THE INFLUENCE OF JADID ENLIGHTENMENT VIEWS ON CONTEMPORARY SOCIO-PHILOSOPHICAL DEVELOPMENT

SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 122 THE INFLUENCE OF JADID ENLIGHTENMENT VIEWS ON CONTEMPORARY SOCIO-PHILOSOPHICAL DEVELOPMENT Masharipova Gularam Kamilovna Doctor of Sciences (DSc), Professor, University of Management and Future Technologies E-mail: [email protected] ORCID: 0009-0007-0788-2359 Abstract. This article analyzes the socio-philosophical views of Jadid enlighteners and their role in education, national consciousness, free thinking, and the modernization of society. The progressive ideas of representatives of the Jadid movement are evaluated as an important source for contemporary sociophilosophical development. The study highlights the relevance of the Jadids’ views aimed at reforming society through enlightenment, science, and culture in the context of modern globalization, and reveals their influence on the development of modern social consciousness and philosophical thinking. Keywords: jadidism, enlightenment, socio-philosophical development, national consciousness, education and upbringing, modernization, free thinking, social development, philosophical thought. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi stands out among Jadid intellectuals for the depth and maturity of his political consciousness. He was a great political figure of early twentieth-century Turkestan. From a young age, Mahmudkhoja held a negative attitude toward the political situation and structure of colonial Turkestan. In most of his articles and socio-political activities, he sharply criticized the colonial policy of Tsarism and the Provisional Government, striving to comprehend and explain to the people the chauvinistic essence of the administrative system imposed by them. Behbudi regarded raising the political consciousness of the people, restoring their SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 123 violated rights, and ultimately preparing them for the struggle to achieve national independence as his moral duty and the sacred guideline of his activity. Expressing his views on methods of state governance, Behbudi divided them into three types: Idorai mustaqilla (absolute administration - monarchy), Idorai mashruta (constitutional parliamentary government), and Idorai jumhuriyat (republic), presenting his reflections on each of them. Jadid patriots who fought for independence, when expressing their views on the future of Turkestan, chose three different paths to achieve independence: Liberation from Russian subjugation through force and armed struggle to gain independence (the Dukchi Eshon uprising, the events of 1916, the “Basmachi” movement). The path of compromise—achieving enlightenment with the help of Russians, gaining rights in educational matters, and restoring national characteristics (Ismail Gasprinsky, Mahmudkhoja Behbudi). The path of cooperation - collaborating with Tsarist authorities and later with the Soviet government by participating in their programs and striving to gain independence when possible, while carrying out necessary preparation (Munavvarqori, Hamza, Avloniy) [1, p. 10]. Behbudi clearly understood that a political party should be the leading political force in state governance. Striving to comprehend the goals and agendas of political parties in Russia, and to express and correctly evaluate his attitude toward them, Behbudi was significantly influenced in the formation of his socio-political views by the Cadet Party. As early as 1906, Behbudi sharply criticized Russian socialist doctrine and Lenin’s party. He supported the Union of Muslims of Russia (Ittifaq alMuslimin). Among political parties, Mahmudkhoja Behbudi stated, the Cadet Party was the most suitable for Muslims, as it supported the State Duma, which enabled dialogue between the tsar and the people. Like his mentor Gasprinsky, Behbudi regarded socialism as violence and viewed social equality as injustice. SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 124 He saw personal interest and national progress as the great driving forces of development. This very belief led him to the struggle for Turkestan’s independence. In 1905, the Muslim Party was established in Nizhny Novgorod. Its main political demands were to prevent government interference in the religious affairs of Muslims and to establish a system of local self-government. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi explicitly emphasized his support for the Muslim Party. Although Turkestan Muslims may support the Cadets in politics, he argued, they must join the Muslim Party. Serving this party and being its supporter means serving our religion, our homeland, and our nation. Behbudi supported the necessity of establishing a local administration in Turkestan responsible for the religious and civil affairs of Muslims. The local administration of Turkestan, he argued, should take under its authority the judiciary of qadis, the management of waqf property, issues related to schools and madrasas, as well as other religious and national matters. “For us, the Muslims of Turkestan,” Behbudi stated, “a religious and civil administration is as essential as water and bread, because without it we will lose our faith and fall into catastrophe” [2, p. 15]. The ideas articulated in Behbudi’s articles and reform projects served as the main programmatic documents and practical guidelines of the Jadid movement. In 1907, he submitted the project entitled “Cultural Autonomy of Turkestan” to the Muslim faction of the Third State Duma of Russia for consideration. However, the Third State Duma ignored this project developed by Behbudi. Had it been approved, it would undoubtedly have exerted a significant influence on the sociopolitical life of the Turkestan region. Our compatriot Dr. Temir Khoja o‘g‘li, who discovered this historical document in a foreign archive, assesses its importance as follows: “…if this text is carefully studied, it becomes clear that Behbudi sought, for the Turkestanis living under Tsarist Russian rule (excluding the Emirate of Bukhara and the Khanate of Khiva), an autonomy that was extraordinarily bold for its time and demanded broad rights. Two of the most important issues in the proposal are the privatization of schools (Article 18) and the articles stipulating that the Russian SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 125 State Duma should not interfere in the internal affairs of Turkestan” [3, p. 25]. These provisions of the “Project” testify that as early as 1907, Behbudi had taken a decisive step from enlightenment toward a national liberation movement. One of the leaders of the national awakening movement arrived during these years at the only correct and bold conclusion: that reforming the education system alone was not sufficient to realize the “Cultural Autonomy of Turkestan.” Firmly convinced that independence and freedom cannot be achieved without struggle, Behbudi titled one of his articles “Rights Are Taken, Not Given!” He emphasized the same idea in his article “Bayoni Haqiqat” (“Statement of Truth”). “History clearly shows,” Behbudi wrote, “that rights are taken, not given. The people of every nation and country obtain their rights, religion, and politics from others through action and unity… We Muslims, particularly the Muslims of Turkestan, desire that no one should oppress or threaten our religion and nation, and we have neither the intention nor the desire to threaten others” [4]. Behbudi partially agreed with the idea put forward by Munavvarqori in his article entitled “Freedom Is Not Given, It Is Taken.” Munavvarqori believed that freedom could be achieved “only through bloodshed” [5]. Behbudi, however, like most Jadids, was an advocate of nonviolent struggle against colonialism and opposed any form of revolution. He closely followed the work of the Duma and believed that much could be achieved through parliamentary struggle. Although he was a fervent supporter of autonomy, he advocated a gradual path to progress— methods of incremental and step-by-step implementation. The enlightener believed that Turkestan could achieve independence even while remaining within the Russian state. However, to obtain such rights, all social strata, regardless of nationality, had to participate in the struggle. He emphasized the necessity of uniting with the Russian population and establishing a “Council of Turkestan Muslims,” with representatives elected from each district (uyezd). According to Behbudi, another essential condition for living under the autonomous status of Turkestan within a democratic Russian state was the elimination of internal SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 126 conflicts and contradictions [6, p. 23]. In the above-mentioned article “Bayoni Haqiqat,” the author wrote: “We desire that all Muslims of Russia live according to the principle of autonomy (federalism). Each branch of Russian Muslims, based on geographical environment and territorial boundaries, should be divided into separate units and governed in accordance with their own freedoms and customs… A ‘Central Muslim Administration’ should be established in the capital of Russia for all Russian Muslims, and together with Russians, hand in hand, efforts should be made in political, economic, and state affairs to advance onto the world stage of progress… Laws should be enacted that take into account the interests of Jews, Christians, and Muslims of Turkestan alike… Gradually, our own national military units should be formed. We ourselves shall determine the duties, appearance, form, uniform, and way of life of these national forces. These are the greatest tasks before us… Given the current situation, we Muslims remain subjects and dependents of the Russians, left to supplication and pleading. We are governed according to colonial rules, and our own internal discord is the cause of this” [7]. Orientalist Laziz Aziz-zoda, in an article written on the seventh anniversary of Behbudi’s death, noted:“Behbudi was among the first to propagate the idea of liberating Turkestan from the grip of the Tsarist government, among the first to sense the oppression of the population, and among those who called for a struggle for the future through various skillful means… In his articles, he constantly criticized the Tsarist government—sometimes openly, sometimes through covert agitation - and at the same time also directed criticism at the Emirate of Bukhara” [8, p. 5]. According to Behbudi, one of the most important steps toward achieving independence was the unification of representatives of the younger and older generations. The younger generation needed to rid itself of haste, rely on scientific principles in resolving issues, and demonstrate strong willpower. Unfortunately, Behbudi admitted, he himself had once been a supporter of rapid and hasty SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 127 measures; however, he emphasized that everything should be carried out according to a well-considered plan and that the older generation should not deprive the youth of opportunities to work and struggle for the prosperity of the nation. The February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917 convinced the Jadids that an opportunity had emerged to implement their programs and led to the strengthening of national liberation sentiments. Serious changes occurred in the political consciousness and struggle of the local population of the region, and parties such as Shuroi Islomiya and Shuroi Ulamo were established. The leaders of the Shuroi Islomiya party - Munavvarqori, Mustafa Chokayev, Behbudi, and others - demanded the establishment of autonomy in Turkestan, independence in the fields of finance, justice, administration, and education, as well as freedom of the press. Behbudi explained what Turkestan autonomy should be like: “Autonomy, as we Muslims of Turkestan desire it, means remaining within the Russian state, being united with it in foreign affairs, while governing our internal affairs and livelihood ourselves…” Developing his idea further, the author wrote: “For our own protection, we shall have a national gendarmerie and army. In addition to the state treasury, we shall have our own separate treasury to cover the expenses of our national and cultural affairs. Our schools and madrasas, waqf properties, and courts shall remain under our own administration. In short, apart from matters of state and politics, all other affairs shall be under our control, and for this purpose modern and cultural statutes and laws must be drafted. Since Russians, Jews, Armenians, and others live in Turkestan, new and modern laws are also required to regulate our relations with them” [1, p. 57]. In August 1917, a draft autonomy project was published in the newspaper Kengash, and Mahmudkhoja Behbudi, Munavvarqori, and Abdurashidxonov actively participated in its preparation. In September 1917, a regional congress of Muslims was convened at the initiative of the Central Shuroi Islomiya. The resolution adopted by the congress SCIENTIFIC APPROACH TO THE MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM Vol. 3 No. 6 (2025) 128 stated: “The congress opposes the transfer of power to the Soviets of workers, soldiers, and peasants. Power should be coalition-based and rely on all forces of the country; that is, it should be a truly popular authority.” However, the Bolsheviks demanded that all power be transferred to the Soviets. In this situation, Behbudi and Munavvarqori called for joint action between the Shuroi Islomiya and Shuroi Ulamo parties. This appeal was reflected in the resolutions of the All-Muslim Congress convened on September 17-20, 1917. It was declared that the future socio-political structure of Turkestan should be a republic with a supreme legislative body - a parliament. On November 26, 1917, the Fourth Extraordinary Congress of Muslims of the region began its work in Kokand, and on the night of November 27, the “Autonomy of Turkestan” was proclaimed. This was a serious and courageous step from colonial dependence toward independence. Its spiritual father was undoubtedly Behbudi. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi wrote: “On November 27, the Autonomy of Turkestan was proclaimed at the general Muslim congress in Kokand. May it be blessed and auspicious! I am honored to have been present at the assembly. Long live the Autonomy of Turkestan!” [9, p. 13]. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi deeply understood that Turkestan could be preserved only through the unity and cooperation of all kindred nations living within it. With his entire being, he called Turkestan toward unity: “All Muslims of Turkestan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, as well as the Jews and Christians living here, must unite and strive together to realize this autonomy” [10]. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi was the leader of the national liberation movement in Turkestan, a figure who devoted his entire conscious life to the theoretical development and practical implementation of the socio-political foundations of independence. References: 1. Mahmudkhoja Behbudi. Selected Works. - Tashkent: Ma’naviyat, 1999, p. 10. 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