Global income inequality: A case study of OECD countries and Kazakhstan
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Jumambayev, Seisembay; Dzhulaeva, Almazhan; Baimukhanova, Sariya; Ilyashova, Guliya; Dosmbek, Aidana Article Global income inequality: A case study of OECD countries and Kazakhstan Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe Provided in Cooperation with: Institute of Economics, University of Łódź Suggested Citation: Jumambayev, Seisembay; Dzhulaeva, Almazhan; Baimukhanova, Sariya; Ilyashova, Guliya; Dosmbek, Aidana (2022) : Global income inequality: A case study of OECD countries and Kazakhstan, Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe, ISSN 2082-6737, Lodz University Press, Lodz, Vol. 25, Iss. 4, pp. 179-203, https://doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.25.35 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/289723 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
179 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan Seisembay Jumambayev https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0527-3748 Ph.D. of Economic Sciences, Associate Professor, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University Department of Management, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan, e-mail: [email protected] Almazhan Dzhulaeva https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1533-7979 Candidate of Economic Sciences, Acting Associate Professor, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University Department of Management, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan, e-mail: [email protected] Sariya Baimukhanova https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9128-4891 Ph.D. of Economic Sciences, Associate Professor, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University Department of Finance and Accounting, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan, e-mail: [email protected] Guliya Ilyashova https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2661-0328 Senior Lecturer, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Department of Economics Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan, e-mail: Ilyashov[email protected] Aidana Dosmbek https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8394-7176 Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Department of Management, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article presents the results of a study into the features of the formation of economic inequal‑ ity in Kazakhstan in the context of global trends in the country’s development. The methodolog‑ ical basis of the study was a comparative analysis of the former Soviet Union (FSU) and OECD countries in terms of economic development and inequality in the context of global chang‑ es and trends, implemented with the help of econometric and economic‑statistical methods. The study revealed a direct statistically significant (p < 0.05) correlation between the level of in‑ come concentration of the 10% group and the economic growth of Iceland (r = 0.67) and the Re‑ public of Belarus (r = 0.65). In the case of the Republic of Kazakhstan, no such correlation was Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe Volume 25, Number 4, 2022 https://doi.org/10.18778/1508‑2008.25.35 © by the author, licensee University of Lodz – Lodz University Press, Poland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC‑BY‑NC‑ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‑nc‑nd/4.0/) Received: 21.04.2022. Verified: 5.08.2022. Accepted: 11.10.2022
180 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek found. However, in Kazakhstan, the link between the 10% group’s income concentration and gross domestic product per capita has been established. The dynamics of GDP growth and the values of Kazakhstan’s population’s real money incomes have a stable inverse relationship. The correla‑ tion coefficient between them is r = –0.46, and the determination coefficient is R = 0.215, based on data from 2008 to 2020. This suggests that economic growth is still the most important factor that influences the population’s real income. The results of the study will be put into practice by familiarizing government officials with the developed proposals for enhancing the state’s policy of overcoming economic inequality and setting the stage for sustainable economic growth. In ad‑ dition, the results of this study will be of interest to academic science, actualizing new directions for further research. Keywords: development, distribution, institutions, transition economy, wealth JEL: О10, О57, Р16 Introduction Global income inequality has remained stubbornly high fordecades, areflection oftheworld’s existing highly hierarchical economic system. Atthesame time, theshare ofincome re‑ ceived by 10%oftheworld’s population fluctuates between 50–60%oftotal income, while theshare oftheremaining 50% inthelower part is typically 5–10%. Theglobal share oftheworld’s richest 1% is nearly three tofour times that oftheremaining 50%, which is roughly onthesame order ofmagnitude as the0.1%share (Chancel andPiketty 2021). Intoday’s world, theCOVID–19 pandemic andits accompanying economic crisis are thetwo most powerful contributors toglobal poverty andpersistentinequality. As are‑ sult ofthepandemic, between 88 and115million people weretrapped inextreme pov‑ erty in2020, bringing global poverty rates back tolevels seen in2017. Thefigure is ex‑ pected torise to150million by 2021 (World Bank 2020). Global inequality remains widespread in2021, despite three decades oftrade andfi‑ nancial globalization. Inequality is now nearly as bad as when Western countries were attheir pinnacle ofpower. Additionally, theCOVID–19 pandemic has contributed totheescalation ofglobal inequality. Since themid–1990s, roughly 1%ofthewealth‑ iest people have amassed 38%ofall additional wealth. Notably, since 2020, these pro‑ cesses have moved atamuch faster pace (World Inequality Lab 2021a). Because ofthis, income distribution is ofsignificant scientific andpractical importance. Recent years have seen many new economic theories arise that try toascertain why there is so much inequality inincome distribution andhow that can upset economic growth. This research will investigate thetheories that explain inequality. Again, thestudy ofin‑ come inequality intheFSU countries is particularly important because this issue has received insufficient attention.
181 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan New perspectives on income inequality While it is widely acknowledged that income inequality is inherently undesirable, there is considerable debate about its impact oneconomic growth. Thelevel ofequality ofop‑ portunity is responsible fortherelationship between income inequality andeconomic growth. Income inequality has agreater impact onfuture growth insocieties where opportunities are unequally distributed, i.e., where parents’ material circumstances constrain their children’s opportunities (Mijs 2021). By contrast, insocieties where there are more opportunities foreveryone, income inequality can be more easily ig‑ nored andshould not limit investment opportunities or slow down growth. Inthis case, opportunity equality can be equated with intergenerational mobility, or thede‑ gree ofcorrelation between parents’ achievements (income andeducation) andchil‑ dren’s achievements (Aiyar andEbeke 2020). Thedynamics ofincome inequality inthepost‑communist countries ofCentral andEast‑ ern Europe have long been thought tobe linked totheimpact ofinstitutional change. Thegroup analysis results indicate two types ofinstitutional changes: endogenous inthefirst transition period, associated with adeterioration inincome distribution, andexogenous inthesecond transition period, associated with income distribution sta‑ bilization. Thepersistence ofhigh income inequality during thesecond transition period can be explained by post‑transitional tolerance forinequality, which reflects economic evolution but also suggests apossible shift invalues inCentral andEastern European countries (Josifidis, Supic, andGlavaski 2018). Main hypothesis Inequality has adetrimental effect oneconomic growth foranumber ofreasons. Tobe‑ gin with, inequality can result inunderinvestment ineducation, health care, andphys‑ ical capital, all ofwhich contribute toslower economic growth. Ontheother hand, underinvestment can be associated with alack ofresources, i.e., poverty, rather than inequality as aneconomic phenomenon. This favors considering poverty as another fac‑ tor that can stifle economic growth (Breunig andMajeed 2020). Inequality inFSU countries may be linked tothefact that, as aresult ofrapid devel‑ opment andurbanization, there is ahigh concentration ofpopulation inthese coun‑ tries’ capitals, owing tohigher personal incomes. This always favors increased mobility andlong‑term migration from small andmedium‑sized cities tolarge cities, as well as rural depopulation (with theexception ofKazakhstan, which has thehighest degree ofspatial polarization). Thehigh degree ofpersonal income inequality incapitals com‑ pared toprovinces primarily determines labor migrants’ choices:thecapital or outside thecountry (Zubarevich 2018).
182 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek Another aspect oftheproblem is that therelationship between remittances andinequal‑ ity is reversed inmost countries. Remittances, ontheother hand, deepen economic ine‑ quality when they account formore than 20%ofGDP. This situation calls intoquestion theassertion that remittances should only be viewed as aredistribution mechanism that benefits thepoor because additional migrant remittances can actually increase income inequality insome cases (Tokhirov 2021). Theissues captured here are viewed through thelens ofthefollowing hypothesis, which will either be confirmed or refuted: Ahigh level ofincome inequality inFSU countries andKazakhstan can, among other things, affect thedynamics ofeconom‑ ic growth andits sustainability. Furthermore, there is alink between theindicator ofgross internal income per capita andthepercentage ofpeople living onless than thepoverty line. Literature review Today’s world is marked by widespread economic inequality. Rapid economic growth insome developing countries has helped toreduce inter‑country inequality tosome ex‑ tent, but intra‑country inequality remains high and, insome cases, is increasing (Haller andEder 2016). According totheUN Sustainable Development Outlook Report, high levels ofinequality limit human development’s economic andsocial mobility and, as aresult, impede eco‑ nomic growth (United Nations 2019). Inequality is also amajor impediment toachiev‑ ing theSustainable Development Goals. Societies with high levels ofincome inequality develop more slowly than societies with low levels, andthey are less successful atsus‑ taining long‑term economic growth. They are also ineffective atalleviating poverty (De‑ partment ofEconomic andSocial Affairs oftheUnited Nations Secretariat 2020). Theworld ofglobal flows ofgoods, services, andcapital has changed dramatically over thelast twenty‑five years. This has influenced global economic andfinancial power re‑ lations (Čaušević 2017). Thefinancial capitalism era, characterized by increased globalization andbanking, has altered therelationship between labor andcapital, with labor frequently being theweak‑ er party. Ontheone hand, trade unions lost power as aresult ofthelabor‑capital con‑ flict, andlabor market institutions such as worker protection from layoffs, unemploy‑ ment benefits, unemployment subsidy replacement rates, andso onwere weakened. Moreover, workforce flexibility, atypical labor contracts, andtemporary jobs led topre‑ carious employment and, thus, precarious consumption. Inthis context, income ine‑ quality has grown because labor, themost important source ofincome, is viewed from asupply‑side perspective as acost tobe reduced rather than afundamental component ofaggregate demand toexpand production (Fadda andTridico 2016).
183 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan Thus, inrecent decades, theshift away from classical industrial capitalism toward fi‑ nancial capitalism has accelerated thegrowth ofinequality. Inthis regard, economic inequality is common inmany countries around theworld. This socio‑economic phe‑ nomenon is still one ofthemost perplexing scientific mysteries ofthepast andpresent. TheFSU countries only recently faced theproblem ofinequality, about 30 years ago, after abandoning theplanned economy andtransitioning toamarket economy. There‑ fore, this phenomenon has received insufficient attention. There has recently been much interest instudying certain aspects ofthedevelopment ofinequality intheFSU countries. Thereason forthis is that there is asignificant differ‑ ence between countries interms ofinequality, with Kazakhstan standing out. Thepur‑ pose ofthis study is toexamine thecharacteristics ofeconomic inequality inKazakhstan inlight ofglobal trends affecting its growth. This assumes that theresearch objec‑ tives will be met. Tobegin, it is necessary toexamine theissue ofeconomic inequality attheglobal level, specifically between individual countries interms ofGDP per cap‑ ita, as well as between different segments ofthepopulation interms ofincome, using anestablished assessment criterion based ontheGini coefficient andother relevant indicators. Thenext step is todelve deeper intothestudy oftheinequality problem by comparing Kazakhstan toother countries. Finally, thestudyintendstocharacterize similar approaches anddifferences inviewpoints onthemajor global trends andfactors intheformation ofinequality invarious countries worldwide. Methods and materials Research methodology Forthis comparative analysis, 12 FSU countries and38 OECD member countries as of2021 were chosen fortheir distinctive patterns ofsocio‑economic develop‑ ment. Appropriate indicators were chosen based onastudy ofthemain theoretical andmethodological concepts andapproaches tothestudy oftheproblem ofinequal‑ ity. Theuse ofthese indicators inthecomparative analysis would reveal differenc‑ es andtrends inthedynamics ofincome inequality inKazakhstan anddeveloped countries, as well as their impact oneconomic growth. Theresultsallow us toas‑ sesstheimpact ofchanging income inequality trends onKazakhstan’s economic growth rate and, ultimately, thecountry’s real chances ofjoining theworld’s thirty most developed countries. Theindicators representing thedistribution ofhouseholds according totheamount ofaverage per capita cash income andtotal cash income ofthepopulation by 10% groups were used during thestudy ofincome inequality inKazakhstan andsome
184 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek developed countries. They enable thecalculation ofdecile differentiation indicators andtheassessment ofincome concentration, cash income andexpenditure structure ofthepopulation, theGini coefficient, thepoverty rate, etc. Inequality was measured using data from theNational Bureau ofStatistics oftheRepublic ofKazakhstan, OECD. Stat, theWorld Bank Open Data, World Inequality Database (WID.world), theEura‑ sian Union’s statistical database, andother sources. TheP90/P10 ratio, i.e., theratio ofthe upper bound value of theninth decile or the10%ofpeople with thehighest income tothat ofthefirst, was also used here. TheGini coefficient has significant advantages over other indicators, but it also has anumber oflimitations. It has aclear graphical representation, andas with any generalizing measure, it allows general conclusions about inequality trends tobe drawn. It does not, however, determine whether theincrease or decrease ininequal‑ ity is theresult ofchanges atthebottom, middle, or top ofthedistribution. TheGini coefficient is more sensitive tochanges inthemiddle ofthedistribution than other indices andless sensitive tochanges atthevery bottom andvery top ofthedistri‑ bution (Department ofEconomic andSocial Affairs oftheUnited Nations Secretar‑ iat 2020). Correlation analysis was carried out using Microsoft Excel. All calculations were per‑ formed according toMeissner (2013). Results Inthemodern world, economic inequality exists attheglobal level between individu‑ al countries. It is typically measured interms ofGDP per capita, as well as income ine‑ qualitybetween different strata ofthepopulation. Let us take acloser look atthese two situations. When thedynamics oftheFSU countries andtheOECD countries interms ofGDP per capita (current US$) are compared, there is asignificant difference between them (Table1). Table 1. The FSU countries’ achieved Level of GDP per capita (current US$) in relation to the OECD countries’ average indicator (as a percentage) Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Australia 137.5 127.5 148.8 167.1 183.0 182.2 164.7 159.5 138.6 144.5 145.8 139.4 136.0 Austria 143.3 143.0 134.0 137.3 130.7 135.6 136.3 124.1 125.6 126.6 130.8 126.9 126.9 Belgium 133.3 132.9 126.3 126.5 120.2 124.9 125.7 115.2 116.5 118.0 120.9 117.5 117.1
185 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Canada 129.5 121.9 136.0 139.6 141.7 140.7 134.3 122.5 117.4 120.7 118.1 117.3 113.6 Switzer‑ land 206.7 214.9 220.6 243.9 232.9 235.5 236.4 238.2 230.4 223.0 219.6 216.0 228.6 Chile 29.8 30.4 36.6 39.1 41.3 42.3 38.7 38.1 38.2 40.1 40.4 37.3 34.7 Colombia 15.2 15.5 18.1 19.6 21.7 22.0 21.4 17.4 16.3 17.1 17.1 16.3 14.0 Costa Rica 19.1 20.3 23.5 24.7 27.1 28.7 28.6 32.7 33.3 32.7 31.7 32.1 31.7 Czech Republic 63.2 59.2 57.1 58.5 53.5 53.8 52.4 50.1 51.5 55.2 59.5 59.9 60.2 Germany 125.9 123.7 118.8 124.7 118.0 123.7 126.4 115.4 116.8 119.2 121.9 118.4 121.3 Denmark 178.3 173.4 166.0 165.0 157.4 163.6 164.8 149.6 151.6 154.1 156.6 151.3 160.3 Spain 98.0 95.5 87.2 84.6 76.2 77.7 77.6 72.3 73.5 75.2 77.1 74.8 71.0 Estonia 50.5 43.9 41.9 46.7 46.8 50.9 53.3 48.9 50.7 54.5 58.6 59.2 60.4 Finland 148.4 141.0 132.9 136.5 128.4 133.3 132.5 120.2 121.5 123.9 127.0 123.2 128.0 France 125.6 124.0 116.2 117.0 110.0 113.8 113.4 102.9 102.7 103.5 105.7 102.7 102.5 United Kingdom 131.0 115.5 113.1 112.4 114.2 116.0 125.1 126.5 113.9 107.8 109.3 107.2 105.8 Greece 88.7 88.6 76.3 68.0 59.0 58.1 56.9 50.7 49.6 49.7 50.2 48.5 46.4 Hungary 43.7 38.9 37.7 38.0 34.9 36.6 37.6 35.7 36.3 39.1 41.7 42.4 41.7 Ireland 169.3 154.8 139.0 139.3 131.9 137.7 146.3 174.2 174.3 186.2 201.0 204.7 223.8 Iceland 157.8 123.1 123.7 127.5 123.8 133.1 143.8 148.8 172.0 192.6 189.3 174.5 155.6 Israel 82.0 82.6 87.8 89.8 87.5 97.1 99.5 100.6 103.4 108.3 106.0 110.3 114.5 Italy 113.0 110.6 103.0 103.2 94.3 95.0 93.6 84.9 85.8 86.5 88.0 85.0 83.2 Japan 110.5 123.2 128.6 130.3 132.3 109.3 101.4 98.2 109.3 104.0 101.2 103.2 103.8 Korea Republic 59.2 57.1 66.0 67.1 68.5 72.7 77.1 80.7 81.2 84.6 85.0 80.6 82.7 Lithuania 41.4 35.2 34.3 38.4 38.7 42.0 43.6 40.1 41.6 45.1 48.7 49.5 52.5 Luxem‑ bourg 316.7 307.7 300.2 309.4 287.3 303.7 313.2 284.8 289.3 287.2 296.4 290.3 304.2 Latvia 45.5 36.6 32.5 36.8 37.5 40.4 41.4 38.7 39.7 41.9 45.4 45.0 46.3 Mexico 27.8 23.9 26.5 27.3 27.6 28.7 28.8 27.0 24.3 24.8 24.6 25.2 21.9 Nether‑ lands 159.8 156.6 145.7 144.8 134.8 139.5 139.2 126.9 127.6 129.9 134.8 132.8 137.5 Norway 268.7 238.4 250.8 268.9 273.2 275.1 255.7 208.9 195.5 202.0 209.1 191.9 176.9 New Zealand 86.6 84.1 96.3 102.6 107.6 114.9 117.5 108.5 111.2 115.0 110.1 108.2 108.9 Poland 38.8 34.4 36.1 37.1 35.2 36.6 37.6 35.3 34.5 37.1 39.3 39.7 41.1
186 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Portugal 68.9 68.8 64.4 62.0 55.3 57.9 58.2 54.1 55.4 57.4 59.9 58.9 58.9 Slovak Republic 51.8 49.3 47.9 49.1 47.0 48.8 49.2 45.8 45.8 46.8 49.2 48.8 50.3 Slovenia 76.2 73.6 67.2 67.1 60.9 62.8 63.8 58.7 60.1 62.8 66.4 65.7 67.0 Sweden 155.6 140.0 151.2 162.4 156.2 163.4 158.2 144.8 144.1 143.9 138.8 131.5 137.2 Turkey 30.3 27.1 30.7 30.5 31.7 33.7 32.0 30.9 30.2 28.3 24.0 23.1 22.4 USA 134.1 140.4 138.6 133.3 138.9 141.9 145.1 159.8 160.9 160.8 160.3 165.2 166.8 OECD members 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Armenia 11.1 8.9 9.2 9.4 9.9 10.3 10.5 10.1 10.0 10.5 10.7 11.7 11.2 Azerbaijan 15.4 14.8 16.7 19.2 20.2 21.1 20.8 15.5 10.8 11.1 12.0 12.2 11.1 Belarus 17.7 16.0 17.2 17.4 18.7 21.3 21.9 16.7 13.9 15.4 16.1 17.3 16.8 Georgia 9.2 8.4 9.2 10.7 11.9 12.4 12.5 11.3 11.3 11.7 12.0 11.9 11.2 Kazakh‑ stan 23.4 21.4 25.9 31.1 33.3 37.1 33.8 29.5 21.4 24.7 24.9 24.8 23.8 Kyrgyz Republic 2.7 2.6 2.5 3.0 3.2 3.4 3.4 3.1 3.1 3.3 3.3 3.5 3.1 Moldova 5.9 5.7 7.0 7.9 8.2 8.9 8.8 7.7 8.0 9.4 10.8 11.4 11.9 Russian Federa‑ tion 32.2 25.5 30.5 38.2 41.5 42.7 37.1 26.2 24.1 28.7 28.7 29.1 26.6 Tajikistan 2.0 2.0 2.1 2.3 2.6 2.8 2.9 2.7 2.2 2.3 2.2 2.3 2.3 Turkmeni‑ stan 10.8 12.0 12.7 15.1 18.0 19.5 21.0 18.1 17.7 17.6 17.7 19.3 – Ukraine 10.8 7.6 8.5 9.5 10.4 10.8 8.2 6.0 6.1 7.1 7.9 9.3 9.8 Uzbeki‑ stan 3.0 3.6 4.7 5.1 5.8 6.1 6.6 7.3 7.1 4.9 3.9 4.4 4.4 Source: compiled by the author using data from the World Bank Group (2021). Only theRussian Federation, Kazakhstan, andBelarus had thehighest GDP per capita (incurrent US$) among theCIS countries from 2008to2020. Nonetheless, it was near‑ ly 4–5 times lower than theOECD average. This disparity is 40 or more times greater inother FSU countries. Kazakhstan’s GDP per capita (current US$) in2020 was only 23.8%oftheOECD average, avalue that had not seen marked changes since 2008. Fur‑ thermore, thesmallest lag ofthis indicator from OECD countries inKazakhstan was only 37.1%in2013. Theeconomic inequality that exists intheFSU countries can be explained from both thestandpoint ofinstitutional theory andtheraw material model ofeconomic development. When thecauses ofdifferentiation andinequality intheFSU
193 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan ofdetermination is R=0.215, based ondata from 2008to2020 (Figure1). This suggests that economic growth is still themost important factor influencing thepopulation’s real income. Figure 1. Relationship between Gross Domestic Product per capita and share of population living below the poverty line, 2008–2020 Source. calculated by the authors based on data from the Bureau of National Statistics of the Agency for Strategic Planning and Reforms of the Republic of Kazakhstan (2021) Thedynamics ofincome inequality andliving standards are also affected by how diverse thepopulation’s sources ofmonetary income andexpenditures are. It is thought that thehigher thelevel andmore complex thestructure ofincome andex‑ penditure, themore thehousehold sector can influence theprocess ofmaking mar‑ ket‑relevant decisions. According tothedata inTable6, theshare ofreceipts from social payments has been increasing recently: it was 16.6%ofthepopulation’s cash income in2015 and28.6% in2020(Table6). Thegrowing contribution ofsocial payments tofamily income is primarily due totwo factors: thedesire toprovide thepopulation with acertain level ofinclu‑ sive economic growth (theaverage annual growth ofGDP andreal money income ofthepopulation during this period was 3% and2.7%, respectively) andanin‑ crease inthenumber ofpeople intheolder age group. Most ofKazakhstan’s elder‑ ly stop working, relying onstate retirement benefits andassistance from close rela‑ tives. During theperiod inquestion, thenumber ofpension recipients increased by 246,860, a12.46% increase. During thesame period, thepopulation grew atarate of5.53%, while theemployed population grew atarate of4.12%, implying that therate ofgrowth inthenumber ofpensioners was 2.25 and3.02 times faster, re‑ spectively. Theaverage income ofpeople ofretirement age is significantly lower than that ofworking‑age people: theaverage pension toaverage wage rate forthis period
194 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek ranged between 29.7 and33.7%. Inthese circumstances, thestate attempted toslow therise ofinequality by increasing theshare ofsocial transfers. Table 6. The structure of monetary incomes of the surveyed households in Kazakhstan, in % 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Cash income – total 100 100 100 100 100 100 Including Remuneration of employees (wages) 69.3 68.0 65.7 63.3 61.9 57.9 Income from entrepreneurial activity and self‑employ‑ ment (except agricultural) 8.7 8.1 8.7 8.9 8.6 7.6 Income from agricultural activities (income from the sale of agricultural products, feed, livestock, etc.) 2.1 2.1 2.0 2.0 1.8 1.6 Social benefits 16.6 18.2 19.7 21.6 23.8 28.6 Retirement benefits 13.7 14.9 16.4 18.3 20.3 23.5 Other income sources 3.3 3.6 3.9 4.2 3.9 4.3 Source: Eurasian Economic Commission (2021). Meanwhile, thefocus ontheclose relationship between social policy andthechoice ofamodel forthecountry’s economic growth is more important. Inparticular, it is im‑ portant topay attention tohow thestate regulates thecountry’s labor market. Incompari‑ son todeveloped countries, adistinguishing feature ofKazakhstan’s current labor market model is its certain adaptation tosharp fluctuations indemand, primarily due towage changes rather than changes inemployment. Thegovernment’s policy goal is tomaintain high employment andlow unemployment inthecountry attheexpense oflow labor pro‑ ductivity andlow wages. Therefore, social policy should emphasize improving thequality rather than thequantity ofavailable labor. Adecisive shift toward stimulating thecrea‑ tion ofhigh‑quality new jobs is required, as it is anecessary condition forthedevelop‑ ment ofastable middle class. Inthelong run, reducing income inequality inKazakhstan can serve as anadditional driver tosustain economic growth andincrease thecountry’s global competitiveness, gradually bringing it closer tothecharacteristics ofdeveloped countries. Discussion Globally, wealth inequality is still severe. TheMiddle East andNorth Africa have thehighest levels ofinequality, with therichest 10%ofthepopulation receiving near‑ ly 60%oftheregion’s total income. Sub‑Saharan Africa ranks second with 57%, Latin
195 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan America ranks third with 55%, andSouth andSoutheast Asia ranks third with 53%. IntheRussian Federation andCentral Asia, about 10%oftherichest citizens receive 48%ofthetotal income, while inNorth America, it is 45%. InEurope, where therich‑ est 10%ofthepopulation account foronly 36%oftotal income, inequality is theleast pronounced (World Inequality Lab 2021a). Global trends undoubtedly have aneffect onhow opportunities andresources are dis‑ tributed. Certain megatrends have thepotential tohelp equalize opportunities, while others have thepotential toexacerbate income inequality, primarily through their impact onlabor markets. However, their impact is not set instone. Inequality lev‑ els andtrends vary even among countries atthesame level ofeconomic development andare affected equally by trade, technological innovation, andeven theeffects ofcli‑ mate change (Department ofEconomic andSocial Affairs oftheUnited Nations Sec‑ retariat 2020). Successful examples ofinequality reduction highlight theimportance ofnational policies andlocal institutions. Identifying theroot causes ofinequality is critical todeveloping effective policy solutions. However, theanswer tothequestion ofwhether or not it is appropriate totake action against income inequality is somewhat influenced by what is consid‑ ered thesource ofinequality (Fadda andTridico 2016). Financial inclusion is amajor driver ofeconomic growth. Therefore, when developing public policy, it is critical topay special attention tofinancial sector reforms toensure long‑term economic growth. Tostimulate economic growth, governments andpolicy‑ makers must address thebarriers tofinancial services access (Sethi andAcharya 2018). Furthermore, understanding thelinks between financial inclusion, poverty, andeco‑ nomic growth will assist policymakers indesigning andimplementing programs that in‑ crease access tofinancial services, thereby reducing poverty andincome inequality. Inequality stems from unequal power. Those who have more assets have more power than those who donot (Yates 2016). Thedifference intheaverage Gini coefficient between thefive richest andfive poorest countries increased by 37.8% inthefinal year ofthetwentieth century compared to1990. Consequently, despite high rates ofreal economic growth inthefastest growing group ofcountries that includes anumber ofdeveloping countries (notably China andViet‑ nam), most other developing countries lagged increasingly behind during thelast decade ofthelast century. This, coupled with thecontinued impoverishment ofpoor andhighly indebted countries andsharp economic declines inthetransition economies that were once part oftheformer Soviet Union, resulted inmarked increases ininequality world‑ wide (Čaušević 2017). Intheaftermath oftheSoviet Union’s disintegration, income inequality increased atanunprecedented level. This is, infact, one ofthereasons formany Russians’ dissat‑
196 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek isfaction with thecountry’s modern economic system (Libman andObydenkova 2019). Inequality, ontheother hand, is avalid outcome. It results from processes inwhich theunderlying causes andconsequences ofdeficiencies inthepolitical system lead toin‑ creased economic instability (Stiglitz 2015). There has been no long‑term andwidespread economic growth intheRussian Feder‑ ation since its partial market economy transition. Thegains ofeconomic growth are concentrated atthetop oftheincome distribution, trapping large segments ofthepop‑ ulation inlow‑income situations. While extreme poverty has been largely eradicated, approximately 40%ofthepopulation struggles topurchase anything beyond thebare necessities. Inthelowest‑income decile, food accounts fornearly half ofhousehold budg‑ ets. Public social spending, which is becoming alarger proportion oftotal income, is characterized by alack ofprogressiveness (Remington 2019). Most ofit is non‑cash but retains theSoviet‑era categorical structure. Income inequality andinstitutional reforms have astatistically significant andnon‑lin‑ ear relationship. Reforms harmed theincome distribution atthestart ofthetransi‑ tion, but after reaching acrucial point inreform progress, institutional improvements helped stabilize theincome distribution. Thepersistence ofhigh income inequality dur‑ ing thesecond transition period can be explained by theemergence oftolerance forin‑ equality, which coincides with theshift from shock therapy toinstitutional reforms based onimplementing European Union legislation. Increasing income mobility anden‑ couraging meritocratic values are critical factors inpost‑transitional tolerance forin‑ equality (Josifidis, Supic, andGlavaski 2018). Consequently, thedynamics ofinequali‑ ty andredistribution inCentral andEastern European countries should be considered inthecontext ofnot only economic evolution, but also theemergence ofsocial con‑ ventions inwhich ahigh concentration ofincome is not justified but appears tobe ac‑ cepted as anunavoidable part ofthenational economy’s integration intotheEuropean andglobal economies. Theconcept ofproviding aminimum inclusive income attheEuropean level, wheth‑ er unique or not, is aformula forthetrue identity oftheEuropean model, anadaptive model inits evolution toglobal changes ineconomic andsocial needs (Jianu etal.2021). Indeed, concern foraninclusive minimum income is both anexpression oftherelative‑ ly recent concern forcreating aharmonious economic space developed across theEu‑ ropean Union andanother formula aimed ataddressing theconsequences ofsocial in‑ justice.
197 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan Conclusion Thepurpose ofthis study was toexamine thecharacteristics ofeconomic inequality inKazakhstan inthelight ofglobal trends affecting its growth. Toachieve thegoal, amulti‑country quantitative study was designed andimplemented. Themethodologi‑ cal basis ofthestudy was acomparative analysis, which was implemented with thehelp ofeconometric andeconomic‑statistical methods. Twelve countries oftheformer Soviet Union and38 OECD member countries were chosen fortesting. Theresults support thehypothesis that there is alink between theindicator ofgross do‑ mestic income per capita andthepercentage ofpeople living onless than thesubsistence level inKazakhstan. Simultaneously, there was no statistically significant relationship between high levels ofincome inequality andthedynamics ofeconomic growth. Inthis way, specific suggestions about how toimprove public administration’s attitude toward addressing income inequality problems can be issued. Cross‑country analysis also revealed astatistically significant (p < 0.05) relationship between thelevel ofincome concentration inthe10% group andeconomic growth inIceland (r=0.67) andBelarus (r=0.65). Kazakhstan did not show this correla‑ tion, although therelationship between thelevel ofincome concentration inthe10% group andthegross product per capita was confirmed. According tothedata presented above, there is astable inverse relationship between thedynamics ofGDP growth andthevalues ofKazakhstan’s population’s real money in‑ comes. Thecorrelation coefficient between them is r=–0.46, andthedetermination coef‑ ficient is R=0.215, based ondata from 2008to2020. This suggests that economic growth is still themost important factor that influences thepopulation’s real income. Only theRussian Federation, Kazakhstan, andBelarus had thehighest GDP per cap‑ ita (current US$) among theCIS countries from 2008to2020, according tothestudy. However, it remained nearly 4–5 times lower than theaverage fortheOECD coun‑ tries. This difference is 40 or more times greater inother FSU countries. Kazakh‑ stan’s GDP per capita (current US$) in2020 was only 23.8%oftheOECD average, andtheindicator had not seen marked changes since 2008. Furthermore, thesmallest lag ofthis indicator from OECD countries inKazakhstan was only 37.1% in2013. Broadly, thereasons fortheFSU countries’ differentiation andinequality interms ofGDP per capita (current US$) primarily relate totheunderdevelopment ofmarket economic institutions, as well as thehigh share ofresource industries inthestructure ofthese countries’ national economies. Another aspect ofeconomic inequality is thein‑ come disparity between different strata ofthepopulation, which is linked tothis inava‑ riety ofways.
198 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek Asuccessful resolution ofthepopulation’s income inequality is aprecondition forKa‑ zakhstan’s admission to the OECD’s group of economically developed countries. Inthefuture, overcoming inequality could become akey driver ofthecountry’s eco‑ nomic growth. Theprimary directions forreducing income inequality are determined by thestate’s social policy, which is inextricably linked tolabor market regulation andad‑ justment tothecreation ofnew, highly productive jobs. Acritical aspect oftheproblem ofincome inequality is finding theright balance between measures toachieve thede‑ sired level ofinequality andtheincreasing role ofsocial transfers. Inthefuture, theresults ofthestudy will be put intopractice by familiarizing Kazakh‑ stan’s government experts with thedeveloped proposals forenhancing thestate’s poli‑ cy ofovercoming economic inequality andestablishing theconditions forsustainable economic growth. Inaddition, theresults ofthis study are ofscientific interest, pri‑ marily interms oftheformation ofdirections forfurther research, including thestudy ofthemain economic factors that influence thelevel ofinequality andresearch ontheef‑ fectiveness ofpublic policies toovercome inequality. References Aiyar, S., Ebeke, C. (2020), Inequality ofopportunity, inequality ofincome andeconomic growth, “World Development”, 136, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105115 Breunig, R., Majeed, O. (2020), Inequality, poverty andeconomic growth, “International Eco‑ nomics”, 161, pp.83–89, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.inteco.2019.11.005 Bureau ofNational Statistics oftheAgency forStrategic Planning andReforms oftheRepublic ofKazakhstan (2021), Basic socio‑economic indicators oftheRepublic ofKazakhstan, https:// stat.gov.kz/for_users/dynamic (accessed: 10.06.2021) [inRussian]. Chancel, L., Piketty, T. (2021), Global Income Inequality, 1820–2020: Thepersistence andmu‑ tation ofextreme inequality, “Journal oftheEuropean Economic Association”, 19(6), pp.3025–3062, https:// doi.org/10.1093/jeea/jvab047 Čaušević, F. (2017), AStudy intoFinancial Globalization, Economic Growth and(In) Equality, Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, https://doi.org/10.1007/978‑3‑319‑51403‑1 Department ofEconomic andSocial Affairs oftheUnited Nations Secretariat (2020), World Social Report 2020. Inequality inaRapidly Changing World, https://www.un.org/develop ment/desa/dspd/wp‑content/uploads/sites/22/2020/01/World‑Social‑Report‑2020‑FullRe port.pdf (accessed: 10.06.2021). Eurasian Economic Commission (2021), Statistical Yearbook oftheEurasian Economic Union, Eurasian Economic Commission, Moscow. Fadda, S., Tridico, P. (2016), Varieties ofEconomic Inequality, Routledge, London–New York, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315682099
199 Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan Haller, M., Eder, A. (2016), Ethnic Stratification andEconomic Inequality around theWorld: TheEnd ofExploitation andExclusion?, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd, Abingdon. Jianu, I., Dinu, M., Huru, D., Bodislav, A. (2021), Examining therelationship between income inequality andgrowth from theperspective ofEU member states’ stage ofdevelopment, “Sus‑ tainability”, 13(9), https://doi.org/10.3390/su13095204 Josifidis, K., Supic, N., Glavaski, O. (2018), Institutional changes andincome inequality: Some aspects ofeconomic change andevolution ofvalues inCEE countries, “Eastern European Economics”, 56(4), pp.1–19, https://doi.org/10.1080/00128775.2018.1487265 Libman, A., Obydenkova, A. (2019), Inequality andhistorical legacies: Evidence from post‑com‑ munist regions, “Post‑Communist Economies”, 31(6), pp.699–724, https://doi.org/10.1080 /14631377.2019.1607440 Meissner, G. (2013), Correlation Risk Modeling andManagement: AnApplied Guide including theBaselIII Correlation Framework‑With Interactive Models inExcel/VBA, John Wiley &Sons, Singapore. Mijs, J.J. (2021), Theparadox ofinequality: Income inequality andbelief inmeritocracy go hand inhand, “Socio‑Economic Review”, 19(1), pp.7–35, https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwy051 OECD (2019), OECD Under Pressure: TheSqueezed Middle Class, OECD Publishing, Paris. OECD (2021), Income Distribution Database, OECD.Stat, https://stats.oecd.org/index.aspx?qu eryid=66670 (accessed: 10.06.2021). Remington, T.F. (2019), Income inequality andfood insecurity inRussia, “Russian Politics”, 4(3), https://doi.org/10.1163/2451‑8921‑00403002 Sethi, D., Acharya, D. (2018), Financial inclusion andeconomic growth linkage: Some cross coun‑ try evidence, “Journal ofFinancial Economic Policy”, 10(3), pp.369–385, https://doi.org/10 .1108/JFEP‑11‑2016‑0073 Stiglitz, D. (2015), Theprice ofinequality. How thestratification ofsociety threatens our future, Eksmo, Moscow. Tokhirov, A. (2021), Remittances andinequality: thepost‑communist region, “Prague Economic Papers”, 30(4), pp.426–448, https://doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.776 United Nations (2019), Sustainable Development Outlook 2019: Gathering storms andsilver lin‑ ings, https://www.un.org/development/desa/dpad/publication/sustainable‑development‑out look‑2019‑gathering‑storms‑and‑silver‑linings/ (accessed: 10.06.2021). World Bank (2020), Poverty andShared Prosperity 2020: Reversals ofFortune, World Bank, Washington. World Bank Group (2021), World Development Indicators, https://databank.worldbank.org/so urce/world‑development‑indicators (accessed: 10.06.2021). World Inequality Lab (2021a), TheWorld Inequality Report 2022, https://wid.world/news‑artic le/world‑inequality‑report‑2022/ (accessed: 10.06.2021). World Inequality Lab (2021b), World Inequality Database (WID.world), https://wid.world/da ta/ (accessed: 10.06.2021).
200 Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek Yates, M.D. (2016), TheGreat Inequality, Routledge, London–New York, https://doi.org/10.43 24/9781315645841 Zubarevich, N.V. (2018), Concentration ofthePopulation andtheEconomy intheCapitals ofPost‑Soviet Countries, “Regional Research ofRussia”, 8(2), https://doi.org/10.1134/S207 9970518020107 Globalne nierówności dochodów – studium przypadku krajów OECD i Kazachstanu W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania sposobu powstawania nierówności ekonomicznych w Kazachstanie w kontekście globalnych trendów w rozwoju kraju. Podstawą metodologiczną pracy była analiza porównawcza krajów byłego Związku Radzieckiego (FSU) i OECD pod kątem rozwoju gospodarczego i nierówności w kontekście globalnych zmian i trendów, realizowana za pomocą metod ekonometrycznych i ekonomiczno‑statystycznych. Badanie wykazało bezpo‑ średnią istotną statystycznie (p < 0,05) korelację pomiędzy poziomem koncentracji dochodów grupy 10% populacji a wzrostem gospodarczym Islandii (r = 0,67) i Białorusi (r = 0,65). W przy‑ padku Kazachstanu nie stwierdzono takiej korelacji. Jednak w Kazachstanie ustalono związek między koncentracją dochodów grupy 10% populacji a produktem krajowym brutto na miesz‑ kańca. Dynamika wzrostu PKB i wartości realnych dochodów pieniężnych ludności Kazachstanu wykazują stabilną odwrotną zależność. Współczynnik korelacji między nimi, obliczony na podsta‑ wie danych z lat 2008‑2020, wynosi r = –0,46, a współczynnik determinacji wynosi R = 0,215. Sugeruje to, że wzrost gospodarczy jest nadal najważniejszym czynnikiem wpływającym na real‑ ne dochody ludności. Wyniki badania znajdą zastosowanie w praktyce dzięki zapoznaniu urzęd‑ ników rządowych z opracowanymi propozycjami wzmocnienia polityki państwa w zakresie prze‑ zwyciężania nierówności gospodarczych i stworzenia warunków dla zrównoważonego wzrostu gospodarczego. Ponadto wyniki tych badań będą interesujące dla nauki gdyż wskazują nowe kierunki dalszych badań. Słowa kluczowe: rozwój, dystrybucja, instytucje, gospodarka przechodząca transformację, bogactwo
Global Income Inequality – A Case Study of OECD Countries and Kazakhstan 201 Appendix 1. Top 10% pre‑tax national income share in OECD countries 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Australia 0.2977 0.3119 0.3137 0.3059 0.3182 0.3293 0.327 0.3286 0.3251 0.3356 0.3366 0.336 0.336 Austria 0.3553 0.3424 0.3472 0.3386 0.3189 0.3212 0.3408 0.3331 0.3417 0.3338 0.3352 0.3388 0.3385 Belgium 0.3172 0.3093 0.3135 0.3114 0.3137 0.3163 0.3187 0.3183 0.3211 0.3183 0.3286 0.3289 0.3289 Canada 0.4072 0.3935 0.4022 0.4036 0.399 0.409 0.4128 0.4132 0.3941 0.4095 0.4086 0.407 0.407 Chile 0.5909 0.5889 0.6081 0.6274 0.6174 0.6075 0.6016 0.5957 0.5924 0.5891 0.5891 0.5891 0.5891 Colombia 0.5395 0.5368 0.5342 0.5263 0.5062 0.5123 0.5142 0.5015 0.502 0.5067 0.5146 0.5146 0.5146 Costa Rica 0.529 0.5237 0.4801 0.4977 0.4976 0.4992 0.4997 0.5064 0.5167 0.4983 0.5125 0.501 0.501 Czech Republic 0.3215 0.2984 0.2978 0.29 0.3033 0.2966 0.3029 0.3072 0.2979 0.2953 0.2877 0.2854 0.2857 Denmark 0.3007 0.29 0.3156 0.3165 0.3175 0.3276 0.3349 0.3301 0.333 0.3333 0.3328 0.3364 0.3386 Estonia 0.3753 0.3439 0.359 0.3718 0.3912 0.388 0.3841 0.3579 0.3621 0.3534 0.3595 0.3462 0.3474 European Union 0.3587 0.3588 0.3536 0.3555 0.3561 0.3603 0.3611 0.3593 0.3591 0.3588 0.3572 0.3553 0.3551 Finland 0.3406 0.3228 0.3264 0.3235 0.3177 0.3153 0.3205 0.3293 0.329 0.3386 0.3361 0.334 0.3399 France 0.3369 0.3219 0.3272 0.3336 0.3251 0.3237 0.3243 0.3247 0.3229 0.32 0.3201 0.3225 0.3223 Germany 0.3675 0.3724 0.3668 0.3678 0.3632 0.3776 0.3826 0.3818 0.381 0.3778 0.3729 0.3722 0.3707 Greece 0.3315 0.3251 0.3374 0.3142 0.3177 0.3329 0.3574 0.3538 0.3467 0.3383 0.3276 0.3253 0.3261 Hungary 0.3415 0.332 0.3367 0.328 0.3181 0.3327 0.3288 0.3295 0.3306 0.3357 0.3359 0.3395 0.3384 Iceland 0.2925 0.2768 0.2677 0.2733 0.2772 0.2968 0.2955 0.2949 0.2916 0.2908 0.2908 0.2908 0.2908 Ireland 0.322 0.3247 0.3234 0.3245 0.31 0.3227 0.3264 0.3498 0.3559 0.3488 0.354 0.3516 0.3518 Israel 0.5226 0.5254 0.5282 0.5223 0.5166 0.5066 0.4974 0.4944 0.4915 0.4915 0.4915 0.4915 0.4915 Italy 0.3072 0.3041 0.3089 0.3129 0.3116 0.3084 0.3087 0.3075 0.3215 0.3289 0.3285 0.3255 0.3221
Seisembay Jumambayev, Almazhan Dzhulaeva, Sariya Baimukhanova, Guliya Ilyashova, Aidana Dosmbek 202 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Japan 0.4507 0.4401 0.4495 0.4473 0.4478 0.4493 0.449 0.45 0.4493 0.4489 0.4489 0.4489 0.4489 Korea 0.4614 0.457 0.4659 0.4662 0.4622 0.46 0.4605 0.464 0.4664 0.4671 0.4666 0.4645 0.4645 Latvia 0.3762 0.3802 0.3622 0.3892 0.3841 0.3824 0.3663 0.3558 0.3381 0.3595 0.3533 0.3444 0.3452 Lithuania 0.3725 0.3732 0.3473 0.348 0.3731 0.3797 0.4113 0.3719 0.3702 0.3831 0.3713 0.3652 0.3657 Luxembourg 0.3847 0.3332 0.3668 0.3541 0.3409 0.333 0.328 0.3252 0.3283 0.338 0.333 0.3353 0.3353 Mexico 0.5848 0.5819 0.5789 0.5863 0.5936 0.5907 0.5878 0.5843 0.5807 0.5771 0.5735 0.5735 0.5735 New Zealand 0.2963 0.3151 0.3117 0.326 0.343 0.3324 0.3338 0.3383 0.337 0.3445 0.3465 0.3457 0.3457 Norway 0.3412 0.3092 0.3252 0.3276 0.3297 0.324 0.322 0.3064 0.3052 0.3083 0.3189 0.3011 0.2959 Poland 0.3783 0.3644 0.3662 0.3698 0.3674 0.3658 0.3726 0.3778 0.3743 0.371 0.3746 0.3764 0.3775 Portugal 0.3806 0.3747 0.3794 0.3827 0.3667 0.3725 0.3731 0.3716 0.373 0.3764 0.3674 0.3651 0.3521 Slovakia 0.298 0.2956 0.3177 0.3024 0.2956 0.3252 0.2994 0.3152 0.2929 0.2726 0.274 0.269 0.265 Slovenia 0.3041 0.2978 0.2986 0.2926 0.2947 0.293 0.2996 0.2902 0.2939 0.2946 0.2958 0.2952 0.2958 Spain 0.3476 0.3588 0.3434 0.3406 0.3464 0.3469 0.3488 0.3507 0.3489 0.3496 0.346 0.348 0.3448 Sweden 0.3179 0.3028 0.3144 0.3092 0.298 0.2989 0.3014 0.3096 0.2924 0.3014 0.2945 0.2961 0.3078 Switzerland 0.3118 0.3168 0.3364 0.3389 0.3288 0.33 0.3282 0.3297 0.328 0.3195 0.3189 0.3256 0.3249 Turkey 0.5017 0.5187 0.5124 0.5147 0.5151 0.5086 0.5173 0.524 0.5397 0.5518 0.5593 0.5447 0.5447 United Kingdom 0.3689 0.385 0.3464 0.3554 0.3647 0.3866 0.3669 0.356 0.3562 0.3592 0.3593 0.3564 0.3567 USA 0.438 0.4259 0.4388 0.4447 0.4555 0.4506 0.4567 0.4568 0.4543 0.4535 0.4563 0.4546 0.4546 Source: data from World Inequality Lab (2021b).