Transnational connections and religious change: How UK Bangladesh diaspora networks shape religious practices in Sylhet

Amit, Sajid Article Transnational connections and religious change: How UK Bangladesh diaspora networks shape religious practices in Sylhet Research in Globalization Provided in Cooperation with: Elsevier Suggested Citation: Amit, Sajid (2025) : Transnational connections and religious change: How UK Bangladesh diaspora networks shape religious practices in Sylhet, Research in Globalization, ISSN 2590-051X, Elsevier, Amsterdam, Vol. 10, pp. 1-16, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resglo.2025.100286 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/331209 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. 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If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Transnational connections and religious change: How UK Bangladesh diaspora networks shape religious practices in Sylhet Sajid Amit Center for Enterprise and Society, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Dhanmondi, Dhaka 1209, Bangladesh ARTICLE INFO Keywords: Transnational Religious Networks Diaspora Influence Remittances Social Media Religious Conservatism UK-Bangladesh Connections Mixed Methods Research ABSTRACT In an increasingly interconnected global landscape, diaspora communities maintain complex transnational ties with their homelands, influencing local religious practices and institutions. This study examines how UKBangladesh diaspora connections shape religious identity formation and social practices in Bangladesh’s Sylhet region. Using a mixed-methods approach combining surveys (n =400), focus group discussions (n =10), and key informant interviews (n =17) conducted from August 2018 to February 2020, the research investigated how transnational family relationships, remittances, and digital technologies influence religious development in the region. Findings reveal that global digital platforms have become primary drivers of religious change, with 68.5 % of respondents identifying social media as the main influence on local religious practices. Transnational family connections significantly shaped local religious perspectives, with 81.8 % of respondents reporting high trust in UK-residing relatives’ religious knowledge. Global financial flows play a crucial role, with approximately 40 % of remittances supporting religious institutions, highlighting the economic dimensions of transnational religious ties. Statistical analysis demonstrated significant associations between UK family influence (β =0.28), remittance reception (β =0.24), and social media use (β =0.22) with perceptions of increased religiosity. The study reveals how these transnational connections often promote more conservative religious interpretations rather than secular values, challenging linear narratives of globalization leading to secularization. These findings contribute to transnational migration scholarship by documenting the specific mechanisms through which diaspora communities influence religious practices in their regions of origin, offering important insights for understanding religious identity formation in an increasingly connected world. 1. Introduction Transnational connections between diaspora communities and their homelands have profound impacts on social, cultural, and religious practices (Haider, 2015). These connections facilitate the flow of not only remittances but also ideas, values, and cultural norms across national boundaries (Gardner, 1995; Levitt, 1998). In the case of the Sylheti community in Bangladesh, which has significant diaspora populations in the United Kingdom (UK), these transnational connections have particularly influenced religious practices and identity formation (Kibria, 2011; Samuel, 2012). An estimated 90 to 95 percent of British Bangladeshis claim Sylheti heritage, creating strong and sustained links between the UK and the Sylhet region (Alexander & Lidher, 2024; Miah, 2021). These connections are maintained and strengthened through remittances, family visits, telecommunications, and increasingly, through social media and digital platforms(Bunt, 2018; Guglielmi et al., 2021; Mandaville, 2003). In recent years, Bangladesh has experienced an increase in religious radicalization leading to terrorism (Hasan, 2020). This trend is particularly concerning given that Bangladesh was founded on principles of interreligious peace and ethnic and cultural diversity, distinguishing it from many other Muslim-majority nations. Transnational extremism has recently had a devastating impact on Bangladesh, permeating the very fabric of society. Violent extremism, resulting from Islamist radicalization, has become one of Bangladesh’s primary challenges (Hasan & Macdonald, 2022). The extent of violent extremism in Bangladesh and the impact of radicals on society became starkly evident following the Holey Artisan Bakery attack in July 2016 (News, 2019). Young individuals from across Bangladesh have also committed random acts of terrorism. The terrorist threat in Bangladesh stems from both organizations heavily focused on jihad and those primarily concerned with evangelism (dawa), though these focuses may overlap for some groups. One such organization is Harakatul Jihad-i-Islami-Bangladesh (HuJI-B), whose founder, Fazlul Rahman, reportedly received initial funding from E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected]. Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Research in Globalization journal homepage: www.sciencedirect.com/journal/research-in-globalization https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resglo.2025.100286 Received 25 February 2025; Received in revised form 9 May 2025; Accepted 9 May 2025 Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 Available online 16 May 2025 2590-051X/© 2025 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bync/4.0/ ). Osama bin Laden and supported his 1998 declaration of jihad. Other comparable organizations include Jamatul Mujahedeen Bangladesh (JMB), Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), and Ahle Hadith Andolon Bangladesh (AHAB). While their memberships are somewhat ambiguous and often considered overlapping, it is believed that these organizations are part of Al Muhajedeen, the main umbrella organization. JMB and JMJB have been linked to numerous bombings, including Bangladesh’s first suicide attacks and the simultaneous detonation of 400 bombs in 2005 (Ahmed & Ali, 2019; Fink, 2010; Samuel, 2012). Organizations such as JMB, JMJB, and HuJI-B express opposition to democratic political processes, question the legitimacy of the secular government, and advocate for the violent conversion of Bangladesh into an Islamic state (BEI, 2014; Harrigan, 2013). The Sylhet division in Bangladesh stands out as a significant economic zone, renowned for its religious saints, foreign remittances, and thriving tea industry. A substantial number of Sylhetis reside abroad, primarily in France, the United States, the United Kingdom (UK), and Middle Eastern countries such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (Hussain, 2014). Notably, approximately 450,000 Sylhetis live in the UK, contributing a significant portion of remittances to their home region. The UK’s remittance flow to Sylhet is particularly substantial compared to other nations, as an estimated 90 to 95 percent of British Bangladeshis claim Sylheti heritage. Recent studies suggest that transnational networks, including diaspora communities and international religious organizations, play a significant role in shaping religious practices and institutions in Bangladesh (Ahmed & Ali, 2019). These external influences operate through various channels, including financial support, educational exchanges, and the transmission of religious ideas through both traditional and digital media. Radical organizations in Bangladesh often target youth to advance their political agendas. Young people, especially those unfamiliar with religious teachings against violence, are particularly vulnerable to recruitment. These organizations exploit this vulnerability by misrepresenting religious doctrines, deceiving young individuals into believing they are fighting for a noble cause with promises of success both in this life and the afterlife (Ahmed & Ali, 2019; Hasan & Macdonald, 2022). In addition to religious organizations, terrorist groups are actively recruiting at educational institutions, particularly universities and other higher learning centers. Air Cdr (Retd.) Ishfaq Elahi Chowdhury, a leading security expert in Bangladesh, has argued that exposure to Wahabi Majhab among migrant workers, especially those who traveled to the Middle East, has contributed to the Islamization of Bangladesh. He further asserts that the influx of money from the Middle East, often disguised as various forms of relief or charity, has significantly bolstered the support for various Islamic political parties already present in Bangladesh (BIPSS; Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies, 2017). The field of radicalization studies has primarily focused on individual-level factors and local contexts, while the literature on remittances has largely examined their economic impacts. However, there is a significant gap in understanding how these two phenomena intersect, particularly in the context of transnational communities and their implications for sustainable development. This study aims to bridge this gap by examining the unique case of Sylheti communities in the UK and Bangladesh. The primary research question is: How do transnational connections between UK-residing Sylhetis and local Sylhetis—specifically through remittances, digital communications, and family networks—influence religious practices and institutions in the Sylhet region of Bangladesh? This question reflects the identified research gap by focusing on the interconnected dynamics of economic remittances, cultural exchange, and their effects on religious practices in a specific cross-cultural context. By addressing this question, the research contributes to understanding how transnational connections shape local religious landscapes in communities with strong diaspora ties. First, empirical evidence is provided on the potential links between remittances and radicalization, an area that has been understudied despite the growing importance of both phenomena in an increasingly globalized world. Second, the role of transnational communities in shaping religious practices and potentially influencing radicalization trends is examined, offering insights into the complex interplay between global connections and local religious landscapes. Third, the implications of these dynamics for sustainable development are explored, bridging the gap between radicalization studies and sustainability research – two fields that have rarely been considered in conjunction. This study is particularly timely and relevant given the increasing global concern over radicalization and the simultaneous recognition of remittances as a potential tool for development. By focusing on the Sylheti community, which has a significant presence both in the UK and Bangladesh, a unique perspective is offered on how transnational ties can influence local religious practices and potentially contribute to radicalization trends. Moreover, by examining these issues through the lens of sustainability, valuable insights are provided for policymakers and practitioners working towards sustainable development in communities with strong diaspora connections. The findings have the potential to inform more nuanced approaches to countering violent extremism, managing remittance flows, and promoting sustainable development in transnational contexts. 1.1. Theoretical and conceptual framework For clarity and consistency throughout this paper, several key terms define as follows. Transnationalism refers to the processes by which immigrants create and maintain multi-stranded social relations that link their societies of origin and settlement (Vertovec, 2009). In this study, this primarily concerns the connections between UK-residing Sylhetis and their communities of origin in Bangladesh (Stark & Bloom, 1985). This research examines both their economic impact and their role in shaping religious institutions and practices. Religious conservatism in this paper refers to adherence to more orthodox interpretations of religious texts and practices, often characterized by stricter observance of religious laws and traditions. This is distinct from religious extremism or radicalization, which involve adopting views that justify violence. Social remittances, a concept developed by Levitt, 1998, refers to the ideas, behaviors, identities, and social capital that flow from receiving to sending communities. In this context, this includes religious ideas and practices transmitted from UK-residing Sylhetis to local Sylhetis. Digital connectivity encompasses the various technological means (particularly social media platforms) through which transnational communities maintain contact and share information, ideas, and values across geographical distances (Bunt, 2018). These concepts form the foundation of the analysis of how UK-Bangladesh diaspora networks influence religious practices in Sylhet. Throughout the paper, care is taken to distinguish between increased religiosity, which refers simply to greater adherence to religious practices, and religious conservatism, which entails adoption of more orthodox interpretations of religion. To examine the relationship between transnational connections and religious practices in the Sylhet region, this study draws upon three complementary theoretical perspectives that together provide a comprehensive framework for analysis. First, the concept of transnationalism (Vertovec, 2009) offers a foundation for understanding how migrants maintain multi-stranded relationships that connect their societies of origin and settlement. This perspective is particularly relevant for analyzing the Sylheti community, which maintains strong ties between the UK and Bangladesh through various channels including family visits, telecommunications, and digital media. Transnationalism helps explain how cultural and religious practices flow between these connected communities, often leading to hybrid forms that reflect both local traditions and external influences. Second, the New Economics of Labor Migration (Stark & Bloom, 1985) provides insights into the economic dimensions of transnational connections, particularly regarding remittance behaviors. Unlike earlier economic models that viewed migration as purely individual decisions, this framework recognizes that remittances are often part of family strategies that serve multiple S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 2 purposes beyond immediate consumption. In the Sylheti context, this theory helps explain why significant portions of remittances are directed toward religious institutions and activities, representing both financial support and symbolic investments in community status and religious identity. Third, Social Remittances Theory (Levitt, 1998) extends the concept of remittances beyond monetary transfers to include the transmission of ideas, behaviors, and social capital between sending and receiving communities. This theoretical lens is crucial for understanding how religious ideas and practices are transferred from UK-residing Sylhetis to their communities of origin. It helps explain how changes in religious practices can occur through transnational connections even without direct financial support, through mechanisms such as social media communications, return visits, and family networks. Together, these theoretical perspectives create a framework that connects economic exchanges (remittances), social relationships (transnational family ties), and cultural practices (religious activities) in a coherent analytical approach. This integrated framework guides the analysis of how UK-Bangladesh diaspora networks influence religious practices in Sylhet, with particular attention to the pathways through which external influences are incorporated into local religious landscapes. 1.2. Literature review The literature on transnational connections, remittances, and religious practices has developed across several disciplines, providing valuable insights for understanding the Sylheti context. This review synthesizes key research in three interconnected areas central to this study. 1.2.1. Transnational religious ties and practices Research on transnational religious ties has revealed how diaspora communities maintain, transform, and sometimes intensify religious practices across borders. Ebaugh & Chafetz, 2002 conducted extensive studies of transnational religious communities, demonstrating how immigrants use religious institutions to preserve cultural identity while adapting to new environments. Their work shows that rather than simply transplanting religious practices from the homeland, diaspora communities often develop distinctive forms of religiosity that reflect both origin and destination contexts. This insight helps explain the distinctive religious dynamics observed in Sylheti communities, where UK influences interact with local traditions. Kibria, 2011 landmark study of Bangladeshi Muslim communities in the diaspora specifically examines how religious identity becomes a crucial anchor for maintaining connections to the homeland. Her research demonstrates that for many Bangladeshi migrants, Islamic practices become more formalized and textually-oriented in the diaspora context −a finding that helps explain why UK-residing Sylhetis might promote more orthodox interpretations when engaging with their communities of origin. This work is particularly relevant for understanding the religious influence that flows from the UK to Sylhet, as documented in the present study. Mandaville, 2003 concept of “transnational Muslim politics” provides a framework for understanding how Islamic practices and identities are negotiated across borders. His work demonstrates how modern communications technologies enable new forms of religious authority and community that transcend national boundaries. This perspective is essential for understanding how UK-residing Sylhetis can influence religious practices in Bangladesh despite geographical distance, especially through digital platforms. Mandaville’s emphasis on the deterritorialization of religious authority helps explain the high level of trust in UK relatives’ religious knowledge reported in the present study. Recent scholarship has further expanded our understanding of religious mobility in transnational contexts. Ullah, 2025 provides valuable insights into the historical dimensions of religious mobility, examining how empire and colonialism have shaped contemporary transnational religious networks. His work demonstrates how historical power dynamics continue to influence religious flows between diaspora communities and their homelands, offering important historical context for understanding the Sylhet-UK religious connections examined in this study. Additionally, Ullah et al., 2022 explore how religion adapts and transforms in the age of migration, highlighting the complex interplay between religious practices, political ideologies, and migrant identities. Their framework helps explain how religious identities in both sending and receiving communities are negotiated within broader political and ideological contexts—a dynamic that is particularly relevant for understanding the UK-Bangladesh religious connections examined here. Ahmed & Ali, 2019 research on the Fultoli tradition among British Bangladeshis offers particularly relevant insights into how specific Islamic practices from Sylhet are maintained and transformed in the UK context. Their work documents how religious leadership and authority are negotiated between homeland and diaspora, creating transnational religious networks that shape practices in both locations. This research provides context for understanding the complex religious exchanges between UK and Bangladesh documented in the present study. 1.2.2. Remittances and religious institutions Research on remittances has increasingly recognized their significance beyond economic impacts, particularly their role in shaping social and religious institutions in sending communities. Gardner, 1995 seminal research on Bangladeshi migrants provides crucial insights into how remittances transform local power structures and physical landscapes in Sylhet. She demonstrates that remittance-funded mosques and madrasahs serve not only religious functions but also as symbols of family prestige and vehicles for maintaining transnational connections. This perspective helps explain the substantial proportion of remittances directed toward religious institutions documented in the present study, revealing that these financial flows have significance beyond their monetary value. Stark and Bloom (1985), in developing the New Economics of Labor Migration, advanced the understanding of remittances as part of family strategies rather than merely individual decisions. Their work shows how remittances serve multiple purposes, including risk diversification and investments in status markers. When applied to religious institutions, this framework helps explain why UK-residing Sylhetis invest in mosques and madrasahs as strategic family decisions that enhance prestige while maintaining cultural connections. This theoretical perspective provides context for interpreting the patterns of remittance use documented in this study. Farhad, 2022 a recent analysis of remittance flows to Sylhet, which documents that the region earns approximately 10 % of Bangladesh’s total remittance inflow, provides essential context for understanding the economic scale of transnational connections in the region. This significant economic relationship underpins many of the social and religious dynamics observed in Sylhet. Farhad’s analysis of the UK’s substantial contribution to these remittance flows (7.68 % in 2019, 7.58 % in 2020, and 8.54 % in 2021) helps explain the particular influence of UKresiding Sylhetis on local religious landscapes, as they control significant financial resources that can be directed toward religious institutions and activities. 1.2.3. Digital media and transnational religious influence The role of digital media in shaping transnational religious connections has emerged as a critical area of study in recent years. Bunt, 2018 comprehensive work on “Hashtag Islam” provides essential insights into how digital environments are transforming religious authority and practice among Muslim communities worldwide. His research demonstrates how social media platforms create new spaces for religious discourse that can bypass traditional authorities, enabling diverse interpretations to circulate transnationally. This framework is crucial for understanding the finding in the present study that social media is identified by 68.5 % of respondents as a primary driver of religious change in Sylhet, offering a theoretical basis for interpreting this S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 3 significant empirical result. Mandaville (2003), while examining broader transnational Muslim politics, pays particular attention to the role of new media technologies in creating “translocal” religious spaces. His work shows how these technologies enable diaspora communities to maintain religious connections to their homelands while simultaneously introducing new interpretations and practices. This perspective helps explain how UKresiding Sylhetis use digital platforms to influence religious practices in their communities of origin, creating hybrid religious forms that reflect both UK and Bangladeshi contexts. Conway, 2016 research specifically examines how digital platforms enable the transmission of religious ideas across borders. Her work highlights the importance of considering not just the content shared but also the technological affordances that shape how religious messages are received and interpreted. This perspective is valuable for understanding the processes through which UK-residing Sylhetis influence local religious views through social media, as documented in this study. (Amit et al., 2020) study of social media use among university students in Bangladesh provides locally-grounded insights into how young Bangladeshis engage with religious content online. Their research demonstrates that younger generations often turn to digital sources for religious guidance rather than traditional local authorities, which helps explain the generational differences in religious practice identified in the present study. Their work also shows how social media creates new forms of religious community that transcend geographical boundaries, providing context for understanding the influence of UK-residing Sylhetis on their counterparts in Bangladesh. Together, this literature provides a robust foundation for analyzing how transnational connections between the UK and Bangladesh—- through remittances, family networks, and digital platforms—influence religious practices in Sylhet. The present study builds upon these theoretical and empirical insights to document the specific mechanisms through which these influences operate and their effects on the religious landscape of the region. 1.2.4. Application of theoretical frameworks The theoretical frameworks and literature discussed above provided specific analytical tools for interpreting the research findings. Vertovec (2009) concept of transnationalism directly informed the analysis of how UK-residing Sylhetis maintain influence in their communities of origin despite geographical distance. For example, when examining survey data showing respondents trust their UK-residing relatives’ religious knowledge, this was interpreted through Vertovec’s insight that transnational communities develop “bifocal” perspectives that simultaneously value both homeland and diaspora contexts. This theoretical lens helped explain why local Sylhetis might consider UK relatives as legitimate religious authorities, rather than viewing their interpretations as foreign impositions. Levitt (1998) concept of social remittances provided a framework for analyzing how religious ideas travel between the UK and Bangladesh. When interview data revealed statements like “UK-residing Sylhetis encourage us towards more correct religious practices,” Levitt’s distinction between normative and practice-based social remittances helped differentiate between the transmission of abstract religious principles versus specific behaviors. This theoretical distinction was crucial for understanding that UK influence operates not just through funding religious institutions but through sharing specific interpretations of religious texts and practices. The New Economics of Labor Migration framework (Stark & Bloom, 1985) informed the analysis of remittance patterns, particularly the finding of remittances support religious institutions. Rather than viewing this simply as charitable giving, this theoretical perspective enabled an interpretation of religious donations as strategic family investments that serve multiple functions, including status enhancement and risk diversification. This explains why survey data showed that donors often maintain control over the institutions they fund through oversight committees and involvement in personnel decisions. Bunt (2018) analysis of digital Islam provided specific analytical tools for interpreting the surprising finding of respondents identified social media as the primary driver of religious change. His concept of “cyber Islamic environments” helped explain how platforms like Facebook and YouTube have become spaces where religious authority is contested and negotiated, enabling new forms of religious influence that bypass traditional hierarchies. This theoretical lens was essential for understanding the mechanisms through which UK-residing Sylhetis influence local religious practices despite physical distance. Together, these theoretical frameworks provided complementary perspectives that enabled a comprehensive analysis of the complex transnational religious dynamics observed in Sylhet. Rather than applying a single theoretical lens, this integrated approach allowed for examination of economic, social, and technological dimensions of transnational religious influence. 2. Methods and materials 2.1. Study area Sylhet, a northeastern division of Bangladesh, borders the Indian states of Meghalaya to the north, Assam to the east, and Tripura to the south. It is bounded by Bangladesh’s Dhaka and Mymensingh divisions to the west and Chittagong to the southwest. The division comprises four districts: Habiganj, Moulvibazar, Sunamganj, and Sylhet, with a total population of 12,102,325 and a literacy rate of 51 % (BBS, 2002). Religious demographics show that 80 % of Sylhet’s population follows Islam, 14 % Hinduism, 5.06 % Christianity, 0.04 % Buddhism, and 0.90 % other faiths (BBS, 2002). The majority of Muslims in Sylhet are Sunni, adhering to the Hanafi school of law, with some following Shafi’i and Hanbali madhhabs. Sufi traditions, influenced by Abdul Latif of Fultoli, are also prevalent (Hossain, 2013). The region hosts several important Islamic institutions, including the Deobandi-affiliated Jamia Luthfia Anwarul Uloom Hamidnagar. Economically, Sylhet relies heavily on its tea industry and remittances. For the 2012–2013 fiscal year, remittances were expected to reach $10 billion. From 2019 to 2021, Sylhet earned 10 % (BDT 47,843 crore) of Bangladesh’s total remittance inflow (Farhad, 2022). The UK, home to many Sylheti migrants, is a significant source of these remittances. The UK’s contribution to Bangladesh’s total remittances was 7.68 % in 2019, 7.58 % in 2020, and 8.54 % in 2021 (Farhad, 2022). These remittances, sent through both formal and informal channels, have significantly contributed to urban and suburban development in the region. 2.2. Research design and data collection The research design employed multiple complementary methods to examine transnational religious influences in Sylhet, as illustrated in Fig. 1. A mixed-methods approach was selected for its ability to capture both patterns and meanings in complex social phenomena (Amit et al., 2024; Amit & Kafy, 2022; Braun & Clarke, 2006; Krueger, 2014; Sultana et al., 2025). The quantitative survey documented broad trends across the Sylhet region, providing statistically representative data on religious practices and transnational connections. Meanwhile, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) offered contextual understanding and explanatory depth that numerical data alone could not provide. This methodological integration was particularly suited to studying transnational religious influences for several reasons. First, the quantitative survey (n =400) identified patterns in remittance usage, perceptions of UK-residing Sylhetis, and changes in religious practices across the region. Second, the qualitative components explored the underlying processes through which these patterns emerge, capturing the lived experiences and perspectives of community members navigating transnational influences. This combination enabled a more comprehensive understanding than either approach could provide alone S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 4 (Amit & Kafy, 2024; Elo et al., 2014; Sultana et al., 2025). Data were collected from August 2018 to February 2020, a period particularly relevant for studying transnational connections in Sylhet. During this timeframe, Sylhet was experiencing significant economic development through remittances, with the region earning approximately 10 % of Bangladesh’s total remittance inflow (Farhad, 2022). This period also saw increased digital connectivity in rural Bangladesh, making it an opportune time to examine how social media facilitated transnational religious exchanges (Bunt, 2018). Additionally, this timeframe allowed sufficient distance from earlier political events for participants to reflect thoughtfully on changing religious practices without immediate concerns about security or political sensitivity. The research employed triangulation at multiple levels: methodological triangulation (using complementary quantitative and qualitative approaches), data source triangulation (surveying different stakeholders across four districts), and investigator triangulation (involving multiple researchers in data collection and analysis). This comprehensive approach strengthened the credibility of findings by enabling crossverification between different data sources and analytical perspectives (Nowell et al., 2017; Sultana et al., 2025). The study acknowledges several methodological limitations. This study importantly acknowledges that its findings are specifically situated within the Sylhet region’s unique socio-cultural context and its particular relationship with the UK diaspora. While the research provides robust insights into transnational religious dynamics in this specific region, we recognize that these findings cannot be generalized to other regions in Bangladesh or to other diaspora-homeland relationships. The Sylhet-UK migration corridor has distinctive historical roots, economic patterns, and cultural connections that may not be replicated elsewhere. Future comparative research across multiple regions with different diaspora connections would be valuable for identifying which patterns observed in this study might represent broader trends in transnational religious influence and which are unique to the Sylhet context. 2.2.1. Quantitative survey A quantitative survey was conducted with 400 respondents from the Sylhet Division of Bangladesh. The sample size was determined using Cochran’s formula with a 95 % confidence level and a 5 % margin of error, considering the total population of Sylhet Division (approximately 12 million) (Guglielmi et al., 2021). A stratified random sampling technique was employed to ensure representation from all four districts in the Sylhet Division: Habiganj, Moulvibazar, Sunamganj, and Sylhet. This sampling strategy allowed for capturing potential variations across different geographical areas within the division. The survey instrument was developed based on the research questions and theoretical framework. It included questions on demographic characteristics, remittance patterns, religious practices, perceptions of radicalization, and views on sustainable development (Table 1). To ensure cultural appropriateness and clarity, the questionnaire was initially developed in English and then translated into Bengali by professional translators. A backtranslation process was used to verify the accuracy of the translation (Brislin, 1970). The survey instrument underwent rigorous development and testing to ensure its validity and cultural appropriateness. The initial questionnaire was developed based on the research questions and theoretical framework, with particular attention to measuring transnational connections, remittance patterns, and religious practices. To ensure cultural and linguistic validity, the questionnaire was first developed in English and then translated into Bengali by professional translators, followed by back-translation to verify accuracy (Potvin et al., 2023). The questionnaire was then pilot-tested with 20 respondents from different demographic backgrounds within the Sylhet region. This pilot process yielded several important improvements to the final instrument. First, questions about religious practices were refined to use locally relevant terminology and avoid inadvertently imposing external religious categories. Second, the sequence of questions was adjusted to establish rapport before addressing more sensitive topics related to religious beliefs and transnational influences. Third, several questions were reformulated to avoid leading language, particularly regarding perceptions of UK-residing Sylhetis. Finally, the pilot confirmed that the survey could be completed within a reasonable timeframe (approximately 30–40 min), preventing respondent fatigue. These refinements enhanced both the technical quality and cultural sensitivity of the survey instrument, increasing the validity of the data collected. The final survey was administered face-to-face by trained local interviewers to account for Fig. 1. Research design and data collection process. Table 1 Demographic profile of survey respondents. Characteristic Percentage Gender Male 52 % Female 48 % Age Group 18–35 45 % 36–50 35 % 51+20 % Education Primary 15 % Secondary 30 % Higher 55 % Occupation Agriculture 25 % Business 30 % Service 35 % Others 10 % Remittance receivers 68 % S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 5 varying literacy levels and to ensure a high response rate across all demographic groups. 2.2.2. FGDs Ten FGDs were conducted to gather in-depth qualitative data. One of these FGDs took place at the British High Commission in Dhaka, involving stakeholders engaged in countering violent extremism (CVE). This particular FGD offered valuable insights from policymakers and practitioners who are directly addressing issues related to radicalization.. The remaining nine FGDs were conducted across the four districts of the Sylhet Division. Participants included remittance receivers, remittance senders, local government officials, community leaders, and university students. This diverse range of participants allowed to capture various perspectives on the research topics. Each FGD consisted of 6–8 participants and lasted approximately 90 min. The FGDs were moderated by trained facilitators who were native to the Sylhet region and fluent in both standard Bengali and the Sylheti dialect. This linguistic competence was essential for creating an environment where participants could express themselves naturally and without communication barriers. To ensure open and honest discussions, particularly on sensitive topics like radicalization, several strategies were employed. These included creating a non-judgmental atmosphere, using indirect questioning techniques, and ensuring gender-segregated groups where culturally appropriate (Krueger, 2014). During the FGDs, facilitators primarily used the Sylheti dialect when communicating with participants, as this is the everyday language of most residents in the region. However, they were able to shift between Sylheti and standard Bengali as needed, particularly when discussing more formal religious or educational concepts that are often expressed in standard Bengali. The facilitators underwent specialized training in qualitative research methods with a specific focus on discussing potentially sensitive topics related to religion and transnational connections. This training included techniques for encouraging participation without leading responses, managing group dynamics to prevent domination by vocal individuals, and probing for deeper insights while maintaining respect for participants’ beliefs and perspectives. All facilitators were familiar with local religious terminology and practices, enabling them to accurately understand references to specific religious concepts, institutions, and traditions mentioned by participants. Each FGD was conducted using a semi-structured discussion guide that outlined key topics while allowing flexibility to explore emergent themes. Sessions typically lasted 90 min and were audio-recorded with participants’ consent, then later transcribed and translated for analysis. This approach balanced methodological rigor with cultural sensitivity, creating conditions conducive to open and authentic dialogue about transnational religious influences. 2.2.3. KIIs The study conducted 17 KIIs with strategically selected participants representing diverse perspectives on transnational religious connections. The KIIs were distributed across multiple stakeholder groups to ensure comprehensive coverage of relevant viewpoints. Five Imams from different parts of the Sylhet Division provided insights into changing religious practices and the influence of transnational connections on local religious interpretation. These religious leaders offered valuable perspectives on how UK-funded mosques operate and how religious discourse has evolved in communities with strong UK ties. Three madrasah teachers from different educational institutions across the region shared insights into religious education and the influence of external funding and ideas. These educators offered particularly relevant perspectives on how religious curriculum and teaching approaches may be influenced by transnational connections and funding sources. Three community leaders from different districts in Sylhet provided broader contextual understanding of local dynamics and community responses to transnational religious influences. These leaders often played mediating roles between UK donors and local religious institutions, offering unique insights into these relationships. Three national government representatives in Dhaka shared policy perspectives on transnational connections and religious institutions. These interviews provided important context on how these relationships are understood and managed at the national level. Three British nationals or residents of Sylheti heritage were interviewed either in London or during their visits to Sylhet. These participants offered direct perspectives from the diaspora community on their motivations for maintaining transnational religious connections and their perceptions of their influence on local practices. While the number of direct interviews with UK-residing Sylhetis was limited to three, transnational connections were explored throughout all interview categories. Imams, madrasah teachers, and community leaders frequently discussed their interactions with UKresiding Sylhetis who fund religious institutions, their experiences with returning migrants, and the religious ideas flowing between the UK and Bangladesh. This integrated approach meant that transnational dimensions were explored in 14 of the 17 interviews, providing multiple perspectives on these connections. All KIIs employed a semi-structured interview format using an interview guide that ensured consistent coverage of key topics while allowing flexibility to explore emerging themes (Krueger, 2014). The interview guide was tailored for each stakeholder category while maintaining core questions about transnational connections and religious practices. Interviews typically lasted 60–90 min, providing sufficient time for in-depth exploration of complex topics. In addition to these 17 formal KIIs, the study benefited from the FGD conducted at the British High Commission in Dhaka with stakeholders involved in UK-Bangladesh relations, and from survey data from the 68.3 % of respondents who reported having family members in the UK. These multiple data sources enabled triangulation of perspectives on transnational religious connections, strengthening the validity of the findings (Amit et al., 2024; Amit & Kafy, 2024; Nowell et al., 2017; Sultana et al., 2025). 2.3. Data analysis The data analysis process was designed to integrate the quantitative and qualitative data, providing a comprehensive understanding of the research questions. Quantitative data from the survey were analyzed using SPSS software (v.26). Descriptive statistics were employed to summarize the demographic characteristics of the sample and key variables. Chi-square tests were used to examine associations between categorical variables, such as remittance reception and perceptions of religious change. Multiple regression analysis was conducted to explore the factors influencing perceptions of radicalization, with predictors including demographic variables, remittance patterns, and religious practices. In addition to descriptive statistics, more advanced statistical techniques were employed to analyze quantitative data. Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was conducted to identify the main drivers of changes in the religious landscape. PCA is a dimension-reduction technique that helps to identify patterns in data with high dimensionality (Jolliffe, 2002). Twelve variables related to religious practices, external influences, local institutions, and economic factors were included in PCA. The analysis was performed using the ’prcomp’ function in R (version 4.0.3), with variables standardized prior to analysis. Components with eigenvalues greater than 1 were retained, following Kaiser’s criterion (Jolliffe, 2002). To examine the factors influencing perceptions of increased religiosity, multiple regression analysis was conducted. This technique allows for the assessment of the relationship between a dependent variable and multiple independent variables simultaneously (Osborne & Waters, 2002). The dependent variable was a composite measure of perceived increased religiosity, created by averaging responses to several Likertscale items (Cronbach’s α =0.82). Independent variables included S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 6 demographic factors (age, education level), economic indicators (remittance reception), and measures of external influence (UK family influence, social media use). Before conducting the regression, multicollinearity was checked using Variance Inflation Factors (VIF), ensuring all VIF values were below 5. Residual plots were examined to check for homoscedasticity and normality of residuals. The regression analysis was performed using the ’lm’ function in R. Standardized beta coefficients were calculated to allow for comparison of the relative importance of predictors. For both PCA and regression analyses, listwise deletion was used to handle missing data, resulting in a final sample size of 389 for these analyses. Sensitivity analyses using multiple imputation for missing data yielded similar results, suggesting that findings are robust to different approaches to handling missing data. Qualitative data from FGDs and KIIs were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using NVivo software (version 12). Thematic analysis was employed, following the six-step process outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006): familiarization with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This iterative process allowed us to identify recurring patterns and themes across the qualitative data. To enhance the rigor of the qualitative analysis, several strategies were employed. These included peer debriefing, where researchers not directly involved in data collection reviewed the coding and themes, and member checking, where preliminary findings were shared with a subset of participants to ensure the accuracy of interpretation (Elo et al., 2014; Nowell et al., 2017). The integration of quantitative and qualitative findings occurred at multiple stages of the analysis. Preliminary quantitative results informed the focus of qualitative inquiries, while qualitative insights helped explain and contextualize quantitative findings. This integrative approach allowed for a more nuanced understanding of the complex relationships between remittances, religious practices, and potential radicalization. 2.4. Ethical considerations Ethical considerations were paramount throughout the research process, given the sensitive nature of some of the topics explored. Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Ethics Committee (Reference number 2018/003) of the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), Dhanmondi, Dhaka-1209, Bangladesh. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before data collection. For the survey, verbal consent was obtained and recorded by the interviewers. Written consent forms were used for FGDs and KIIs. All consent procedures were conducted in Bengali to ensure full understanding. Participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity. No personally identifiable information was collected in the survey, and pseudonyms were used in the transcription of FGDs and KIIs. Data were stored securely, with access restricted to the research team. Participants were informed that they could withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. For FGDs and KIIs, participants were also given the option to review and amend their contributions after the session. Given the potential for discussions about religious practices and transnational influences to touch on sensitive personal and community matters, a protocol was established for addressing any discomfort or concerns that might arise during interviews or focus groups. This included options for pausing or redirecting discussions when needed and ensuring participants had access to research team contacts after the sessions. After data analysis, participants were individually informed about the aggregated results of the study, fulfilling the commitment to transparency and reciprocity in the research process. These comprehensive ethical procedures ensured that the research adhered to the highest standards of ethical practice in social science research (Israel & Hay, 2006). 3. Results 3.1. Changes in the religious landscape Survey results reveal a significant trend toward increased religiosity in the Sylhet region. As shown in Fig. 2, male respondents reported becoming “Significantly More Religious” (12 %) and “Slightly More Religious” (9 %), while female respondents reported similar changes with 9 % becoming “Significantly More Religious” and 17 % becoming “Slightly More Religious.” Notably, more males (43 %) than females (23 %) reported that religiosity “Stayed the Same,” suggesting that women may be experiencing or perceiving more religious change in their daily lives. The geographical distribution of these perceptions showed that respondents from Sunamganj district were most likely to perceive increased religiosity, followed by those from Sylhet district. Age was also a significant factor, with younger respondents more likely than older ones to report significant increases in religiosity.Qualitative data from KIIs provide important context for these patterns. An overwhelming majority of interviewees described a bi-directional change in the religious-cultural landscape, where both Western influences and Islamic practices have simultaneously intensified. As a madrasah teacher from Sunamganj explained: “The last five years have seen both increasing Western and Islamic influence. While the youth have sometimes taken to modern trends and clothes, activities of Salafist groups, La-madhabi, and Jamaat e Islami have increased.” This simultaneous strengthening of seemingly contradictory influences suggests that increasing religiosity may partly represent a response to perceived threats from modernization. As a community leader in Habiganj noted: “There have been significant changes in the last five years. People have generally become more religious. The younger generation is also drawn to Western culture and increasingly, after completing HSC, and appearing for IELTS, they try for admission to foreign universities. Western culture, education, and modernisation have enabled conservative Islamic practices to thrive.” These qualitative insights help explain the quantitative findings, suggesting that globalization has facilitated increased religiosity through both greater access to non-local Islamic practices and as a Fig. 2. Religiosity changes segmented by gender. S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 7 reaction to perceived cultural threats. 3.2. Drivers of changes in the religious landscape To identify the factors driving religious change in Sylhet, respondents were asked about various potential influences. As shown in Fig. 3, social media emerged as the most significant driver at 68.5 %, followed by the influence of TV (31.5 %), UK family influence (13.5 %), influence of local family (11.5 %), and increasing economic/socio mobility (10.8 %). World events (7.8 %), madrasahs (5.3 %), and increasing liberal influences (4.3 %) were reported as less significant factors.The prominence of social media as the primary driver of religious change represents a significant finding, highlighting how digital connectivity has transformed pathways of religious influence. KIIs contextualized this statistical finding, with religious leaders expressing both opportunities and concerns about social media’s influence. One madrasah teacher from Sunamganj stated: “Social media has become a primary source of religious information for many, but it often lacks the nuance and depth provided by traditional Islamic education.” The high influence of social media aligns with global trends in religious communication but takes on particular significance in the Bangladeshi context, where mobile phone adoption and social media penetration have rapidly increased among youth populations. 3.3. Indigenous practices of Islam Despite Sylhet’s rich historical tradition of Islamic mysticism and Sufism (often referred to as the “land of 360 saints”), survey results indicate a potential disconnection with these indigenous religious practices. As shown in Fig. 4, approximately 55 % of respondents reported awareness of local indigenous practices, while a substantial 45 % were unaware of these traditions, suggesting a generational or cultural shift away from historical religious forms. Furthermore, Fig. 5 indicates that respondents vary broadly in their knowledge and perception of tension between indigenous practices and contemporary religious trends. Knowledge levels typically range between 40 % and 60 %, while tension levels are perceived between 30 % and 50 %. This finding suggests ongoing negotiation between local Sufi traditions and more text-focused interpretations of Islam that often characterize transnational religious influences. FGD with community elders revealed a sense of loss regarding local Sufi traditions. One elder from Moulvibazar lamented: “Our rich heritage of Sufi practices is being forgotten as younger generations turn to more orthodox interpretations of Islam, often influenced by ideas from abroad.” This tension between indigenous and imported religious practices provides important context for understanding how transnational connections are reshaping Sylhet’s religious landscape. It is important to recognize that the apparent shift toward more conservative religious interpretations is not monolithic or uniform across the population. Our findings reveal significant diversity in how individuals and communities respond to transnational religious influences. While the overall trend indicates increasing religious conservatism, individual responses vary considerably based on factors including age, gender, education, and local context. For example, the varying levels of knowledge and tension regarding indigenous practices (Fig. 5) demonstrate that communities are not Fig. 3. Drivers of changes in religious landscape in Sylhet division. Fig. 4. Awareness vs. non-awareness of indigenous practices. Fig. 5. Knowledge vs. tension on indigenous practices. S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 8 (Ebaugh & Chafetz, 2002), this study highlights the reverse flow—how diaspora communities influence religious practices in their communities of origin. The patterns of influence intensity across different regions and demographics (Fig. 8) demonstrate how these reverse flows operate across diverse local contexts. Third, the findings highlight how economic, social, and digital factors interact to create multiple pathways of transnational religious influence. The principal component analysis identifying “external influence,” “local institutions,” and “economic factors” as three key components driving religious change demonstrates the multifaceted nature of these processes. This supports theoretical approaches that emphasize the interconnection between different forms of transnational exchange rather than treating them as separate domains. Fourth, the study provides evidence for what might be called “transnational religious conservatism”—where diasporic populations promote more conservative religious interpretations in their communities of origin rather than more liberal ones. The 3D network diagram (Fig. 12) showing varying levels of influence across different institution types and geographical locations illustrates how UK-funded religious institutions can have differential impacts across the region, often promoting more conservative interpretations. This finding nuances assumptions that exposure to Western contexts necessarily leads to more liberal religious attitudes, suggesting instead that religious conservatism may sometimes function as a strategy for maintaining cultural identity in diaspora contexts (Kibria, 2011). These implications extend current theoretical understandings of transnationalism and religion by demonstrating the complex, multi-directional, and sometimes counterintuitive ways that cross-border connections shape religious identity and practice. Rather than producing homogenization or secularization, the transnational connections observed in this study have contributed to religious distinctiveness and in some cases conservatism. 4.6. Policy implications and future research directions The findings suggest several important implications for policy and practice. First, they highlight the need for approaches to diaspora engagement that recognize the significant religious dimensions of transnational connections. Policies focused solely on economic aspects of migration may overlook the important cultural and religious exchanges that shape communities with strong diaspora ties. Second, the central role of digital platforms in facilitating transnational religious influence suggests the importance of digital literacy initiatives that help users critically evaluate religious content encountered online. The finding that social media is identified as a primary driver of religious change indicates that digital platforms have become essential spaces for religious discourse and influence. Third, the documented tensions between indigenous religious practices and transnational interpretations suggest the value of cultural heritage initiatives that preserve local religious traditions while engaging with global religious currents. The finding of indigenous religious practices indicates potential opportunities for educational initiatives that reconnect communities with their religious heritage. Several directions for future research emerge from this study. Most critically, longitudinal research could track patterns of transnational religious influence over time, providing deeper insights into how these processes evolve and strengthening causal inferences that are limited in the current cross-sectional design. The intensity fluctuations over time illustrated in Fig. 14 suggest dynamic patterns that merit longer-term investigation through panel studies that follow the same individuals and communities over multiple years. Such longitudinal approaches would help clarify the causal relationships between transnational connections and religious change, which can only be inferred with caution from the current data. Additionally, comparative studies examining these dynamics in other regions with strong diaspora connections would help determine which patterns are specific to the Sylheti context and which represent broader trends in transnational religious influence. The regional variations documented suggest that local contexts significantly mediate transnational processes. More detailed ethnographic research could explore how individuals and communities navigate and negotiate transnational religious influences in their daily lives. The varied perception intensities suggest nuanced responses to transnational religious influence that warrant closer investigation. 4. Conclusion This study has documented how transnational connections between UK-residing Sylhetis and their communities of origin shape religious practices in the Sylhet region of Bangladesh. The research has identified three key mechanisms through which transnational religious influence operates: remittances that fund religious institutions, digital communications that transmit religious ideas, and family networks that promote particular religious interpretations. The findings demonstrate that transnational connections significantly influence religious practices in Sylhet, often promoting more conservative interpretations of Islam. Social media emerged as the most significant driver of religious change (68.5 %), highlighting how digital platforms have transformed pathways of religious influence. UK family connections showed the strongest association with increased religiosity (β =0.28), underscoring the importance of transnational family networks in shaping religious views. Remittances play a crucial role in this process, with approximately 40 % supporting religious institutions, providing the economic foundation for transnational religious influence. PCA revealed that “external influence” (primarily social media and UK family influence) accounts for the largest proportion of variance (35.5 %) in religious change, followed by “local institutions” (27 %) and “economic factors” (19 %). This statistical evidence, combined with rich qualitative insights, demonstrates how transnational connections create multiple pathways for religious influence across national boundaries. These findings challenge simplistic narratives about globalization leading to secularization, instead revealing how transnational connections can facilitate religious conservatism through economic, social, and digital channels. The research shows that rather than producing homogenization or westernization, globalization can generate complex patterns of religious change that reflect both global influences and local responses to those influences. By focusing specifically on transnational religious connections, remittances, and social media—rather than broader concepts like radicalization or sustainable development—this study provides a focused analysis of how diaspora communities influence religious practices in their regions of origin. This targeted approach reveals the nuanced dynamics of transnational religious influence, contributing to a more refined understanding of how globalization shapes religious identity and practice in communities with strong diaspora connections. Future research should examine these dynamics longitudinally, explore comparative cases in other regions with significant diaspora connections, and investigate how local communities actively negotiate these transnational religious influences. By continuing to examine these complex relationships between migration, remittances, and religious practice, scholars can develop increasingly nuanced understandings of religious identity formation in our interconnected world. Consent to participate The study was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations including the Declaration of Helsinki for research with human participants. Informed consent was obtained from all participants. CRediT authorship contribution statement Sajid Amit: Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Visualization, Validation, Supervision, Software, Resources, Project administration, Methodology, Investigation, Funding acquisition, S. Amit Research in Globalization 10 (2025) 100286 15 Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Funding No funding was received for this study. Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. Data Availability The data that support the findings of this study are not publicly available due to privacy or confidentiality restrictions. However, data will be made available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. References Ahmed, A.-A., & Ali, M. (2019). In search of sylhet?The fultoli tradition in britain. Religions, 10, 572. Ullah, A. K. M. A., Huque, A. S., & Kathy, A. A. 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