases (2,117) are currently being processed within the 26-week statutory timeframe. Only 2% (43) have surpassed the statutory timeframe, with the longest ‘open case’ to date being 35 weeks. (Northern Ireland Assembly, 2021) 70|A North–South comparison of education and training systems A review by NIAO (2020) has pointed to the lack of systematic evidence on the effectiveness of supports for students with SEN in Northern Ireland. 3.3 FURTHER EDUCATION 3.3.1 Further education systems The further education and training (FET) sectors in both Northern Ireland and Ireland have seen an increase in focus on policies aimed at enhancing skills development. In Ireland, the country’s national training authority, SOLAS, has overall responsibility for FET. Total annual spending by SOLAS on FET provision is approximately €800 million, with much of this funding channelled through Education and Training Boards (ETBs), who have the responsibility of delivering FET. 45 In terms of scale, approximately 200,000 unique learners engage with FET programmes annually. In 2020, SOLAS published The National Further Education and Training Strategy for the period 2020–2024. Key objectives of the strategy are to put FET at the core of economic development and clarify pathways between FET and both schools and the higher education sector, so as to facilitate more effective lifelong skills development. The strategy aims to expand FET provision through greater participation, particularly among school leavers. At the other end of the spectrum, the strategy also aims to move more closely towards an integrated tertiary education system that combines both FET and higher education provision. The creation of the new Department for Further and Higher Education is seen as a clear step towards achieving a more integrated tertiary system. The Irish FET system has traditionally been centred around three pillars of skill accumulation, providing pathways to further study and enhancing social inclusion; these pillars were reaffirmed in the SOLAS strategy document. A number of studies have examined FET provision. McIver Consulting (2003) made a range of recommendations for improving FET provision across a range of areas, including recognition of the sector, increased flexibility in course provision, teacher qualifications and course duration. It is not clear that many of the McIver recommendations had been seriously implemented before the publication of a further FET review by the ESRI in 2014. The ESRI report (McGuiness et al, 2014) emphasised the need for improved governance structures that would deliver improved strategic direction at a national level and sufficient flexibility to meet local needs. The ESRI study (2014) also reiterated concerns raised by McIver (2003) around the need for year-round FET provision and the need for improved recognition of the sector. 45 FET delivery can take place directly by ETBs or by contracting out to other training and education providers. Stakeholder perspectives|71 According to the same 2014 ESRI report, the Post Leaving Certificate programme (PLC) accounts for the majority of full-time FET provision in Ireland and 56% of total FET provision when measured on a full-time equivalent basis. 46 An evaluation of the PLC programme by McGuinness et al. (2019) found strong counterfactual impacts on both the probability of subsequent employment and transitions to higher education. Compared to a control group of similarly qualified individuals who entered the labour market on completion of secondary qualifications, PLC qualifiers were 16% more likely to be in employment at a later point in time and 27% more likely to subsequently transition to higher education. However, despite these positive impacts, McGuinness et al. (2019) found that courses were poorly connected to labour market needs and often seen as a second-best option in the eyes of both school leavers and parents compared to higher education entry. Recent developments have seen the establishment of the National Skills Council and Regional Skills, which are viewed as structures that will help ensure an increased match between further education provision with labour market needs. The poor image problem of FET provision, compared to higher education, was a common theme of all three studies (McIver Consulting, 2003; ESRI, 2014; McGuinness et al., 2019). In order to address these issues, agreement has been reached on integrating more aspects of FET course provision into the Central Applications Office (CAO) application process for access to further/higher study. With respect to further education in Northern Ireland, there is relatively little academic work published on the issue; however, a number of strategy and policy reports do provide some important insights. In 2016, the Department for the Economy published an econometric analysis of further education data focusing on student retention and course completion. This report found that the probability of student success varied with college and course type; success rates were also higher if students studied full time and came from areas that were rural or less deprived. A study by McIntosh and Morris (2016), examining the returns to vocational qualifications within a UK framework, found significant returns to vocational qualifications, which tended to be higher in Northern Ireland when compared to Scotland and Wales, but lower than in England. McIntosh and Morris (2016) report that, compared to a no qualifications reference category, individuals in Northern Ireland with a Business and Technology Training Council (BTEC) Higher National Diploma/Certificate enjoy a 55% wage premium, which compares to 58% in Wales and 49% in Scotland. A BTEC national qualification in Northern Ireland was found to earn a wage premium of 41%, compared to premiums of 34% in Scotland and Wales. Consistent with the evidence for Ireland, a review of education for 14-19 year olds in Northern Ireland by Pivotal (2021) reported that further education was perceived as a ‘second-class option’ by both parents and school leavers. Pivotal (2021) reported that a potential driver of the perceived lower status of further education was a preoccupation among parents with the A-level awards system and 46 Based on 2011 data published in ESRI (2014). 72|A North–South comparison of education and training systems a belief that any alternative pathway to A-levels was necessarily inferior. The research reported a need for greater outcome data for apprenticeship training and greater links between further and higher education. An OECD report on skill development in Northern Ireland (2019) noted that the skills landscape has been changing substantially over recent years, with the merging of local colleges and greater levels of employer involvement through initiatives such as the Strategic Advisory Forum. 47 The OECD (2020b) argues that improvements in employer engagement have helped contribute to significant increases in apprenticeship and traineeship participation levels in Northern Ireland, which have increased by 25% between 2014 and 2019. The OECD (2020b) report also indicated that some local further education colleges have developed strategies to achieve a closer alignment between their provision and employer demand. 48 In 2020, the OECD published a skills strategy for Northern Ireland and made a number of recommendations across a range of policy areas, including reducing skill imbalances, creating a culture of lifelong learning and transforming workplaces to make better use of skills. The OECD (2020b) report also made some specific recommendations on strengthening skills governance systems, including: (i) binding commitments to a crossdepartmental skills strategy for Northern Ireland; (ii) increased co-ordination of skills policy through the establishment of a centralised oversight body populated by representatives of all relevant departments and agencies; and (iii) the establishment of a central skill needs advisory body, made up from representatives from employer bodies, to advise government on skills policy. A number of key recent policy documents have been published by the Department for the Economy that have implications for further education delivery in the region. In 2021, the Department for the Economy published A 10x Economy, which was described as an economic vision for a decade of innovation. While the report identifies skills as having a central role in the strategic vision and reiterates many of the recommendations made in the OECD (2020b) report, there were no specific spending plans outlined. The document commits to a renewed focus on investing in skills. Subsequent to this report, the Department for the Economy in Northern Ireland published a skills strategy for Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Skills Strategy (2021) again reflects many of the themes raised within the OECD (2020b) study but, as was the case with the economic strategy, the document outlines areas where change is required while in the main failing to specify policy reforms, spending commitments or targets. The skills strategy document discusses the role of skills across various aspects of economy and society, including addressing skill imbalances, lifelong learning, digital skills and policy cohesion. Thirty-four 47 This body was established in 2014 to advise Government on all forms of youth training and apprenticeship. The forum consists of representatives of employers, trade unions, government, colleges and universities. 48 The OECD report cites Belfast Metropolitan College’s employer outreach initiative as an example of this. Stakeholder perspectives|73 commitments are specified in Annex A of the skills strategy, the most relevant of these in terms of further education provision are as follows. • The Department for the Economy will review how it collects data on further education leavers in order to improve the evidence base around the outcomes of further education qualifiers. • The FET sector will be sufficiently resourced so that it can effectively meet the dual commitments of providing entry level pathways to education and delivering the technical/professional skills necessary to support economic/societal prosperity. • A review of level 4 and level 5 further education and higher education will be carried out. • A new lifelong learning project and action plan will be developed. • Work will be conducted with the FET sector to develop remote/blended/modular approaches to learning. • The Northern Ireland Skills Council (NSC) will be established. • Under the auspices of the NSC, there will be a review and rationalisation of the existing skills governance infrastructure. • A new ringfenced fund will be established to support the skills development of the working-aged population. 3.3.2 Main changes in policy and ongoing challenges There was a clear sense from the stakeholder interviews that further education provision in Ireland is seen as being further advanced, in terms of how its role is established within the overall policy framework, than is currently the case for Northern Ireland. Our desk-based research has indicated that further education provision in Ireland has already been subjected to a series of strategic reviews; however, in Northern Ireland it appears that this process is at a more developmental stage. While it is perceived that there has been good progress in clarifying pathways between further education and higher education in Ireland, there are still a lot of outstanding issues: There have been many changes within the FET sector over many years and there have been a lot of improvements in terms of streamlining provision within the system and providing more clear-cut pathways to HE. (Stakeholder, IE) There was much less evidence of recent policy changes in Northern Ireland fundamentally altering the nature of provision. There, policy formulation appears to be more focused on clarifying the role of further education within the region’s overall strategic mission. However, it was also expressed that the absence remains of a stand-alone strategy or policy approach to further education provision in Northern Ireland: 80|A North–South comparison of education and training systems landscape of higher education provision. It was felt that these new institutions will deepen capacity at a regional level and create international linkages within the regions in areas of technological innovation. There is also an inclusion agenda that the technological universities will help deliver in terms of widening access geographically and providing more educational options and pathways for students at a local level: An objective of the technological universities is to deepen capacity at a regional level and to also have an international reach, from a regional perspective, out into the innovative technological research space. (Stakeholder, IE) In both Northern Ireland and Ireland, an important and ongoing issue is the development of clear educational pathways both into and through higher education, so that students can clearly map progression routes through the educational system. The fact that individuals have to leave Northern Ireland for third-level study due to a lack of consistency in course provision between further education and higher education was seen as a clear loss to society and economy: Currently there are moves to align all HE and FE provision at Level 4 and 5 (Level 4 would be certificates and foundation degrees). Lots of the FE Level 4 and 5s don’t align well with a HE degree. The university is involved in a process that is attempting to build a transitions system a system so that students don’t have to leave Northern Ireland to study for a degree. (Stakeholder, NI) The need to keep course content relevant to labour market needs was another concern raised by the stakeholders. There was a sense that, particularly within the secondary system, there was too much focus on meeting exam requirements, with far too little focus on skills development. Within Ireland it was felt the higher education system was less open to a more labour market focused educational approach compared to further education. Within Northern Ireland, it was felt that skills development within the educational system performs well until students reach the age of 14, after which the curriculum focus becomes heavily centred on formal examinations; however, by the time students reach university it was felt that their skills development was relatively poor. Digital skills, future world of work, construction skills, green skills are a real focus. To orientate the further education system, which is open to it and the higher education system, which is less open to it, to that kind of agenda. (Stakeholder, IE) I would say the restricting point on that (preparation for the world of work) is … actually the curriculum to get you to 16 and the curriculum Stakeholder perspectives|81 to get you to 17 or 18, because it is focused on the examination system. Ironically, a student at 14 is actually pretty well prepared skills wise. There is a lot of skills training that goes into kids up to about 14, which I think is Key Stage 3. By the time they get the Key Stage 4, they are now straight into GCSE subjects and they don’t have an awful lot of skills training … I do think they get a little bit more institutionalised that way, and it’s because … you’re judged on how you perform in GCSEs, BTECs, A levels. (Stakeholder, NI) The issue of students leaving Northern Ireland for higher education study was again raised. It was felt that the scale of higher education provision in the region was simply way below what was being demanded and that student emigration would be substantially lowered if educational supply was substantially scaled up. I think … about 9 to 10,000 students enter into Ulster and Queens, about 4,000 leave to go to England, Scotland and Wales. Of those 4,000, probably less than 1,000 will return back to Northern Ireland, so we constantly export. Only about of 60% of applicants there are places for in Northern Ireland. If you go to England, they have more places than they have people. (Stakeholder, NI) During some interviews, reference was made to imbalances in teacher training supply, with a perceived surplus of qualified teachers in Northern Ireland and a perceived supply shortage in Ireland. However, more in-depth discussion revealed the situation to be more nuanced than this. While it may be the case that not all Northern Ireland teaching graduates go straight into permanent fulltime posts, it is not the case that many of the graduates are unemployed: There is a shortage of teaching jobs in England and they are trying to recruit from our (NI) college very actively. There is a fairly critical situation (in NI) at the moment with schools not able to get substitute cover. There isn’t a surplus of teachers out there now are sitting idle looking for a job. They are in big demand. (Stakeholder, NI) According to the GTCNI, out of 26,732 teachers registered in Northern Ireland, 20,208 (76%) were employed on either a permanent or temporary (one term or more) contract. In terms of North–South teacher mobility, it was also stated that it is difficult for Northern Ireland qualified teachers to work in Ireland due to differences in the qualifications required for teaching positions. 3.5 CO-OPERATION ACROSS THE ISLAND OF IRELAND This section examines education stakeholder views on North–South contact and co-operation. Here we outline a number of key issues that were highlighted during the interviews regarding the extent of awareness of policies in the other 82|A North–South comparison of education and training systems jurisdiction, the degree of contact and co-operation between the two jurisdictions, and barriers to and perceived benefits from greater co-operation. 3.5.1 Awareness of stakeholders of policies in the other jurisdiction Many stakeholders pointed to a low level of cross-jurisdiction policy awareness. I would say the degree of mutual understanding and knowledge of each other’s systems and policies … is pretty low, certainly on the ground. (Stakeholder, IE) And there’s so many differences but even asking what those were? I would say most people up here [NI] wouldn’t have a clue and vice versa. (Stakeholder, NI) However, differing views arose regarding specific aspects of the education systems. Several stakeholders felt there was a fair degree of awareness at an official and civil service level, with some stakeholders mentioning this was achieved through regular senior management team meetings and interactions at official-to- official level in terms of sharing policies, providing updates on initiatives and commenting on new policies: I think there’s a very strong consciousness. There’s a very strong awareness of various policies by virtue of the fact that we share them. And we talk to them and we engage with each other on it. (Stakeholder, IE) Differences in the curriculum and structures of the education systems were mentioned by some stakeholders as reasons for the lower level of policy awareness, with Great Britain being the more usual frame of reference for Northern Ireland: The Republic is more outward facing but a very large proportion of the establishment in the North is focused on ... the big island next door and doesn’t see a wider world or a bigger picture. (Stakeholder, NI) Perhaps not surprisingly, there was a view among stakeholders that policy awareness at the school level is higher in the border regions and lower elsewhere. There are some schools that have been very good at establishing school-to-school cross-border linkages. And I think they are different. They have a much greater awareness, inevitably so of what’s going on the other side of the border, but it depends on the school being involved in the, you know, either the Erasmus project or a North South Peace 2 project. (Stakeholder, IE) Stakeholder perspectives|83 If you’re running a school away a long way from the border, your main concern … is about dealing with the day-to-day. You’re probably less interested in international education policy developments in another jurisdiction. (Stakeholder, IE) 3.5.2 North–South contact and co-operation Many stakeholders highlighted a few examples of good practice in North–South co-operation. Across the stakeholder interviews, common examples included the areas of teacher education through SCoTENs (Standing Conference on Teacher Education, North and South), strong links between the Inspectorates, the Middletown Centre for Autism, which is a North–South initiative, and the successive EU PEACE programmes and associated funding. It should be noted that stakeholders naturally brought up programmes they knew of and which were salient to their own work. If, for example, school principals had been interviewed, the focus may have been more on shared education initiatives such as those under the successive PEACE programmes. In the area of inspections, several stakeholders commented on there being extensive North–South contact and collaboration. In addition to management teams and officials meeting on a regular basis, a memorandum of understanding allows for the exchange of inspectors for observation purposes. Inspectors also attend elements of professional training courses in the other jurisdiction, and inspect provision there, by arrangement: One of the things that is useful from our perspective is that the legislation in the North enables us to go into schools to do what’s called inspection with authority. So it’s slightly more problematic for inspectors from the ETI to come down here. They have to come down by invitation of the school. Whereas we could, we can go in with them and have this inspection with authority status … There’s all sorts of inspector exchanges, we helped them a lot on the Irish language front. (Stakeholder, IE) Higher education appeared to involve more co-operation than other sectors, albeit in a somewhat ad hoc nature. There was some co-operation in certain areas of provision; for instance, plans are in progress to jointly deliver MSc programmes between different universities across the two jurisdictions and it was seen that there is significant scope to extend such co-operation into undergraduate provision: If we really got this right, we could have a student … who could study one set of courses within the South and finish those up in the North and vice versa. Because all the courses are the same, chemistry 101 is chemistry 101 … We are trying to bring it in initially at Level 7, which 84|A North–South comparison of education and training systems is MSc, to try to sell Ireland as an education centre, North and South, providing high quality education. (Stakeholder, NI) There also was the perception that geographic proximity played a role: There are more Chinese students in Athlone Institute of Technology than there are students from Northern Ireland in Dundalk Institute of Technology. Other than for the Northwest, where there is really significant engagement, co-operation is very segmented. … My sense is that the Northern Ireland system hasn’t really taken advantage of devolution and, in fact, has ended up aligning itself to England more closely than Wales or Scotland. (Stakeholder, IE) On co-operation in the area of teacher education, one stakeholder noted: SCoTENs had a model of bringing together in a non-threatening way all the practitioners in a particular area, in education, the teachers, the College of Education, the education administrators, the department, the teaching councils, the education trade unions to do something on an all-Ireland basis. It’s a real model and yet it’s almost totally unknown outside teacher education. (Stakeholder, NI) However, many stakeholders highlighted that these links are ad hoc in nature and are often based on individual relationships or specific projects and initiatives. There are no strategic directives obliging people, or bodies, to cooperate ... there would be some co-operation but it is ad hoc. People on both sides of the border tend to work together because they know each other, but it’s not strategic. (Stakeholder, IE) The Northwest Strategic Growth Partnership where you have local authorities on either side of the border that are looking at how can we look after the people in our region better. They don’t look at the border, they look at a region and there are other possibilities that models like that could be exploring along the border and it’s all done within a framework of – it doesn’t mean that, you know, you’ve given up your nationality, you’ve given up your citizenship, you’ve given up anything. It just means that you’re looking at this chunk that’s on this island and [asking] how can I do something better? (Stakeholder, IE) Again it probably remains within a project … and when the project dies, I don’t know. (Stakeholder, NI) Several stakeholders felt there was less North–South co-operation now than in the past, with one stakeholder commenting that learning from previous successful co- Stakeholder perspectives|85 operation projects – often supported under EU programmes – had been ‘largely lost’. A stakeholder in the North said: My impression is that the really exciting period in cross-border educational co-operation was the first ten years of the century when there was a lot of EU funding for North–South educational cooperation projects … my impression is since 2013, it’s much, much less … I think … educational co-operation is at a very low level. It hasn’t gone back quite to the to the pre-1998 levels, but it’s gone back pretty close. (Stakeholder, NI) One example between 2001 and 2010, there were four reports, commissioned by the two departments of education into North–South education cooperation. They were great at doing reports and the reports usually came up with a proposal that there should be greater coordination to avoid duplication and overlap and some sort of strategic structure to make sure that it moves, that they move, forward in a coherent way. And none of those recommendations were taken up, and now we’re not talking about duplication or overlap because there aren’t that many projects, so we’ve gone from a profusion of activity that needed to be coordinated to a trickle of activity that, well, doesn’t need to be coordinated because there’s so little of it. (Stakeholder, NI) Some stakeholders felt that Brexit had impacted the education landscape; one, for example, felt much of the recent policy focus was around dealing with Brexit and ensuring mobility of students at all education levels is supported and that fees and grants for third-level students would be portable: In the context of Brexit, one of the key pieces of work has been around the Common Travel Area and ensuring that we could embed the principles of how it should work, not just on a North–South, but obviously on [an] East–West basis as well … There were pieces of work to do, not just around what the Common Travel Area should look like, but also the legislation to support mobility and to ensure that our students would not be disadvantaged by Brexit. Also, to ensure UK students coming to Ireland would not be disadvantaged either. (Stakeholder, IE) 3.5.3 Benefits and barriers to greater North–South co-operation A common theme across the interviews is that, while many were in favour of more contact and co-operation, barriers, especially in terms of time and resources, made it difficult to pursue this in a meaningful, consistent manner. It was felt from a 86|A North–South comparison of education and training systems range of stakeholders that time was a huge issue, with North–South co-operation much less pressing than many of the issues currently facing schools. Look, everyone is going to argue in favour of more co-operation. The problem is time. (Stakeholder, IE) More cross-border co-operation would be incredibly important but what’s urgent is the submission you’ve to submit tomorrow or the meeting you have to go to this afternoon or the child who’s upset in front of you at this moment, and so it is a case in many a lot of the time that the urgent does crowd out the important. (Stakeholder, IE) And actually, that’s one thing I’d like to see more of. It’s more North– South co-operation in education. I think it could happen, but you need to. Again, it's like a lot of things. A good idea doesn't happen unless you make space for it. (Stakeholder, IE) They [schools] are busy and they’re doing what they do and therefore the policy in another jurisdiction doesn't engage them as much. (Stakeholder, NI) It was also felt very strongly by key informants that the systems are not set up with co-operation between the jurisdictions in mind. I think we could learn a lot from each other … but the systems need to support that. It just doesn’t happen. (Stakeholder, IE) When the Stormont Assembly was on hiatus, half the funding of SCoTENS disappeared overnight. And it had three years of desperately trying to pay the bills. So that’s the sort of thing that that becomes a problem for North–South co-operation. (Stakeholder, IE) Many stakeholders felt that enhanced co-operation would bring broad benefits, while also facilitate them to reflect further on their own sector or system. Sometimes you need help from the outside to see [that] it doesn’t always have to be like this. (Stakeholder, NI) Any collaboration with other jurisdictions has been beneficial. Whether it is simply … just to hear what happened, because you may view things slightly differently yourself, either in a more positive or more negative way. (Stakeholder, IE) I think that we need to get out of our silo-ised approaches… I think as well that we have a lot of students post-18 travelling North and South and things like that. And you know, we need to be I think working Stakeholder perspectives|87 together and learning from each other. Like, that, that would be a real vehicle and it would be something that would be an absolute asset. And I think schools would value that. I don’t think it would be anathema to them. I think we would be keen. (Stakeholder, NI) There was also a perceived scope for co-operation on more specific and substantive issues, including teacher education and issues around capacity and planning. In particular, there have been attempts to align teacher education and, more importantly, teaching registration so that teachers are able to teach across the island. There must be a potential for collaboration in teacher education … both for fulfilling the … very large teacher demand down here and the excess of teacher capacity up there. (Stakeholder, IE) There’s issues around capacity. There’s issues around, you know, why have we got a university campus in Derry and then Letterkenny IT literally about ten miles away? … Are there more efficient ways that we can deliver resources and help each other out? (Stakeholder, IE) Geographically and demographically we are both facing that challenge of how … [to] administer effectively a very large number of very small schools. (Stakeholder, IE) At the consultation event, most of the feedback focused on the issue of cooperation and a number of broad issues were identified in this respect. Firstly, and perhaps most importantly, it was identified that simply mandating co-operation is unlikely to be successful as a strategy: You cannot simply mandate co-operation top down, you cannot declare from the top that it should happen then expect, therefore, that it will happen. But at the same time having a framework to support and enable co-operation does help. (Consultation attendee) It was thought that much more emphasis should be placed on establishing the structures and mechanisms that facilitate North–South co-operation. Some successful examples of North–South co-operation were cited. For instance, under SCoTENS, fairly modest investment has generated some strong links in teacher education over a sustained period of time. It was noted that SCoTENS has operated with a small research fund and access to a secretariat, indicating that relatively simple and inexpensive structures have the potential to generate significant benefits in terms of co-operation. Universities Ireland provides another example of co-operation in the higher education space, as does a recent Higher Education Authority (HEA) led initiative on North–South funding, which has 88|A North–South comparison of education and training systems generated a high degree of interest and attracted hundreds of applications involving partners on both sides of the island. Going forward, the PEACE PLUS programmes, funded by the EU, UK government, Irish government and Northern Ireland Executive, and co-designed by the two administrations on the island, were also identified as having particular potential in terms of enhancing North–South co-operation in education, including in vocational education. The discussants felt that such successful examples of past and existing cooperation provide vital insights into the type of structures that are helpful to promoting effective North–South co-operation. It was also noted that a number of issues facing both education systems could form the basis for future co-operation: outward migration and ‘brain drain’ represents a policy concern in both parts of the island, while both jurisdictions also face similar issues and difficulties in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. There is also the common interest in attracting international students. Some stakeholders felt there was room for co-operation within specific sectors: Definitely great potential in more strategic collaboration, particularly in VET. Also in areas such as literacy provision and community education. (Stakeholder, IE) In terms of higher education, it was felt that there were opportunities for collaboration there, as ‘the ability to have the top class teaching and learning that you need for the high-end provision can’t be everywhere’ (Stakeholder, NI). There are important lessons to be learnt from areas where North–South cooperation exists in the absence of formal institutional structures. One example, which could provide important insights, relates to border areas and the instances where children cross the border for educational purposes. There are also insights to be gained from understanding where co-operation levels are less than might be expected; for instance, with respect to grant applications and Erasmus programme activity, it was identified that it has been more common for institutions in Ireland to collaborate with GB, rather than Northern Ireland, counterparts: There is lots of Erasmus activity between Southern institutions and England but not very much North–South and we need to try and understand what is happening in those situations. (Consultation attendee). Both operational and technical challenges are seen as hampering efforts to enhance North–South co-operation. For instance, there is widescale agreement on the potential merits of an all-island approach to apprenticeships; however, apprenticeship systems differ in their delivery and approach across the two Stakeholder perspectives|89 jurisdictions and it would be necessary to address such technical variations before a more co-operative approach could be considered. There is also likely to be some political resistance to all-island delivery approaches or any substantial scaling up of co-operation: Politics is an issue. In the North our slightly unusual system of government gives a lot of power to individual ministers and that can act as a constraint. Some ministers are more enthusiastic about North–South co-operation than others. So one of the issues there is about trying to identify common interest goals that provide incentives for all politicians to support. (Consultation attendee) 3.6 CONCLUSION This chapter has drawn on stakeholder interviews and a consultation event with policy stakeholders to outline commonalities and differences between the education systems in Ireland and Northern Ireland. The two systems face many of the same challenges at primary and secondary levels, especially around the shift from a more child-centred curriculum at primary level to the second-level focus on preparation for high-stakes exams. However, the existence of academic selection in Northern Ireland was seen as a key driver of difference between the two systems. Social inequalities, while an issue in both jurisdictions, appeared to be a more pressing issue in Northern Ireland than in Ireland. Furthermore, although some noted its faults, stakeholders in both jurisdictions spoke highly of the DEIS programme (in Ireland), which provides additional resources and supports to schools serving socio-economically disadvantaged populations. Differences in further education were identified across the two systems, particularly in terms of its place in the overall educational landscape, but both jurisdictions face similar challenges around encouraging young people to see further education as a viable alternative to higher education. Higher education institutions in both jurisdictions were found to face similar challenges around funding. Stakeholders pointed to some examples of successful co-operation across the island of Ireland, but indicated that many such initiatives were ad hoc or limited in longevity to a specific programme funding. Geographic proximity also emerged as an important factor in co-operation across the island. However, most stakeholders pointed to the value of further such co-operation, particularly on substantive policy issues and/or at specific sectoral levels. 96|A North–South comparison of education and training systems Ireland. Simply expanding further education places is unlikely to provide a solution to the problem of lower relative educational attainment in Northern Ireland if it occurs in the absence of policies designed to demonstrate the value of taking-up of further education routes among young people (and their parents). The necessary reforms of the further education and training (FET) sector in Northern Ireland are likely to require substantial investments and need to be underpinned by a medium-term strategy. Finally, the research indicated very limited formal cross-border co-operation between education providers and policymakers, despite stakeholders highlighting the value of such co-operation. The study participants felt that increased levels of cross-border collaboration and co-operation were desirable. There was a consensus that any attempts to mandate cross-border co-operation are unlikely to be successful. Instead, a more promising approach would be to provide a structure and frameworks that facilitate co-operation in a mutually beneficial and selfreinforcing way around areas of mutual interest. Stakeholders highlighted the potential for mutual learning around educational disadvantage and the inclusion of students with SEN. The SCoTENS initiative provides a potential blueprint that could inform any future initiatives designed to facilitate increased cross-border cooperation in the realm of education. References|97 REFERENCES Ball, S.J. (2021). The education debate. Bristol: Policy Press. Banks, J. and S. McCoy (2011). A study on the prevalence of special educational needs, National Council for Special Education. Banks, J. and E. Smyth (2015). ‘Student stress and the Leaving Certificate’, Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 18, No. 5, pp. 598-616. Barnardi, F. 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