When work comes first: Young adults in vocational education and training in Norway

Tønder, Anna Hagen; Aspøy, Tove Mogstad Article When work comes first: Young adults in vocational education and training in Norway International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training (IJRVET) Provided in Cooperation with: European Research Network in Vocational Education and Training (VETNET), European Educational Research Association Suggested Citation: Tønder, Anna Hagen; Aspøy, Tove Mogstad (2017) : When work comes first: Young adults in vocational education and training in Norway, International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training (IJRVET), ISSN 2197-8646, European Research Network in Vocational Education and Training (VETNET), European Educational Research Association, Bremen, Vol. 4, Iss. 3, pp. 270-288, https://doi.org/10.13152/IJRVET.4.3.5 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/172022 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training (IJRVET) Vol. 4, Issue 3, November 2017, 270-288 DOI: 10.13152/IJRVET.4.3.5 When Work Comes First: Young Adults in Vocational Education and Training in Norway Anna Hagen Tønder∗and Tove Mogstad Aspøy Fafo Institute for Labour and Social Research, Borggata 2B, P.O. Box 2947 Tøyen NO-0608 Oslo, Norway Received: 08.03.2017; Accepted: 04.07.2017; Published: 22.11.2017 Abstract: Since reforms implemented in 1994, vocational education and training (VET) in Norway has been integrated and standardized as part of upper-secondary education. When young people enter upper-secondary education at the age of 15 or 16, they can choose either a vocational programme or a general academic programme. The standard model in vocational programmes is 2 years of school-based education, followed by 2 years of apprenticeship training. However, in practice, only a minority follow the standard route and acquire a trade certificate within 4 years. The average age upon completion of a vocational programme in Norway is 28 years, which is among the highest in the OECD. The purpose of this study was to explore personal trajectories within the Norwegian context to gain a better understanding of why people choose to obtain a trade certificate as young adults, instead of following the standardized route, drawn up by policy makers. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 34 people who obtained a trade certificate when they were aged between 25 and 35 years. The study showed that the opportunity to acquire formal VET qualifications through workplace learning provides an important second chance for many young adults in Norway. Based on the findings, we argue that policy makers need to see educational achievement in a long-term perspective and to design institutional structures that support learning opportunities at work, as well as in formal educational settings. Keywords: VET, Vocational Education and Training, Young Adults, School-to-Work Transitions, Dropout, Norway ∗ Corresponding author: [email protected] ISSN: 2197-8646 http://www.ijrvet.net When Work Comes First 271 1 Introduction School-to-work transitions have been described by many scholars as less standardised and more individualised due to the restructuring of work and deregulation of the labour market during the last decades (Furlong, 2009; Heinz, 2002; M¨uller & Gangl, 2003; Walther, 2006). Young people are exposed to a wide range of educational options. At the same time, they have to handle risk and uncertainty related to rapid changes in the labour market. As a consequence, young people often change direction within the education system, or they move back and forth between school and work (Jørgensen, 2013b). Several studies have shown that policy measures aimed at more efficient schoolto-work transitions in vocational education and training (VET) often do not consider these more complex and prolonged trajectories (Christodoulou, 2016; Graaf & Zenderen, 2013; Molgat, Deschenaux, & LeBlanc, 2011). There is a significant body of research on individual experiences within adult learning and within VET. However, few researchers have conducted qualitative studies on the personal trajectories of people who acquire formal VET qualifications as young adults. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to analyse trajectories of people who follow non-standardised pathways and obtain formal VET qualifications as adults within the Norwegian transition system1. In addition, we discuss how institutional structures in the education system and the labour market can support completion of a VET programme as adults. The article is structured as follows. In section 2, we outline the analytical framework by focusing on transition systems and personal trajectories from school to work. Section 3 provides a brief overview of the Norwegian transition system, focusing on vocational education. Then, Section 4 describes the data and method. In Section 5, we present and analyse individual trajectories towards a trade certificate in carpentry and in child care and youth work. In the final section, we discuss the main findings and policy implications from the study2. 2 Theoretical Framework Until the 1970s, it was not uncommon to leave school and enter the workplace at the age of 15 or 16. But with the deindustrialisation and rising youth unemployment of the 1970s, young people tended to stay longer in the education system (Furlong, 2009; Lundahl, 2012). Today, compulsory education in most European countries lasts 9–10 years, until the age of 15 or 16 (European Commission, 2014). However, most young people continue their education beyond compulsory school. In effect, upper-secondary education is perceived as more or less mandatory in most countries. General education levels have increased, and an increasing number of people move on to tertiary education. Employment opportunities for young people have changed, with fewer jobs in manu1This article is based on the project ”Adult education, vocational skills and labour market outcomes”. The project is funded by the Research Council of Norway through the FINNUT programme. 2We would like to thank our colleague Kaja Reeg˚ard and two anonymous reviewers for valuable comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank our colleagues Torgeir Nyen and Jon Rogstad who participated in some of the interviews. 272 Tønder, Aspøy facturing and more jobs in the service sector, which demand different types of skills (Reeg˚ard, 2015). A rapidly changing labour market in combination with changes in the education system have contributed to more complex and extended transitions from school to work and from youth to adulthood (Heinz, 2002, 2009; M¨uller & Gangl, 2003; Walther & Plug, 2006). When studying educational trajectories, we need to understand how different options are being considered and valued by youth and young adults in various life phases and within different institutional structures. Thus, by analysing personal trajectories towards formal VET qualifications, the paper aims to increase our understanding of how young people navigate within different institutional contexts. In many cases, political measures and reforms seem to be based on assumptions of young people’s rational and goal-oriented choices. These assumptions often diverge from the actual transition patterns described by researchers (Jørgensen, 2013b; Stokes & Wyn, 2007). In addition, most policy measures and reforms focus primarily on changes within the education system. However, actual transition patterns are also shaped by broader institutional and structural factors related to labour market organisation, welfare systems and family structures. This broader concept of institutional factors shaping school-to-work transitions can be referred to as a “transition system” or “transition regime” (Raffe, 2008; Walther, 2006). Most research on transition systems has been based on comparative analyses of survey data. One of the challenges of this research is moving beyond the nation–state as a unit of analysis to explain variations within countries (Raffe, 2008). In our study, we focus on individual trajectories in two selected trades to understand how people navigate within the Norwegian transition system. Our focus is on the interplay between individual and institutional factors in Norwegian VET. The transition regime in the Nordic countries is often referred to as universalistic. Universalistic transition regimes are characterised by a comprehensive school system with national standards for education and training. In addition, there are welfare systems that provide young people with social assistance regardless of socio-economic background. Universalistic regimes are also charectarised by an extended public sector and high female labour market participation (Walther, 2006). However, there are also important differences between the Nordic countries. Researchers within the comparative VET literature have developed typologies related to different ways of connecting education and work. Sweden and Finland have strong traditions for state regulated and school based VET, whereas Denmark and Norway are based on a dual system, where school based education is combined with apprenticeship training provided by employers. Skill regimes based on the dual system are generally associated with low levels of youth unemployment. This is often seen as an indication of an efficient system that provides smooth transitions from school to work (Jørgensen, 2013b; Steedman, 2012). The development of specific occupational skills and a gradual socialisation to working life through apprenticeship are important mechanisms that contribute to smooth transitions. While transitions to work may be one of the strengths of the dual system, transitions from vocational training to tertiary education tend to be one of the major weaknesses (Cedefop, 2012; Jørgensen, 2013a; Powell & Solga, 2011). If access to higher education is blocked or restrained, the choice of a vocational education might be considered a blind alley or associated with high risk by adolescents and their parents. In countries with dual When Work Comes First 273 systems, improved access to higher education, therefore, is important in order to raise the esteem of vocational education and training in apprenticeship-based systems (Graf, 2016; Jørgensen, 2015; Virolainen & Persson Thunqvist, 2016). 3 A Brief Overview of the Norwegian VET System Rising youth unemployment at the end of the 1980s was an important backdrop for the introduction of a statutory right to upper-secondary education for young people in Norway via the 1994 reform (Nyen, Sk˚alholt, & Tønder, 2015). Today, almost all 16year-olds (98 percent) start directly in upper-secondary after completing lower-secondary education (Statistics Norway, 2017). In upper-secondary education, students can choose between eight vocational and five general studies programmes (in 2017). Norway has a unitary school system at the upper-secondary level, with vocational and general academic programmes offered within the same schools and with opportunities to switch from a vocational programme to an academic programme through a third supplementary year (Nyen & Tønder, 2015; Skule, Stuart, & Nyen, 2002). About half the students who start in upper-secondary education enter a vocational programme. However, dropout rates among vocational students are high, and a large number of students switch from vocational programmes to the third supplementary year in order to gain access to higher education (Bunting, Halvorsen, & Moshuus, 2017; Markussen, Frøseth, Sandberg, Lødding, & Borgen, 2011). Most higher education institutions in Norway are state financed and free of charge for the students. The share of the population aged 19-24 in higher education has increased significantly in the last decades, rising from around 10 per cent in 1980 to 35 per cent in 2016 (Statistics Norway, 2017). A stated aim when introducing the Reform of 1994 was that 90 percent of students should complete upper secondary education within five years. Those who do not meet this aim are defined as dropouts and are a matter of great political concern. Since 1994, completion rates in upper secondary education have stabilised at around 70 percent, measured after five years. Completion rates in upper-secondary education are given high political priority in Norway and are monitored closely by education authorities (Hiim, 2017). A number of policy initiatives have been implemented in order to reduce dropouts, with a particular focus on students in vocational programmes. One example is the Ny GIV (“new possibilities”) initiative that was launched in 2010. The aim was to improve completion rates with specific measures targeted at low-performing students and to motivate participation in education for students ages 16–21 who were neither in education or in employment (OECD, 2015). With a strong policy emphasis on dropout and educational attainment among youth at risk in a short time perspective, less attention has so far been paid to the personal trajectories of students who obtain their trade certificates as young adults (Nyen et al., 2015). Adults in Norway can acquire formal VET qualifications either as adult apprentices or through the experience-based trade certificate programme as so-called practice candidates. The practice candidate scheme provides an opportunity to register for a theoretical and practical trade examination based on occupational skills that have been 274 Tønder, Aspøy developed through work experience. Normally, a minimum of five years of relevant and documented work experience is required. Those who pass the trade examination receive the same formal qualifications and the same documentation as those who follow the standard route. The practice based route was introduced in the 1950s and has played an important role in the labour market due to collective agreements that give skilled workers with a trade certificate a higher wage (Skule et al., 2002). About 1500–2000 people receive a trade certificate as adult apprentices every year. Analysis of register data shows that the adult apprentices have a background similar to those who complete their vocational training by following the standard model. The practice candidates, however, have a social background similar to people who never complete upper-secondary education, meaning that this institutional arrangement has the potential to reduce social inequalities. As many as about 6000–7000 persons receive their trade certificates as practice candidates every year. Two out of three practice candidates complete upper-secondary education for the first time when they pass the test and receive the trade certificate (Bratsberg, Nyen, & Raaum, 2017). 4 Data and Method The data used in this article build on findings from qualitative interviews conducted between 2014 and 2015. The aim of the interviews was to investigate the personal trajectories of people who obtain formal VET qualifications as young adults. Two vocational trades were selected for the comparison: 1) carpentry, a male-dominated occupation mainly in the private sector, and 2) child care and youth work, a femaledominated occupation in which most workers are employed by municipalities and work in kindergartens, schools or supervised after-school activities. By concentrating on only two occupations, we could investigate individual trajectories within similar institutional contexts. The trades were chosen because they are big in terms of number of trade certificates completed annually, and because the occupations in themselves are characterised by a demand on the labour market. In order to capture the influence of regional variations, we interviewed people living in two different geographical regions in Norway: 1) the East (big city), characterised by both a relatively large share of immigrants and, on the average, a high educational level, and 2) the West (medium-sized city and surrounding rural areas), where vocational studies (especially technical studies) are in relatively high regard. Contact information was gathered from county administration registers. We interviewed 34 people who were 25–35 years old when they acquired their formal VET qualifications (a trade or journeyman’s certificate), approximately two years after formalisation. This was to secure that enough time had passed for them to reflect on their choices and the possible consequences. At the same time, their decision-making processes would still be relatively fresh in their memory. The interviews were semi-structured, with 29 face-to-face and five telephone interviews. The length of the face-to-face interviews varied from about one hour to one and a half hours. The telephone interviews were somewhat shorter. When Work Comes First 275 All the interviews were transcribed verbatim. Each individual was treated as a specific case, and each transcription was read thoroughly before being organised according to the interview guide’s main categories: family background, educational experience, transitions from school to work and decision making processes related to attaining the trade certificate. The case material, then, was comprised and systemised within each of these categories. The names used in the article are fictitious. All the participants freely agreed to participate, and no incentives were given. The interviewees gave their consent to be contacted by the researchers to the county administration. All interviews were recorded with consent of the interviewees. Mapping trajectories and decision-making processes is about finding reasons: Why did they get their trade certificates as adults and not as young students? We were, however, careful with “why” questions, as they have two important disadvantages. First, they may cause respondents to feel defensive, which may inhibit their responses. Second, they infer a cause–effect relationship that may not exist (McNamara, 2009). Thus, such questions may push the interviewee to construct an explanation “on the spot”. The interviewees were asked to talk about their educational experiences, their family’s education and influence on their choices, their work experience and the story behind entering carpentry or child care and youth work and acquiring the trade certificate. The interview guide contained several questions within each category, but the interviewees were encouraged to speak freely. The interviewer structured the order of the topics according to the flow of the conversation, asking frequent follow-up questions and pursuing topics introduced by the interviewee. The interviews, thus, played out as biographical interviews used by several researchers within the field of adult education (Merrill, 2009) in the sense that they generated vivid descriptions and in-depth insights into lived experiences (Barabasch & Merrill, 2014) Barabasch and Merrill underline that narratives are a co-construction between the researcher and the researched. They state, however, that narratives are always only partial, as an individual selects what he or she wants to tell about their past and present lives. They are also located in a specific moment of time (Barabasch & Merrill, 2014, p. 288). We cannot eliminate any possibility of post-hoc rationalisation of personal choices or the construction of causalities, or the omission of details in their stories that they simply did not want to share with us. 5 Empirical Findings This chapter gives a brief overview of the participants in the study before presenting the findings from the interviews with carpenters and child care and youth workers. 5.1 Participants As Table 1 demonstrates, most of the interviewees completed upper-secondary school for the first time before entering the trade and not as they obtained their trade certificate in carpentry or child care and youth work as adults. All but one of the eight immigrants in our material moved to Norway as an adult, and most immigrants had completed upper- 276 Tønder, Aspøy secondary school in their home country. All eight immigrants lived in the East region in Norway. Two of the carpenters had migrated from Eastern Europe, and one from Sweden. Among the child care and youth workers, the immigrants were from Eastern Europe, Africa and Asia. Table 1: Descriptive characteristics of participants Carpenters Child care and youth workers East region (big city) 9 8Region West region (medium city/rural area) 10 8 Men 19 5Gender Women 0 11 Adult apprentices 8 3Formal learning category Practice candidates 11 13 Yes 16 11 No 3 5 Completed upper-secondary school before Yes 3 5Immigrant No 16 11 Some of the interviewees had one or two parents with a higher education, but the majority came from working-class backgrounds. Many of the interviewees first embarked on, and completed, general studies in upper-secondary school. (The general track prepares the student for higher education, but not for a specific occupation.) Most of them explained that either their parents had encouraged them to make this choice, that they had followed their friends or just that they were not ready to choose an occupation at the age of 15 or 16. At the same time, most of the interviewees stated that their parents generally were supportive of their educational choices when they were young or that they did not express strong opinions about their choice. A couple of the carpenters chose the general track due to initial ambitions to become engineers. Only one of the carpenters explained that his highly educated parents had discouraged him from embarking on vocational studies when he started upper-secondary school. A common statement among the child care and youth workers who completed uppersecondary school in the general track was that they were tired of school and not motivated for further studies at the time of their graduation. The carpenters, in contrast, generally chose a different wording and explained how they were drawn to work rather than studies, especially after completing military service. Only a minority of them expressed that school was somewhat of a struggle when they were young. 5.2 Carpenters In this section, we will show how reasons for entering carpentry as a trade can be distinct from the reasons behind the decision to obtain a trade certificate. Two main paths When Work Comes First 277 towards the trade were detected in the material. Some of the men had been introduced to carpentry by chance. Others had entered the occupation intentionally. Independently of the path, they describe their interest in the trade in very similar ways: the value of varied work and the joy of learning new things. A common theme in the men’s stories was about gradually gaining an interest in a new trade. Their trajectories towards carpentry were shaped as they went along—by curiosity, testing and an eagerness to learn new things. Two main routes were revealed: through the try-out of different jobs, and by intention. In the following section, we analyse the interviewees’ subjective accounts of their trajectories, before describing the process towards formalisation of skills, i.e., obtaining the trade certificate. 5.2.1 Finding a job, Trying it out The first category is characterised by testing different jobs. The carpenters’ social networks played an important role in their entry into the occupation. Bjørn explained how, after 12 years working as a welder, he was ready for a change. When a good friend encouraged him to apply for work with his employer, he decided to go for it. His good impression of the company was a crucial factor in this decision. An obvious attraction to carpentry over welding was the social aspect of not having to work “inside a mask”, Bjørn stated. Even more, a carpenter can enjoy fresh air. The following quote from Jon illustrates the element of coincidence in trying out different occupations. After failing to enter art school, he decided to get a job and called a previous employer in order to list them as a reference. This company had since merged with a carpentry firm: So, I called to hear whether I could list my previous manager as a reference for potential employers. And when I called, he said “Oh, Jon? You’re that artist? Why don’t you just come work with us?” And I figured, “Why not?” (Jon) The aspect of chance and the importance of the network are also illustrated by Thomas. After completing military service, he started working at a grocery store in his village. “I told myself, ‘I need a year, just to save some money and do some thinking, whether I shall pursue more education or not,” Thomas stated. After a year, his cousin asked him to help him at his one-man carpentry business. He found the job interesting, and when the cousin moved to another part of the country, he followed. In this category, we also find the only one who participated in adult education in the more conventional sense. Having dropped out of upper-secondary school, Peter received an offer from the municipality to participate in a carpentry training class for adults. As he did not have a steady job at the time, he decided to try it, although he had no knowledge about the occupation. “Back then, I didn’t even have any idea what a carpenter was,” Peter stated. “So, when I got there . . . the first day it was like, ‘Oh, it’s the same as being a joiner!’” 284 Tønder, Aspøy vague notions about their own preferences and capabilities. The policy implication that can be drawn from our study is that policy makers need to adopt a more long-term perspective on educational attainment and school-to-work transitions. In addition, our study shows the importance of institutional structures and second chance measures that support informal learning in the workplace. When Work Comes First 285 References Barabasch, A., & Merrill, B. (2014). Cross-cultural Approaches to Biographical Interviews: looking at career transitions and lifelong learning. Research in Comparative and International Education, 9(3), 287–300. Bratsberg, B., Nyen, T., & Raaum, O. (2017). Fagbrev i voksen alder. Søkelys p˚a arbeidslivet, 34(01–02), 24–43. Bunting, M., Halvorsen, T. A., & Moshuus, G. H. (2017). Three Types of Tightrope Dance in the Comeback Process. Preliminary Findings from a Longitudinal Study of Young People at the Margins of Upper Secondary School in Norway. International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training, 4(2), 146–163. Cedefop. (2012). Permeable education and training systems: reducing barriers and increasing opportunity. Briefing note 9072-EN. Retrieved from: www.cedefop.euro pa.eu/files/9072 en.pdf Christodoulou, M. (2016). Excluded and dropped in: habitus and biographical identity in vocational adolescents’ life transitions. Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 68(3), 320–341. European Commission. (2014). Tackling early leaving from education and training in Europe: strategies, policies and measures. Eurydice and Cedefop Report. Retrieved from: http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/thematic r eports/175EN.pdf Furlong, A. (2009). Revisiting transitional metaphors: reproducing social inequalities under the conditions of late modernity. Journal of Education and Work, 22 (5), 343–353. Graaf, W. D., & Zenderen, K. V. (2013). School–work transition: the interplay between institutional and individual processes. Journal of Education and Work, 26(2), 121– 142. Graf, L. (2016). The rise of work-based academic education in Austria, Germany and Switzerland. Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 68(1), 1–16. Heinz, W. R. (2002). Transition discontinuities and the biographical shaping of early work careers. Journal of vocational behavior, 60(2), 220–240. Heinz, W. R. (2009). Structure and agency in transition research. Journal of Education and Work, 22(5), 391–404. Hiim, H. (2017). Ensuring Curriculum Relevance in Vocational Education and Training: Epistemological Perspectives in a Curriculum Research Project. International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training, 4(1), 1–19. Jørgensen, C. H. (2013a). Linking the dual system with higher education in Denmark - when strength becomes weakness. In T. Deissinger, J. Aff, A. Fuller, & C. H. Jørgensen (Eds.), Hybrid Qualifications: Structures and Problems in the context of European VET Policy. (Vol. 10, pp. 53–78). Bern: Peter Lang. Jørgensen, C. H. (2013b). The role and meaning of vocations in the transition from education to work. International Journal of Training Research, 11(2), 166–183. doi:10.5172/ijtr.2013.11.2.166 286 Tønder, Aspøy Jørgensen, C. H. (2015). Recent innovations in VET in Denmark – responses to key challenges for VET Nord-VET – The future of VET in the Nordic countries. Retrieved from: http://nord-vet.dk/indhold/uploads/report1c dk.pdf Knowles, M. (1978). The Adult Learner: A neglected Species. Houston: Gulf Publishing. Lundahl, L. (2012). Leaving school for what? Notes on school-to-work transitions and school dropout in Norway and Sweden. In T. Strand & M. Roos (Eds.), Education for Social Justice, Equity and Diversity (pp. 85–108). Berlin: LIT Verlag. Markussen, E., Frøseth, M. W., Sandberg, N., Lødding, B., & Borgen, J. S. (2011). Early Leaving, Non-Completion and Completion in Upper Secondary Education in Norway. In S. Lamb, E. Markussen, R. Teese, J. Polesel, & N. Sandberg (Eds.), School Dropout and Completion: International Comparative Studies in Theory and Policy (pp. 253–271). Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands. McNamara, C. (2009). General Guidelines for Conducting Research Interviews. Retrieved from: http://managementhelp.org/businessresearch/interviews.htm Merrill, B. (Ed.) (2009). Learning to Change? The The Role of Identity and Learning Careers in Adult Education. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Molgat, M., Deschenaux, F., & LeBlanc, P. (2011). Vocational education in Canada: do policy directions and youth trajectories always meet? Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 63(4), 505–524. doi:10.1080/13636820.2011.580361 M¨uller, W., & Gangl, M. (2003). Transitions from education to work in Europe: the integration of youth into EU labour markets. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nyen, T., Sk˚alholt, A., & Tønder, A. H. (2015). Vocational Education and School to Work Transitions in Norway. In S. Bohlinger, U. Haake, C. H. Jørgensen, & H. Toiviainen (Eds.), Working and Learning in Times of Uncertainty: Challenges to Adult, Professional and Vocational Education (pp. 173–182). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Retrieved from: https://www.sensepublishers.com/media/2466-workin g-and-learning-in-times-of-uncertainty.pdf Nyen, T., & Tønder, A. H. (2015). Cooperation and Reform in Vocational Education and Training. In F. Engelstad & A. Hagelund (Eds.), Cooperation and Conflict the Nordic Way. Work, Welfare and Institutional Change in Scandinavia (pp. 201– 218). Berlin: De Gruyter Open. Retrieved from: https://www.degruyter.com/view booktoc/product/462497 OECD. (2015). Education Policy Outlook 2015: Making Reforms Happen. Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264225442-en Powell, J. J. W., & Solga, H. (2011). Why are higher education participation rates in Germany so low? Institutional barriers to higher education expansion. Journal of Education and Work, 24(1–2), 49–68. doi:10.1080/13639080.2010.534445 Raffe, D. (2008). The concept of transition system. Journal of Education and Work, 21(4), 277–296. Reeg˚ard, K. (2015). Sales Assistants in the Making: Learning Through Responsibility. Vocations and Learning, 8(2), 117–133. Skule, S., Stuart, M., & Nyen, T. (2002). International briefing 12: Training and development in Norway. International Journal of Training and Development, 6(4), 263–276. doi:10.1111/1468-2419.00164 When Work Comes First 287 Statistics Norway. (2017). Facts about education in Norway 2017 – key figures 2015. Retrieved from: https://www.ssb.no/en/utdanning/artikler-og-publikasjoner/ att achment/287176? ts=158d834b638 Steedman, H. (2012). Overview of Apprenticeship Systems and Issues: ILO Contribution to the G20 Task Force on Employment. Retrieved from: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp 5/groups/public/—ed emp/—ifp skills/documents/genericdocument/wcms 19018 8.pdf Stokes, H., & Wyn, J. (2007). Constructing identities and making careers: Young people’s perspectives on work and learning. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 26(5), 495–511. Virolainen, M., & Persson Thunqvist, D. (2016). Varieties of universalism: post-1990s developments in the initial school-based model of VET in Finland and Sweden and implications for transitions to the world of work and higher education. Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 69(1), 1–17. Walther, A. (2006). Regimes of youth transitions: Choice, flexibility and security in young people’s experiences across different European contexts. Young, 14(2), 119– 139. Walther, A., & Plug, W. (2006). Transitions from school to work in Europe: Destandardization and policy trends. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2006(113), 77–90. doi:10.1002/cd.170 288 Tønder, Aspøy Bibliographical Notes Anna Hagen Tønder is a researcher at Fafo Institute for Labour and Social Research in Oslo. Her research interests include vocational education and training, school to work transition, workplace learning and adult education. Tove Mogstad Aspøy is a researcher at Fafo Institute for Labour and Social Research in Oslo and a PhD candidate at the department of Sociology and Human Geography at the University of Oslo. Her research interests focus on vocational education and training, workplace learning, skills, competencies, adult education and job quality.