The Mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman colonia Augusta Firma - Astigi (Écija, Seville, Spain) - II

JMR 16, 2023 201-238 The Mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman colonia Augusta Firma - Astigi (Écija, Seville, Spain) - II Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de Armas’ın Domus I Mozaikleri - Astigi (Écija, Sevilla, İspanya) - II Sergio GARCÍA-DILS DE LA VEGA - Salvador ORDÓÑEZ AGULLA* (Received 14 January 2022, accepted after revision 16 August 2023) Abstract The Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar of Ecija (Seville, Spain) has been object of archaeological excavations and restoration interventions since 2001, which have revealed that this luxurious urban residence was completely reformed in the Severan period, when several rooms and the central courtyard were decorated with mosaic pavements of different thematic. In 2015 was discovered the so-called mosaic of the Loves of Zeus, which decorate the triclinium of the domus, with several scenes from this mythological cycle, along with Bacchic themes and characters, and the representation of the seasons. In this paper is offered an update on the progress of research relative to this outstanding mosaic. Keywords: Roman mosaic, Astigi, Loves of Zeus, seasons, grape harvest. Öz Ecija’nın Kraliyet Sarayı (Sevilla, İspanya) Plaza de Armas’taki Domus I, 2001’den beri arkeolojik kazılar ile restorasyon müdahalelerinin nesnesi olmuştur ve bu lüks kentsel konutun Severan döneminde tamamen yenilendiği, bazı odalar ve merkezde yer alan avlunun farklı temalardaki mozaiklerle dekore edildiği tespit edilmiştir. 2015 yılında, domusun tricliniumunu süsleyen Zeus’un Aşkları mozaiği, bu mitolojik döngüden birkaç sahne, Bacchic temaları ve karakterleri ile mevsimlerin temsili keşfedilmiştir. Bu makalede, bu olağanüstü mozaikle ilgili araştırmaların ilerlemesi ile ilgili güncel bilgiler sunulmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Roma mozaiği, Astigi, Zeusun aşkları, mevsimler, üzüm hasadı. DOI: 10.26658/jmr.1376800 (Research Article / Araştırma Makalesi) * Sergio García-Dils de la Vega, National University of Distance Education (UNED), Associated Center in Seville, Spain. https://orcid.org/0000- 0002-2648-0001. E-mail: [email protected] Salvador Ordóñez Agulla, University of Seville, Spain. https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4965-0154. E-mail: [email protected] This publication is the second part of García-Dils - Ordóñez 2022. 202 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla The Triclinium of Domus I: Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus In 2014, an archaeological campaign was planned in the Plaza de Armas with objective to complete the knowledge of the remains of the medieval fortification1. The first indication of the existence of a new room, decorated with a mosaic pavement, appeared in March 2015, to the west of the previously documented structures of Domus I, in an area heavily affected by the medieval pits for the extraction of building materials. We then located, in the small excavated area, a sector decorated entirely with a uniform pattern of three-dimensional cubes. Due to logistic circumstances, the extension of the excavation was postponed until April of the same year, when a scene identified as a Rape of Europa was uncovered. Finally, the excavation of the entire room was completed in May (Fig. 1). The poor state of conservation of the mosaic made a rapid extraction advisable, taking place in July. Two years later, in December 2017, the mosaic, divided into thirty fragments of different dimensions, was transferred to Seville to be restored in the facilities of the Andalusian Institute of Historical Heritage (IAPH). The particularly complex and delicate restoration process was completed in December 2018, and the mosaic was replaced in its original location in November 2019 (Fig. 2). This room had dimensions of between 7.42 and 7.91 m from north to south, and between 4.62 and 4.71 m from west to east, about 25 x 15 Roman feet. It had a single access, located at the northern end of the eastern wall, measuring 1.55 m x 0.56 m. The west and east walls of the room were aligned on the colonial grid,2 while the north wall was slightly deviated to the south, and the south wall showed a completely divergent direction, determined by the layout of the terrace that bounded the domus to the south. Some elements as: the position of the room, forming the south-west corner of the building, the location of its entrance, its notable dimensions and proportions,3 as well as the compositional scheme of the mosaic, indicate that it was probably a triclinium (cf. García-Dils et al. 2009: 532 n. 34). 1 The archaeological excavations were carried out by the City Archaeology Office of Écija, led by Sergio García-Dils and directed by Ana Santa Cruz and Cristina Cívico (García-Dils et al. 2016: passim). 2 The orientation of the kardines of the colonial grid plan is 335,4° (True North) (García-Dils 2015: 145). 3 The average interior dimensions of the room are 7.66 x 4.66 m, giving a ratio of 1.64:1. In other words, it follows the well-known theoretical parameters of the golden ratio of 1.62:1. Figure 1 Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus after its excavation. Orthophotography by Diego Gaspar (Arqueocad) for the City Archaeology Office of Écija. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 203 The preservation of the mosaic pavement is due to a series of fortunate circumstances, considering the remarkable general level of razing of the building, leaving hardly any standing remains of its walls. Furthermore, a medieval trench for the recuperation of building materials had destroyed the entire south-eastern corner of the room, causing the partial loss of the mosaic sub-base and creating numerous cracks and damage (Fig. 1). The mosaic decorated the entire surface area of the room, 37.05 m2, as also the entrance threshold. The general composition of the mosaic, which combines figurative and geometric panels, is a simplification of the typical “T” + “U” layout, forming a design of inverted and opposing squares or “L” shapes (Figs. 2-3). Figure 2 Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus after its restoration. Orthophotography by Sergio García-Dils. Figure 3 Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. References. Orthophotography by Diego Gaspar (Arqueocad) for the City Archaeology Office of Écija; drawing by Sergio García-Dils. 204 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla From the margin towards the centre, the compositional scheme is based on a perimeter band of white tesserae, decorated with crosses or rosettes (Fig. 3-A). This band forms a white field in contact with the walls and the entrance to the room, with small black flowers, carelessly shaped and unevenly distributed. Clearly, this perimeter band, of variable width, was created at the end of the process, to fill the space between the mosaic carpet and the walls, compensating for the irregularity of the floor plan of the room, and using leftover tesserae of different shapes and sizes. A white line formed by two regular rows of tesserae, 2 cm wide, is followed by a black line with the same characteristics and a border of spirals that encloses the floor at all four ends, with a width of around 17 cm (Fig. 3-B). Next, after a line made up of three rows of white tesserae, 3 cm wide, in the northern part of the mosaic there is a well-executed broad braided border, between 23 and 25 cm wide, framing a field containing scenes related to wine production and agricultural fertility (Fig. 3-C). The lower border is connected to a thinner three-strand braid border (Fig. 3-D), surrounding the area containing the central scenes. The meeting of the braided patterns is particularly well accomplished. After a 2 cm long black-and-white serrated fillet, the remaining L-shaped field (Fig. 3-E), is filled by three-dimensional cubes. The configuration of this area and its position in the room as a whole suggest that the geometric decoration may be considered as a marker of use, and that this space was probably intended for the position of the lecti. The compositional scheme, especially regarding the three-dimensional cubes, has direct parallels in Écija itself, with almost identical characteristics. Firstly, we find a similar sequence of geometric motifs in the mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus in Plaza de Santiago nº1, in this case along with a border of interlaced swastikas forming a meander (Fig. 4) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Figure 4 Mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus from Plaza de Santiago nº1. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 205 Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296). This pavement has also two particular scenes: Leda with the swan and a Dioscuros with the horse, very similar in composition and execution to those documented in the example from Plaza de Armas. Both mosaics were certainly the work of the same workshop. Other parallels have been documented in the mosaic of Briseis or a scene from the Iliad, from Calle Espíritu Santo - Barrera de Oñate (CMRE XIV: nº26, 67-68; García-Dils 2015: 350-360), and in the so-called “mosaic of cubes” from Plaza de España (CMRE XIV: nº40, 84-85; García-Dils et al. 2011: 773-774 fig. 2a). We find in the mosaic clear spatial markers, as Mañas (2007-2008: 97-99) calls them, specifically the geometric patterns of three-dimensional cubes joined at right angles at the SW end of the room, which indicate that we are more properly dealing with a biclinium. Aware of this, we use the expression ‘triclinium’ in its generic sense and due to its wide use in both ancient sources and historiography. In order to evaluate the density of the disposition of the tessellae, we carried out a systematic sampling in all the representative and well-preserved sectors of the mosaic and found that it varies considerably according to the motifs represented in the carpet. Therefore, the geometric patterns and the background present homogeneous values that remain around 135 tesserae/dm², with larger and more regularly cut pieces, placed with a careful adjustment between them. On the other hand, the figured decoration has a density that oscillates between 200 and 230 tesserae/dm², with a very variable size of tessellae, with irregular outlines, depending on their function within the design, leaving a wide separation that, in some cases, exceeds the size of the pieces themselves. 1. The Seasons of the Year The theme of the four seasons is particularly well documented in the mosaics of Baetica4 and Écija, which has three other pavements in which representations of this type can be identified with certainty. Indeed, Summer and Autumn are preserved in the aforementioned Triumph of Bacchus in Plaza de Santiago nº1 (Fig. 4) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296); Autumn and Winter in the mosaic of the Rape of Europa in Calle Espíritu Santo (CMRE XIV: nº21, 59-62; García-Dils 2015: 350-360); Spring, Summer and Winter in the mosaic of the Allegory in Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº35 (Fig. 5) (CMRE XIV: nº32, 73-75, where autumn and spring have been confused; Rueda - López 2011: 794; García-Dils 2015: 380-386). In all three, the sequence is shown in an anti-clockwise direction. This list could be lengthened from the fragment located in Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº34 (CMRE XIV: nº6, 43; García-Dils 2015: 287-294) and fragment 2 with an allegorical bust at Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº26-28 at the corner with Calle Cava (CMRE XIV: nº18, 56-57; García-Dils 2015: 339-345) if they are interpreted as the Spring. Also, the character wearing a petasos, in the preserved corner of the mosaic with a rosette of triangles documented in Calle del Conde nº8 (CMRE XIV: nº30, 69-72; García-Dils 2015: 368-369), perhaps could be associated with Summer. Finally, in the Okeanos mosaic uncovered in 4 For a recent study on this theme in Hispania, with a review of the attributes of the respective seasonal representations in the numerous testimonies of this motif in the Iberian Peninsula, vid. Duran Kremer 2011: passim; Rueda 2011: passim. For a general overview of this subject, see Abad 1990a: passim; Abad 1990b: passim. For the assignment to Italica of two mosaic fragments with motifs of the Seasons hitherto assigned to Orippo (Dos Hermanas, Seville), see Camacho 2021. For a reconsideration of a pavement of Carmo (Carmona, Seville) with the Seasons in the light of the new finding of the bust of Summer, see now Márquez 2016. 206 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Plaza de España (CMRE XIV: nº45, 88-90; García-Dils et al. 2011: 774-775 figs. 4c and 4d), the four birds perched on tree branches may be suggested as seasonal evocations. As in the rest of Hispania, the most commonly represented type is that of the female bust or head, occasionally with Autumn as a male character, shown frontally or in three-quarter view, and with the figures arranged in a counterclockwise direction.5 Consistent with the usual models, Spring is immediately recognisable in the mosaic from Écija (Fig. 3-1), in an inset measuring 68.5 cm (W-E) by 63.0 cm (N-S),6 characterised as a woman depicted frontally and with her head slightly turned to her left, wearing a necklace and a floral crown and surrounded by thistles in bloom, a characteristic element of the allegories of Spring (Fig. 6). The arrangement of the thistles, protruding from behind the figure’s shoulders, is reminiscent of the representation of spring in the mosaic of the Bacchic busts from Italica.7 It can be ascribed to Group 2 of the representations of this season established by Duran Kremer in his study of the seasonal mosaic representations 5 For the usual iconography of the seasons, see Simon 1966: 468-473 and Parrish 1984: 19-42. On the meaning of the seasons as entities of a beneficial and prophylactic character and symbols of fertility and renewal of nature, a transcript of the prosperity of the users of their representations and the positive connotations and happiness that were associated with this type of motifs and allegories, see Levi 1963: 227; Levi 1971: 85, 161, 230; Dunbabin 1978: 158. 6 The dimensions given below in the text are taken between the centres of the black lines delimiting the respective squares, which have a width of two tessellae throughout the pavement. 7 CMRE II: nº3, 27-28 pl. 13.1. It is worth remembering here the fame and price of thistles produced in Corduba (Plin. nat. 19.152). Figure 5 Mosaic of the Allegory, from Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº35. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 207 of the Iberian Peninsula.8 To the right, a representation of Summer (Fig. 3-2) is partially preserved, also wearing a necklace, framed in an incompletely preserved field measuring 69.0 cm (W-E) by (45.0) cm (N-S) (Fig. 7).9 Despite its state of preservation, it is easily identified as the summer season by its position in relation to the others, as well as by the presence of cereal ears behind the figure, who is also dressed in a light tunic that exposes the right shoulder. 8 Duran Kremer 2011: 192. An overview of the representation of this season in Hispanic mosaics can be found in Rueda 2011: 161. 9 Originally, it would have been 61.0 cm (N-S). Parallels in Hispania of the musive summer representation are studied in Rueda 2011: 160. Figure 6 The Spring. Photography by Sergio García- Dils. Figure 7 The Summer. Photography by Sergio García- Dils. 208 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Autumn (Fig. 3-3) has been completely lost, except for a small blank area in the north-west corner of the square, which does nothing to suggest its evocation, with preserved dimensions of (25.0) cm (W-E) by (10.0) cm (N-S).10 Finally, we have Winter (Fig. 3-4), inside an inset measuring 71.0 cm (W-E) by 63.0 cm (N-S), characterised as a woman with her head covered, wrapped in a heavy cloth, crowned with very schematic rushes or reeds (Fig. 8).11 Next to the figure is a plant motif that can be identified as an olive branch with fruit, alluding to the harvest season.12 From an iconographic point of view, this allegory is particularly reminiscent of the representation of Winter found in the Mosaico de los Amores from Cástulo (López Monteagudo 2014: passim; López Monteagudo - San Nicolás 2012-2013: 23-24). The image of the mosaic from Écija can be typologically ascribed to Group 1 of the Winter images determined by Duran Kremer (2011: 194). The representation of the seasons in the form of busts was a very popular type of decorative motif in mosaic pavements, especially from the middle of the 2nd century AD, as can be seen in the mosaics of Italy, the Syro-Palestinian strip and Africa, where they spread widely (Parrish 1984: passim). The composition that 10 Full dimensions would be 71,0 cm (W-E) x 61,0 cm (N-S). 11 As can be seen, for example, in two seasonal busts from Italica (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 7.3; nº25.3, 44 pl. 51.1), which are reeds –alluding to the humidity of the season– or, rather, dry branches without leaves, also associated with winter. In Écija itself, a representation of reeds can be seen in the winter figure, badly damaged, in the aforementioned mosaic of the Allegory from Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº35 (Fig. 5). 12 In African mosaics, it is a recurring motif linked to winter, as Parrish (1984: 32) points out: “Both the reed and the olive appear as floral attributes of the Winter season in African pavements”. Among the African parallels, the Algerian mosaic of the Four Seasons of Aïn-Babouch (Parrish 1984: nº4, 99-101 pl. 7a) is worth mentioning. The association of the olive tree with winter can be seen in the aforementioned mosaic of the Allegory from Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº35 (Fig. 5). Also, in the mosaic of Eros and Psyche in Corduba (CMRE III: nº7, 23-24 pl. 9; Rueda 2011: 160). For an overview of olive tree depictions in ancient art, vid. López Monteagudo 2007: passim. Figure 8 The Winter. Photography by Sergio García- Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 209 places the seasons in the corners of the composition, as is the case here, appears to be typical of the second century in Africa (Parrish 1984: 59-63). It has been noted that it is from this time onwards that the cycle of the seasons is linked to the Emperor, celebrating his rise to power as a manifestation of the Felicitas Temporum (Hanfmann 1951: I, 169, 172-173, 176; Quet 1981: 146-148, 193- 196; Abad 1990b: 11-13). In addition to being a recurring iconography, the Loves of Zeus traditionally have a symbolic relationship to certain constellations or phases of the year, given the connotations of deity of the heavens, nourishing god, master of rain and god of agriculture, also a documented facet of Zeus-Jupiter in relation to the grape harvest and the making of wine.13 In Baetica, we have other examples of the association of the representation of the seasons with mythological episodes of the Loves of Zeus, among which the mosaic uncovered in Italica stands out by its good preservation and number of scenes (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26), as well as two mosaic pavements depicting the Rape of Europa, located respectively in Fernán Núñez (CMRE III: nº32, 50-54 and pl. 39A; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109 fig. 15; Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 180-183 fig. 2; Abad 1990b: 16-17; Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 151-153 pl. XVII) and in Écija itself, in Calle Espíritu Santo - Barrera de Oñate (CMRE XIV: nº21, 59-62; García-Dils 2015: 350-360). 2. The Rape of Europa In the central frame of the mosaic, measuring (2.64) m (N-S) by 1.48-1.50 m (W-E),14 there are two scenes in an open field (Fig. 9). In the first, we recognise one of the Loves of Zeus for which there is greatest artistic and literary evidence, the Rape of Europa (Fig. 3-5),15 represented at the moment when Europa is sitting on the bull. The princess appears completely naked, wearing only a necklace and bracelets, and a headdress over her hair,16 which is tied back at the nape of her neck. The figure’s position conveys movement and dynamism, an impression 13 Vid. on 11 October at Kalendarium Amiternum (CIL IX 4192), feast of the Meditrinalia or of the new wine (Varro l.l. 6.16), and another festival of wine associated with Jupiter, Vinalia priora (Ov. fast. 4.898; Plin.nat. 18.287). 14 Before its partial destruction, the panel would have 2,77 m (N-S). 15 Hom.Il. 14.321-322; Hes.theog. 357 and fragm. 52; Hdt. 1.2, 4.45; Mosch. 2.1-152; Ov.met. 2.836- 875; Ov.fast. 5.603-620, Ov.her. 4.55, Ov.ars.am. 1.23, 6.103-107; Hor.c. 3.27; Nonn.Dion. 1.46 ss.; Pincelli 1960: passim. An overview of the presence of this myth in Mosaic art, in Wattel-de Croizant 1995, including the study of 44 pavements. See also López Monteagudo - San Nicolás 1995: passim. 16 Perhaps it is a small Phrygian cap, very schematically depicted. Figure 9 Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. Central frame. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. 216 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla the same size as Leda, which allows for the identification of the motif of the giant swan, along the lines of what Balil pointed out about this scene in certain parallel representations (Balil 1989: 119-124). Indeed, this would have been the only operative formula by which to place the two protagonists at the same height. This is also evidenced by the using of the swan in flight and at a much larger size than natural, rather than on the ground and at it’s true scale. In this way, the formal aspect of the superiority of the divinity, its strength and power, which will ultimately achieve its purpose, is well illustrated. This representation of the myth at the precise moment when Leda is taken by the bird is rare from an iconographic perspective and is only documented in two other Roman mosaics. The first of these parallels is located in colonia Augusta Firma itself, in the aforementioned mosaic from Plaza de Santiago, with which it shares numerous formal characteristics, not only in the composition of the scene, but also in details such as the shape of the shadow cast on the ground or Leda’s slightly raised left heel (Figs. 4 and 16) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Figure 15 Leda and the swan. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. Figure 16 Leda and the swan in the mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus from Plaza de Santiago nº1. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 217 Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296). In this case, she grasps the swan’s neck with her left hand. As has already been noted (San Nicolás 2005: passim; San Nicolás 2011: 329; Lancha 2011: passim), what is striking about the representation in these two cases, is the depiction of Leda standing with her back turned in the moment of union with the swan of a size equivalent to that of the queen. With the appearance of the new mosaic from Astigi, the figure of Plaza de Santiago ceases to be a unicum in the iconography of the Iberian Peninsula. The second example that can be mentioned is found in the mosaic of the cubiculum AN of the so-called House of the Coiedii of Suasa, dated to the beginning of the 3rd century, here with Leda on the right-hand side of the scene (Dall’Aglio - De Maria 1994-1995: 144-149 fig. 22; San Nicolás 1999: 369 fig. 18; San Nicolás 2005: 987 fig. 6). A third parallel may be added for the depiction of Leda standing with her back turned, in this case separated from the swan, either immediately before or after their union, as in the Cypriot example from Palaepaphos (Kouklia), dated to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century (Michaelides 1987: nº20 pl. IX; Saliou 1990: 370 figs. 1-2). As mentioned above, the hierogamy between Leda and the swan is widely documented in Greco-Roman visual arts, both in the sculpture and mosaics, thus demonstrating the popularity of this theme (Kahil et al. 1992: vol. 1, 231-246). On the other hand, in Hispanic mosaics, the representation of this mythological scene of the union between the queen and the swan is unusual, since, apart from the two mosaics from Astigi, its use has only been documented on three other occasions. Thus, we have the cases from Quintanilla de la Cueza, with a chronology in the 4th century (Blázquez et al. 1986: 108-109 fig. 13; Balil 1989: 119-124; San Nicolás 2005: 975 fig. 2), from Complutum (Alcalá de Henares), from the late 4th or early 5th century, including an inscription identifying the scene (HEp 1, 463; Fernández-Galiano 1984: 203-213 fig. 13-14 pl. CIX-CXII; Blázquez et al. 1986: 108-109 fig. 14; Gómez 1997: 106-107 M2; San Nicolás 2005: 975 fig. 1; San Nicolás 2011: 341 fig. 10), and, finally, from Italica, in the collection of the Countess of Lebrija and dated to the second half of the 2nd century (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 1 and 2a; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109-110 fig. 16; San Nicolás 2005: 976 fig. 3). In the narratives of mythography,22 Leda appears as the daughter of Testius, King of Aetolia, and of Eurythemis, sister of Hypermnestra and Althaea. She is presented as the wife to the Spartan monarch Tyndareus and mother of Timandra, Clytemnestra, Phoebe, Helen and the Dioscuri. Her extreme beauty attracted not only the exiled Spartan but also the King of Olympus, who came in the form of a swan on the very night of her betrothal beneath the peaks of the Taygetus, so that her children, the Dioscuri or Castor and Polideuces, are at the same time children of Zeus and Tyndareus. It is no coincidence that one of the neighbouring frames in our mosaic shows the figure of one of them, in a noteworthy narrative association. 5. One of the Dioscuri and a Horse In a square located to the north-west of the previous frame, measuring 79.5 cm (W-E) by 64.0 cm (N-S), we find one of the Dioscuri (Fig. 3-16), depicted frontally, naked, covered only with the chlamys on his back and over his left shoulder and arm, and wearing the pileus over a shock of abundant hair. He 22 Hom.Il. 3.426; Hom.Od. 11.298 ss.; Hom.Od. 4.184; Hes.fr. 23 A8; Him. Hom. 17.1-5, 23.2; Apoll. Rhod. Arg. 1.146; Eur.Hel. 16-22, Eur.Iph.A. 49-51, 794-800; Eur.Or. 1385-1387; Eurip.Mel. 17, 214, 257, 1149; Verg.Aen. 8.130; Hor.sat. 2.1.26; A.P. 147; Strab. 10.4.61; Paus. 3.1.4, 13.8, 16.1, 21.2; Apollod. 1.7.10, 3.10.5; Anth.Pal. 5.36; 5.307. 218 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla holds the spear in his left hand, in an attitude of sovereignty, while with his right hand he grasps the reins of the horse (Fig. 3-17) at his side (Fig. 17). The animal is depicted from the side, facing towards the right, with its right leg raised, in movement. In both cases, the use of tessellae of different tones adds volume and movement to the figures. In the frame (Fig. 3-18), which is completely lost except for its south-west corner, measuring (17.0) cm (W-E) by (12.0) cm (N- S), the second brother, Pollux, may have been represented. If so, the images of the twin Dioscuri would have very effectively completed the symmetry of the composition surrounding the Rape of Europa formed by the seasons of the year (Figs. 3-1, 3-2, 3-3, 3-4). This is a frequent iconographic type, for which there are numerous parallels, both in statuary and in pictorial and numismatic representations, although not in mosaics (Hermary 1986: vol. 1, passim; Gury 1986: vol. 1, passim). Very few floors, located in Nea Paphos (House of Dionysus) (Daszewski - Michaelides 1988a: 27 figs. 13 and 14; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 22 fig. 7) and Carthago (House of the Horses) (Salomonson 1965: 125, n°60 fig. 64 pl. 51,1; Gury 1986: nº22, vol. 1, 614 and vol. 2, 490) show the figure of the Dioscuri accompanied by their horses (San Nicolás 1999: 372-374). As far as Hispania is concerned, we can only mention the pavement from the House of the Mosaic of the Birth of Venus in Italica, dated to the middle of the 3rd century AD, in which the figures of both brothers are represented by their zodiac counterparts, the Gemini (CMRE XIII: nº72, 74-76; Lancha 2011: passim). At any rate, the presence of one of the Dioscuri next to Leda is a peculiarity for which we have only one parallel, again located in Écija itself, in the mosaic from Plaza de Santiago, hitherto considered a hapax (Figs. 4, 18). In this case, the star is depicted above his head, one of his attributes as a celestial and astral divinity, while the horse is behind the figure, forcing the composition into the octagonal shape of the composition (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296). The evident formal resemblance between this image and the mosaic from Plaza de Armas, especially the horse, once again reinforces the suggestion that both pavements may be the work of the same workshop. Figure 17 Dioscuros and a horse. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 219 The Dioscuri, Lacinian heroes with a complex mythological personality (Bethe 1905: passim; Bianco 1960: passim; Hermary 1986: passim; Gury 1986: passim), are generically and etymologically considered as sons of Jupiter, although only Pollux is, hence his immortality compared to that of his sibling. Greek tradition and epic poetry have marked their personalities, Pollux as a pugilist and Castor as a horse tamer23, both at once mortal and immortal (Lykophr. 565; Eur.Hel. 138; Verg.Aen. 6.121). The written sources present them above all as knightly or warrior gods, and in this guise, they intervened in support of Rome as early as the beginning of the 5th century BC in the famous Battle of Lake Regillus. They are generally depicted on horseback, or on foot beside a horse or guiding one by the bridle, as in the present case, in which the figure, probably Castor, bears the characteristic attributes with which the Dioscuri are distinguished in literary tradition and classical art: pileus or conical Lacedaemonian bonnet (Paus. 3.4.5; 3.24.5; 4.27.2; Catull. 37.2; Thuk. 4.34), purple chlamys on the arm (Paus. 4.27.2, Just.Epit. 20.3; Dion. Hal.ant. 6.13.1-4), spear or javelin (Paus. 4.27.2; Stat. 5.439; Lucian.dial. deor. 26). In Rome, they are preferably designated as Castores, indicating the pre-eminence of Castor, the athletic and warrior knight over his brother, who remains in the shadows, at least in the Republican period. Their symbolic and emblematic value is evident in the iconography of the Imperial period, which effectively reflects their multi-functionality as knights, protectors of navigation or symbols of an astral nature. The representation of one of the Castores standing and leading a horse by the bridle has numerous examples in the art of the Imperial era (Gury 1986: nº59-73 vol. 1 617-618; vol. 2 495). Unfortunately, the almost complete loss of the scene in the inset (Fig. 3-18) makes it impossible to confirm the possibility that the second of the brothers was also depicted –and under what specific formal expression–, as may be suggested to support the symmetry in the composition and to represent the two brothers as an iconographic expression in the Imperial period of cosmic and social harmony. Here again, the parallel with the scene in the mosaic of Plaza de Santiago is of no help, as it has not been possible to recover the part of the mosaic where Pollux and his horse would presumably have been located. 23 Hom.Il. 3.237; Hom.Od. 11.300; Hymn.h. 33.; Apoll.Rhod. 1.146; Theokr. 22.2.34; Ov.met. 8.301; Ov.fast. 5.700; Hor.sat. 2.1.267; Hor.c. 1.3.2, 1.12.25-27; Paus. 3.26.3, 4.16.5, 4.27.1-6. Figure 18 Dioscuros and a horse in the mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus from Plaza de Santiago nº1. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. 220 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Regarding the iconography of the Dioscuros, we find the closest parallel of these two Astigitan figures in a wall painting located behind the main entrance door of the Casa dei Dioscuri in Pompeii (VI.9.6), now in the Museo archeologico nazionale di Napoli (inv. no. 9455). 6. Antiope and Zeus Here we find a representation of the myth of Zeus and Antiope, in a frame measuring 93.0 cm (N-S) by 71.0 cm (W-E), showing the god, metamorphosed into a satyr, pouncing on the squatting young woman (Fig. 19). Antiope appears naked (Fig. 3-19), almost completely stripped of a bluish stola that barely covers her legs, turning backwards in surprise. Formally, the rich colours of the female figure’s cloak stand out, in glazed tesserae in red, orange, blue and green, as well as the nuances in the flesh tones, contrasting with the darker skin of the satyr. The pictorial effect of the shadow cast on the ground is also striking, adding perspective to the composition. For his part, the satyr (Fig. 3-20) is depicted with tousled hair24 and naked, covered only with the skin of a feline draped over his shoulders, in the manner of a chlamys, blowing in the wind and contributing to the dynamic impression of the scene. He is not holding the characteristic pedum. He ithyphallically assaults Antiope, whom he grabs by the waist from behind in an aggressive attitude that suggests attack rather than courtship. The scene is framed by a schematically drawn tree on the left and a column on a plinth on the right. As in the parallel from Italica mentioned below, the scene can be identified as the moment in which Zeus catches Antiope, after chasing her, and tries to strip her of her dress, while her attitude and face show the surprise and fear that overwhelm her. It thus corresponds to the first moment in the phase of Zeus’s seduction that can be seen in the iconography of the myth, that of assault and rejection in the first encounter between the two characters. This image belongs to the iconography so often represented in different contexts and characters in 24 More unlikely, it could be a plant wreath, like the ones on the mosaics in Malaga and Zeugma cited infra. Figure 19 Antiope and Zeus. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 221 the Hellenistic and Roman aesthetic universe, of the “nymph surprised” by the satyr in the context of amorous seduction (San Nicolás 2010: 498-502). This is a myth that is not well represented in the mosaic theme of the Loves of Zeus (López Monteagudo 2003: passim; Durán 2008: passim; Rodríguez Oliva 2009: 187-196; San Nicolás 2010: passim). In Baetica, there is a close iconographic parallel, of this myth and of this specific scene, in the mosaic of the Loves of Zeus from the house of the Countess of Lebrija, originally from Italica, dated to second half of the 2nd century (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 1, 4b; Durán 2008: 1313 and 1315). In this representation, the satyr, crowned with vine leaves and carrying a pedum, also pounces on a fleeing Antiope, depicted squatting or kneeling, from whom he tries to tear off the stola. The representation in the mosaic of the uilla of Torre de Benagalbón (Malaga), from the 3rd century (Mañas - Vargas 2007: passim; Rodríguez Oliva 2009: passim), on the other hand, suggests the courtship of the characters in an atmosphere of persuasion and acceptance of the love game. Among the extra-Hispanic iconographic parallels of this mythological episode, with a similar representation in terms of the fear and rejection displayed by Antiope, is the scene of the so-called Mosaic of Ganymede, which decorated the triclinium of the domus of Sollertius de Thysdrus, in El Djem (Tunisia), preserved in the Bardo Museum and dated to the early 3rd century (Rodríguez Oliva 2009: 192 pl. VIII; San Nicolás 2010: 500 fig. 4). In this case, the resemblance of the tree to the left of the figures in the two scenes is noteworthy. Also noteworthy in this line are two mosaics, one from Timgad, located in the Philadelphi baths, dated to the beginning of the 3rd century (Germain-Warot 1969: 77-79 nº96 pl. XXXIII; San Nicolás 2010: 501 fig. 5), and the other from the Turkish city of Antakya (Antioch), in the House of the Psyche’s boat and dating from the 6th century (Palagia 1986: nº22, vol. 1, 346; vol. 2, 257; San Nicolás 2010: 501 fig. 6). However, in these two cases, Antiope -carrier of a tympanum in both cases–, is more receptive, in some way prefiguring the scene of acceptance of the courtship game in the following episode of the story. The myth of Antiope was dramatised by Euripides in his lost Antiope and described by Hyginius (Hyg.fab. 7-8), as well as in several references by various authors (Hom.Od. 9.260; Apollod. 3.5.5, 3.41-44, 3.111; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 4.1090; Paus. 1.38.9, 2.9.17.4 ss., 10.36.10; Ov.met. 6.110-111; Nonn. Dion. 16.240, 31.218, 33.301). Antiope was the daughter of the king of Thebes, Nicteo, and Polyxus, although other versions present her as the daughter of the river-god Asopos (Paus. 2.6.2). Blinded by her extraordinary beauty, Zeus, metamorphosed into a satyr, seduced her, and from this union the twins Zetho and Amphion were born (Hom.Od. 11.260-265; Paus. 1.38.9). Considering himself dishonoured by his daughter, Nicteo took his own life after entrusting the capture and corresponding punishment of Antiope to his brother Lico, who took his place on the throne. In fulfilment of his vow, Lycus and his wife Dirce imprisoned Antiope in Thebes and forced her to abandon her twins in the forest, where they are raised by shepherds while their mother was subjected to inhumane treatment during the years in which they grow up. Dirce’s ruthless and cruel behaviour, jealous of her beauty, is finally avenged by her children after Antiope escapes and takes refuge with them on Mount Cithaeron. Dirce’s punishment by being tied to a bull until she is torn to death is a well-documented iconographic motif in the visual arts. We have included the later development of the myth because of its relevance in the classical imaginary, and the presence in many representations throughout 222 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla the Empire of the Punishment of Dirce, although the number of examples that illustrate the moment of the courtship is significantly smaller. In fact, Écija itself has a Punishment of Dirce, dated to the middle of the 2nd century, among its extensive repertoire of mosaics (CMRE IV: nº10, 25-30, Láms. 7-9; Blázquez et al. 1986: 119 fig. 31; CMRE XIV: nº1, 35-37 figs. 1-2; García-Dils 2015: 287). Likewise, the fact that the god Bacchus plays a fundamental role in the outcome of the tragedy does not seem to be a trivial fact. It may be suggested that, given the special inclination and sensitivity that the colonia Augusta Firma appears to have felt towards the Dionysian themes, judging by the abundance of representations of these in the local mosaics, it was particularly decided to include this metamorphosis and this mythical episode, less common, among the numerous series of Zeus’ amorous adventures. 7. Ganymede and the Eagle The next scene is framed in a rectangular field measuring 93.5 cm (N-S) by 71.0 cm (W-E) (Fig. 20). The figure can be identified as Ganymede (Fig. 3-21) thanks to his most distinctive attributes: the Phrygian cap, the chlamys which, in this case, is carried over his left arm, and his ephebe-like anatomy, depicted here with his back turned. Unlike in other documented cases, he is not wearing boots. He holds out a small bowl to an eagle, which we interpret as Zeus, who seduced this prince of Troy under the form of this bird, in what seems to be an iconographic anticipation of the future occupation reserved for Ganymede as cup-carrier of the gods on Olympus. Thus, the moment depicted in the mosaic is not the actual moment of the abduction, but the previous seduction, with a trusting Ganymede giving a drink to the eagle of Zeus, or to the metamorphosed god himself (Fig. 3-22). The depiction of this scene also includes, to the left of the young man, a highly simplified representation of a structure including what appears to be a column shaft. Again, this mosaic has chosen a less iconographically common part of the myth. Much more usual, as, for example, in the well-known pavement of the House of Dyonisos at Nea Paphos (Michaelides 1987: 18 nº14 pl. XXI; Daszewski Figure 20 Ganymede and the eagle. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 223 - Michaelides 1988a: 31-32 fig. 19; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 31 fig. 13), is the scene of the eagle flying with its talons firmly grasping a bewildered youth, often depicted in dramatic attitudes trying to break free from the bird’s rapturous grasp, or at other times rather pleased and joyful at his fate. In contrast, in the mosaic from Astigi the artist has preferred to focus on the scene that precedes the previous episode, in which the young Phrygian is shown giving the eagle a drink just before it takes flight with its prey. This depiction is found on oil lamps, marble and bronze reliefs, inscriptions, carvings and gems, sarcophagi and sculptures, but only occasionally in mosaics (Sichtermann 1953: pl. 14.1, 14.2, 15; Wattel-de Croizant 1974: 295-296; Sichtermann 1988: nº138-169, vol. 1, 161-162). We may recall here the example from the House of the Buffet Supper in Antioch (Levi 1971: 130-132 pl. XXIV; Blázquez et al. 2004: 311), in which Ganymede is depicted frontally, standing on a podium, offering a cup to the eagle, of which only the head has been preserved. Also, the pavement of Ouled-Agla (Algeria) (Wattel-de Croizant 1995: pl. XXIXa), in a variant in which Ganymede gives a drink to Jupiter himself, next to whom the eagle is perched. Another example, in a mosaic from a private collection in Belgium, kept on loan in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, probably from the territories of the Roman provinces of the eastern Mediterranean (Neira 2020: 145-146 fig. 8). In the Iberian Peninsula, we have the scene depicted in one of the frames of the aforementioned mosaic moved to the house of the Countess of Lebrija from Italica, dated to the second half of the 2nd century AD, in which the protagonist also appears with a chlamys on his back and a Phrygian cap, but with the difference that here the eagle perches on an altar or pedestal and receives the contents of a phiale offered to him by the young man (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26, pl. 1-5b; Blázquez et al. 1986: 108). Centuries later, it was with this same iconographic formula that B. Thorvaldsen carved his famous representation of Ganymede giving drink to the eagle from a bowl. It can also be interpreted here as Neira notes (2019: 353-354; 2020: 145) that the scene takes place once the rapture has been consummated, with Ganymede, already immortal, serving as cupbearer in the Olympian sphere. There are further parallels in Hispania, which follow the more conventional models for depicting the myth. Also, in the Lebrija collection, from Italica and dated circa 150 AD (CMRE II: nº4, 28-29 pl. 14; Blázquez et al. 1986: 108 fig. 12), there is another example, much retouched during its installation in the Sevillian palace house, with the main character holding a spear and accompanied by a dog. Finally, in the same city, there is evidence of the existence of a third Abduction of Ganymede in a pavement that is now lost, possibly from the House of the Mosaic of Hylas, the only graphic documentation of which is in the description and drawing by Demetrio de los Ríos (CMRE XIII: nº55, 53-55 pl. XIV fig. 108). Also, in the uilla of Quintanilla de la Cueza (Palencia), in the floor of room 10, from the 4th century AD, we find this particular mythological motif, although only one of the eagle’s wings has survived (Blázquez et al. 1986: 108). In colonia Augusta Firma itself, we have another pavement decoration, located in calle San Juan Bosco nº 8-10 (Fig. 12), in which the abductions of Europa and Ganymede have been represented together, although unfortunately only the legs of the young Phrygian and part of the eagle’s wings have been preserved from the latter scene. In this case, the action takes place on the ground, but not, as in the present mosaic, in a gentle and calm attitude of the two characters, but in the moment when the eagle takes flight with its prey (CMRE XIV: nº65, 110-113 fig. 111A; García-Dils 2015: 303-309; López Monteagudo 2008: 266-268). 224 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla In the scene identified in the mosaic from Astigi, Ganymede is shown holding a spear, an aspect of his iconography that stands for the hunter described in certain literary sources (Verg.Aen. 5.253; Stat. 1.549), or that of a warrior in some artistic representations (Sichtermann 1953: 89 nº238; Kyle 1960: 259 fig. 20). We see him in a similar attitude, with a pair of spears and a shield leaning against a nearby tree, in the above-mentioned mosaic of the stibadium in the House of the Buffet Supper at Antioch, in the Hatay Archaeology Museum in Antakya (Dunbabin 2003: 159 fig. 93); in the same museum, the protagonist of this mythological episode holds two spears in one of the panels of a mosaic from Tarsus, in this case at the moment of being snatched by the eagle of Zeus (Budde 1969: 93 figs. 169, 172). Also, we see him holding a spear, with a pelta on his side, on the pavement of the House of Dionysus in Nea Paphos. The kind of altar or pedestal on which the eagle appears to rest is not common in mosaics in conjunction with this theme, although we can see it in the pavement from Italica. On the other hand, this device, which comes from the field of sculpture, is better documented in other plastic arts, whether reliefs, jewelry or medallions, in which Ganymede appears seated next to the eagle perched on the said pedestal (Sichtermann 1988: nº138, 147, 156, 162a and 165, vol. 1, 161- 162). The Abduction of Ganymede was already celebrated by Homer (Hom.Il. 5.265- 267, 20.230-233; Hom.h. 5.202-217), who described the Trojan prince as the most handsome of men, and for this beauty he was snatched by the gods from Mount Ida to be their cup-carrier and to live among the immortals. This is a narrative that was very popular among classical authors25, with several variants in the transmission of the tradition, and which has had an important repercussion in the Greco-Roman plastic arts, whether in paintings, reliefs, sculptures or mosaics (Sichtermann 1953: passim; Kyle 1960: passim; Foucher 1979: passim), and also among the minor arts. Once again, Zeus interfered with a member of mortal royalty, although this case is peculiar in that it is a homosexual affair. The depiction of this myth nevertheless has abundant parallels in the Greek and Roman world throughout the Empire (Neira 2020: passim). 8. Tellus and a Karpos At the northern end of the mosaic, in a frame measuring 3.30 m (W-E) by 0.72 m (N-S), there are three scenes distributed within an open field (Fig. 21). First, Tellus can be recognised (Fig. 3-23), depicted as a female figure reclining on a rock, covering her voluptuous naked body with a shawl attached to her head, crowned with flowers. She is accompanied by a child (Fig. 3-24). Behind the child, there is a basket from which some branches protrude, and a vine that acts as a dividing element with the adjoining grape harvest scene (Fig. 22). 25 Pind.Od. 1.43, 11.105; Eur.Tro. 822; Theoc.Id. 20.40-41; Verg.Aen. 1.28, 5.252-257; Hor. 3.20.16; Ov.met. 10.155-161; Ov.am. 1.10.7; Prop. 2.30.30; Diod. 4.75.3 and 5; Paus. 5.24.5; Strab. 13.1.11; Stat. 1.549; Hyg.fab. 224.4, 271.1. Figure 21 Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. Northern frame. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 225 In the recently published Corpus of mosaics from Astigi, S. Vargas suggested the identification of the female character as Ariadne (CMRE XIV: nº37, 81- 83; Vargas et al. 2021: 226-227). This interpretation was based on an apparent attitude of compunction of the eros, which would allude to the abandonment of the young woman in Naxos, who looks to her right “consciente de la traición de su amante”, Theseus, who took her to the island from Crete after the death of the Minotaur, and to the discovery of the island by Bacchus. This was thought to be corroborated by the Bacchic affiliation of the two characters on the far right of the scene, identified as old satyr with pedum and an individual with a short tunic and crown, pointing at Ariadne. For our part, we consider that here we simply have the goddess Tellus with a child, as she is usually depicted, although it is not completely possible to ascertain the infant’s supposed mournful character from the scarce number of tesserae with which the face is composed. Specifically, we believe that the child accompanying the goddess must be identified as a karpos (καρπός), a genie-like infant figure, winged or not, as is the case here, representing the link with the fruits of the earth and, therefore, sometimes with a cornucopia, his most common attribute, and sometimes with baskets of flowers, as in our case. Furthermore, this character is associated with the representation of Tellus as karpóphoros (καρπόφορος) or kourotróphos (κουροτρόφος). Tellus Mater, the Greek Gaea or Ge, is a divinity of vegetation, of the fertility of the fields, sowing and harvesting, a manifestation of the creative force of nature and, therefore, the generator of life in all its forms, animal, vegetable and human (Ghisellini 1994: passim; Gesztelyi 1981: passim)26. However, there is a theological dimension that considers her to be the mother of the gods. As such, she is closely associated with Zeus/Jupiter and, in this sense, her presence in the Astigi mosaic is well justified and, in our opinion, better supported than the dubious identification with Ariadne in Naxos discovered by Bacchus after her abandonment by Theseus, which is suggested in the Corpus of the mosaics of colonia Augusta Firma Astigi. On the other hand, it should be stressed that there is no reason to suggest that the character located on the right at the other end 26 Cf. the verse of Hor.carm. saec. 29: “fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus”. Figure 22 Tellus and karpos. Photography by Sergio García-Dils. 232 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla relating to Icarius dating back to the Hellenistic period. After learning the art of viticulture from Dionysos, “It is said that, once he had planted the vine and made it blossom with ease, having taken great care of it, a billy-goat rushed into the vineyard and plucked the tenderest leaves it saw. Icarius, angered by this, took the goat away and killed it. He turned the goat’s skin into a wineskin, filled it with air, tied it up and threw it at his companions, forcing them to jump around it. Thus says Eratosthenes: ‘At the feet of Icarius there is, for the first time, dancing around a billy-goat’.” (Hyg.astr. 2.4.2; see also Ov.fast. 1.354-360). The surprised, perhaps even angry, reaction of Icarius, raising his hand to his mouth, and even the position of his legs, as if he were about to start running, support this suggestion. However, we are aware that other interpretations are possible, following the texts of Hyginus himself. Thus, in the light of another passage of the author, in which the discovery of pruning is recorded, “a goat, which had gnawed a vine, caused it to produce more fruit; hence the invention of pruning” (Hyg.fab. 274.1), one could point in this direction, given that pruning for fruiting, with the intervention of animals, whether in green (spring) or dry (winter), was well known in the Roman world (Varro rust. 1.31.1-4; Colum. 4.10). This would also justify the scene in the mosaic in Calle Espíritu Santo, where it is Icarius himself who presents the bunch of grapes to the caprid (Fig. 24). The parallels of our scene in the field of mosaic art are certainly not numerous. The most significant appears to be the right-hand side panel of a 4th century AD mosaic, now on display in the town hall of Manosque (Alpes-de-Haute- Provence, France), recovered from the triclinium of the uilla of Pèbre near Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var), which shows a scene very similar to that of Astigi, both in terms of the composition and the clothing of the figures, wearing boots and short tunics (Fig. 26) (Gondicas 1990: nº3, vol. 1, 645-646; Chaillan 1919: passim; Brun 2003: 46; Brun 2005: 77). Icarius, wearing a petasos, points with his right hand to a goat perched in a vine, eating its fruit, while his companion, identified as a servant, gestures with his hands. The general contexts are also similar. In the mosaic of Écija, the grape harvest and Tellus appear next to this scene, and in the mosaic from Gaul, it is accompanied by the Three Graces – central panel– and Dionysus and Icarius –left panel– (Fig. 27). In this respect, note may be made of the univocal characterisation here of Dionysus, crowned Figure 26 Icarius and a servant in the mosaic from the uilla of Pèbre near Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var). Photography by Alberto Bolaños. Figure 27 Dionysus and Icarius in the mosaic from the uilla of Pèbre near Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var). Photography by Alberto Bolaños. The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ... / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ... 233 with branches, naked, covered only with a cloak over his left shoulder, holding an amphora in his right hand and a thyrsus in his left. In relation to Icarius, we must once again mention the Tigerreiter mosaic from Écija (Fig. 24) (CMRE XIV: nº23, 62-65; García-Dils 2015: 350-360), in which this figure is represented as an elderly, bald, grey-bearded man, seated on a rock and surrounded by vine branches. He wears a short tunic that exposes his right shoulder and a bluish cloak over his left shoulder, and boots. He holds a pedum in his left hand, resting on his shoulder, and in his right hand he holds a bunch of grapes, with which he feeds a goat. In one of the mosaic panels in the House of Dionysus at Nea Paphos (Cyprus), dated to the late 3rd or early 4th century AD, Dionysus is depicted seated, offering a bunch of grapes to the nymph Acme, while beside him Icarius is shown as a herdsman with his load of wineskins, as well as a pair of drunken shepherds beside him with a legend identifying them as the first wine drinkers (Gondicas 1990: nº4, vol. 1, 646; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988a: 40-43 figs. 29-32; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 23-25 fig. 8). The depiction of Icarius is along the lines of the one in the Tigerreiter mosaic. 11. Chronology In addition to the stylistic evidence, which can be inferred from the characterisation of the different characters that appear in the mosaic, discussed in the previous sections, the main direct indication of date of the mosaic of the Loves of Zeus [UEC-15219] is provided by the ceramic materials recovered in its subbase [UEC-15244] and in the level located immediately below it [UED- 15275]. Considering the presence of African sigillata, the construction of the room can be dated to the 2nd century AD, a time frame that can be refined to the second half of the century according to the known typological parallels. Based on the terminus post quem provided by the pottery analysis and considering the themes represented, as well as the iconographic and formal parallels of the mosaic, we are inclined to place its execution in the Severan period. As for the abandonment of the room, materialised in [UED-15218], interpreted as the level of the first generalised collapse over the mosaic pavement, the presence of African kitchen wares and of their regional imitations, as well as fragments of common pottery with a coarse fabric, point to a date from the beginning of the 4th century.35 35 Data provided by J. Vázquez, responsible for the ceramic analysis of the archaeological intervention. 234 Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Bibliography – Kaynaklar Abad 1990a L. Abad Casal, “Kairoi / Tempora anni”, LIMC V.1, 891-920; LIMC V.2, 576-596. Abad 1990b L. Abad Casal, “Iconografía de las estaciones en la musivaria romana”, Mosaicos romanos. Estudios sobre iconografía. Actas del homenaje in Memoriam de Alberto Balil Illana que tuvo lugar en el Museo de Guadalajara los días 27 y 28 de Abril de 1990, Guadalajara, 11-28. Augé - Linant de Bellefonds 1986 C. Augé - P. 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