Escape the lion cage: Social networks by catch zones of small-scale fisheries in the oil settlement of Lobitos (Peru)

Escape the Lion Cage: social networks by catch zones of small-scale fisheries in the oil settlement of Lobitos (Peru) Isidro Maya Jariego Universidad de Sevilla, Spain José F. Querevalú Miñán Lourdes G. Varela Javier Ávila Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal, Perú Abstract. Artisanal fishing communities are often in conflict with the interests of the oil extraction industry, industrial fishing fleets and tourism. This paper considers Lobitos, a fishing enclave in northern Peru, where the oldest oil settlement in Latin America was established. The primary focus is community organization and development of the fisheries. Using a mixed methods approach, intensive ethnographic observation and analysis of the social networks of the skippers of small-scale fishing vessels was conducted by in-depth interviews with 30 artisanal fishermen, together with a social network survey involving 43 boat captains in Lobitos. The results showed the mistrust and negative attitudes of fishermen towards oil companies and the industrial fishing fleet. However, they expressed positive expectations regarding tourism development, as well as favorable attitudes towards the diversification of fishing activity through tourist services. The networks of acquaintances, social support and exchange of ecological information allowed us to identify three different groups of fishermen according to preferential fishing zones. The skippers of vessels that prefer to fish in intermediate zones have a prominent role, both in terms of local leadership and through the connection with boats belonging to other bays near Lobitos. This subgroup acts as an intermediary in the networks a whole and has an integrated vision of the coastal ecosystem. Network measures and preferential fishing zones can be used as indicators to assess the degree of availability and preparation for the implementation of new uses in the fisheries sector associated with tourism and heritage. Key words: artisanal fisheries, social support networks, local ecological knowledge, oil industry, tourism, Peru. 1. Introduction This case study considers a community of artisanal fishermen receptive to new touristrelated activities in the fisheries, despite having a negative experience in relation to the oil industry and industrial fishing respectively. The research focuses on the factors that lead to the same group to respond differently to influential, stronger economic actors with which it interacts. Lobitos, in the north of Peru, provides a convenient context to assess this evolution, since it is a traditional oil settlement that has recently begun to receive tourists attracted by opportunities for surfing. It is a small coastal community that depends on local resources, and is located in a poorly developed area. The discussion first examines the interaction of the small-scale fishing community with other economic actors. Secondly, the internal structure of the community as a way to understand the readiness of artisanal fishermen groups to interact with industrial players is considered, using qualitative in-depth observation and network analysis respectively. 1.1. The oil industry, intensive fishing and tourism and artisanal fishing communities Coastal areas are characterized by dense populations and a diversity of social and economic actors competing for existing resources (Allison & Ellis, 2001; Jentoff, 2000; Salas, Chuenpagdee, Seijo & Charles, 2007). In Latin America and the Caribbean, the interests of small-scale fisheries often conflict with industrial and recreational fishing fleets, oil exploration and tourism development (Hall, 2001; Salas et al., 2007; Voyer, Barclay, McIlgorm & Mazur, 2017). In this section the interaction of the artisanal communities with the oil industry, industrial fishing and tourism, is briefly reviewed. The coexistence of fishing communities with the oil industry is complex and potentially conflicting. Offshore oil extraction increases maritime traffic, causes pollution, can damage fishing gear, and sometimes prevents access to traditional fishing grounds (Cormick & Knaster, 1986; Stepanova, 2015). However, the coexistence of both sectors has not always resulted in a conflict between the productive exploitation of resources and the conservation of the environment. For example, the Norwegian regime has reduced conflict by establishing controls over the oil industry so as to provide sufficient guarantees for fishing, with initiatives to also prevent damage to ecosystems through ongoing consultation with the fisheries sector and provision of compensation rights for fishermen incurring financial loss (Uhre & Leknes, 2017). Such a regulatory framework can reduce the negative impact of the oil industry on fisheries. More direct competition is experienced with industrial fishing fleets, both because both artisanal and industrial fisheries may exploit the same species; and because of the greater technological sophistication of the latter. Artisanal fishermen in Latin America and the Caribbean frequently complain that industrial fishing invades the areas closest to the coast, degrades the seabed, and negatively affects the biological productivity of marine ecosystem (Begossi, 2006; Castilla & Fernández, 1998). On the Peruvian coast, artisanal communities coexist with an industrial fishery that in the 1960s became the largest in the world (Roemer 1970; Thorpe, Aguilar-Ibarra & Reid, 2000). Artisanal fishermen catch barely four percent of the total fish landed in Peru, despite being the main suppliers for domestic consumption (Estrella, Guevara-Carrasco, Palacios, Avila & Medina, 2000). With high levels of debt and low bargaining power on price, small-scale fisheries are ineffective (Estrella & Swartzman, 2010). In recent years the fishing effort of the small-scale fleet has continued to grow, while overall catch volume and volume of catches per vessel have declined (Alfaro-Shigueto et.al 2010; Estrella & Swartzman, 2010). In this context, intensive fishing is usually perceived as being a major threat to the continuity of artisanal fisheries. Relations with the tourism sector have generally been more ambivalent. On the one hand, it is considered a complementary activity, which contributes to an increase the demand for and consumption of fish, and is compatible with the seasonal activities of the fisheries (Estrella & Swartzman, 2010). On the other hand, the economic advantages of tourism have often relegated fishing activities to a secondary place in local communities (Oracion, Miller & Christie, 2005). In addition, tourism pressure may adversely affect the sustainability of fisheries (Fabinyi, 2008, 2010). Catches from smallscale fisheries are traditionally geared to the local tourism market; and more recently, have provide opportunities to develop alternative "fishing-tourism" activities, which coincide with an increase in recreational fishing overall (Lloret et.al. 2016). Thus tourism provides a combination of risks and opportunities for the artisanal fishing sector. The northern coast of Peru is characterized by having both the oldest petroleum industry (Miller, 1982) and the most productive industrial fishery (Salas et al., 2007) Chile and Peru are associated with the most productive industrial fisheries in South America, accounting for almost 90 percent of catches in the region (FAO, 2000). In the case of Peru, this is predominantly an industrial fleet, whose main catch is anchovy 1 (Engraulis ringens), despite the near collapse of the stock in 1972 (Agüero, 1992, Boerema & Gulland, 1973; Csirke, 1980; Salas, Chuenpagdee, et.al., 2007). Recently, the tourism sector has begun to develop, forming an important alternative means for local development. Although conflict between the economic actors mentioned above is usually presumed, this is an area where comparatively little empirical research has been undertaken (Uhre & Leknes, 2017). This case study thus examines the interaction of the artisanal fishing community with the oil industry, the industrial fleet and tourism development respectively, located in the same coastal area. The relationships between the internal structure of the community of artisanal fishers on the one hand and the external economic environment is considered. 1.2. Artisanal fishing, social patterns and new economic activities in the fishing sector In many parts of Latin America, small-scale fisheries have a precarious existence, based on subsistence. According to Salas et al. (2007), small-scale fisheries: (a) catch a high diversity of species using different fishing gears, (b) are labor-intensive, (c) use multiple landing sites along the coast, (d) are a seasonal activity, (e) have a significant impact in terms of both employment and protein for human consumption in coastal areas, (f) attract migrant workers, (g) rely on intermediaries for selling fish, and consequently have a poor bargaining power; and (h) barely have social protection mechanisms or unemployment coverage (p.6). Local communities of artisanal fishermen are organized into highly cohesive, densely connected groups with high levels of social control. Fishermen spend a great 1 In recent years, giant squid (Dosidicus gigas) fishing has increased, precisely as an alternative to anchovy (Estrella et al, 2000; Estrella & Wartzman, 2010). deal of time socializing with each other at the harbor, during communal celebrations and activities, on boats and at the usual meeting places, talking about the state of the sea and fishing activity. However, they are careful to share as little information as possible about the key factors that increase catches (Acheson, 1988; Palmer, 1990). Strong relational integration coexists with secrets in fishing. One of the elements of differentiation among fishermen is the area in which each vessel makes the catches, in relation to the distance from the port (Acheson, 1988; Maya-Jariego, Florido & Sáez, 2016). Skippers of boats with a larger capacity engine can explore alternative fishing grounds, generate a space of differentiated sociability, are more socially prominent and develop a more integrated vision of the ecosystem (Maya- Jariego, Florido & Sáez, 2017). Very cohesive groups are expected to be more reluctant to change (Flache & Macy, 1996), while differentiation by fishing zones can lead to different ways of reacting to new tourism and commercial opportunities. That is, internal differentiation in coastal communities may assist adaptation when faced with new economic opportunities. Diversification of fishing activity in response to tourism is a major factor transforming communities of artisanal fishermen. Tourism may have harmful effects on the marine environment (Fabinyi, 2008, Hall, 2001, Solstrand, 2013, Young, 1999); in particular, recreational fishing increases fishing pressure (Borch, 2004; Vølstad, Korsbrekke, Nedreaas, Nilsen, Nilsson, Pennington, Subbey & Wienerroither, 2011). Nevertheless, marine tourism has also emerged as an economic alternative in areas where the fleet is oversized in relation to the catch potential (Chen, 2010), and there is a gradual transfer of families leaving the fishing sector to engage in tourism (Oracion et al., 2005). In parallel, under certain circumstances, professional fishing may develop interdependent and mutually beneficial relationships with the tourism sector (Voyer et al., 2017). Similarly, there are cases where both the cultural heritage of fishing ports and the diversification of tourism in the sector can contribute to reduction in the size of the fleet, encourage small-scale fishing and facilitate the conservation of stocks (Maya- Jariego, Holgado & Florido, 2016). 2. Study area Lobitos is one of six districts that make up the Talara Province in the Piura region of northern Peru (Figure 1). The first significant settlement dates back to the 1920s, coinciding with the installation of the British oil company Lobitos Oilfields Limited. Throughout this decade, the oil industry influenced community characteristics in the neighborhood of Lobitos. Immediately after the coup d'état of 1968, the Peruvian government expropriated and nationalized the oil company, as well as establishing a military base which until 1992 was the headquarters of the Eighth Division of the Peruvian Army. The nature of the fishing community has always been determined by the decisions of the oil companies and the military base. The first fishermen came from Sechura and settled in the area known as "La Punta", near the beach. The British company that established the first oil installations ordered the fishermen to relocate to the Plebiscito neighborhood. Later they were moved to the Panama neighborhood. The military administration finally located them in the Primavera neighborhood, where they have remained. The most recent economic development is tourism, attracted by the beaches and strong winds for surfing and kitesurfing. Lobitos currently has a population of around 1,600, consisting of a community of fishermen composed of 133 families, some soldiers, and a floating population of mostly foreign tourists. FIGURE 1 3. Methods The methodology combined intensive ethnography with the analysis of the social networks of artisanal boat skippers in Lobitos. Participant observation was carried out during a continuous month of field work in May 2012, during which one of the researchers participated in the daily activities of the fishing community. During that period 30 in-depth interviews were conducted. Two fishing trips were made to observe a typical fishing day, and a photographic record of all stages of fish production was carried out (Querevalú Miñán, 2016). Subsequently periodic visits were made to corroborate the information and conduct complementary interviews. The analysis of the skipper networks was carried out in May 2016. Quantitative data served as a contrast to previous ethnographic work. For the network analysis, a questionnaire was circulated with questions concerning fishing activity, together with a name generator of acquaintances’ relationships, information exchange and social support among artisanal boat skippers. UCINET 6 (Borgatti, Everett & Freeman, 2002), and Visone 2.9 (Brandes & Wagner, 2004) was used for network analysis and visualization. The participants and instruments used in this second stage of the study are detailed below. Using this combination of methods the structure of external and internal relationships of the small-scale fishing community was examined. The distribution of groups within the community provides an understanding of readiness to interact openly with the several local economic actors. The centrality indicators, the fishing zones and the connection with other coves are used to differentiate groups among Lobitos fishermen. The research follows an inductive approach to describe the relationships of a small group of fishermen with their socio-economic environment. 3.1. Participants Interviewees were 43 skippers from the bay of Lobitos. The group consisted of men between 24 and 75 years old (mean age is 49.51), which on average have been engaged in fishing for 33 years (M = 33.04, SD = 13.41). The participants have lived and fished most of their lives in Lobitos (M = 28.76, SD = 13.06), a place with which they feel strongly identified (M = 9.60, SD = 1.02). They also declared themselves generally committed to the protection of the marine environment (M = 9.32, SD = 2.54). The identification with the world of surfing obtains lower scores, although also positive (M = 6.16, SD = 3.3). 3.2. Instruments The respondents answered a questionnaire with questions about (a) the relationships they maintain with other fishermen, whose vessels are anchored in Lobitos; (b) the relationships they maintain with skippers of other fishing enclaves; (c) data on fishing activity; and (d) attitudes towards new tourism and heritage uses in the fishing sector. Network of skippers of boats in Lobitos. A list of 43 active boats (confirmed in the previous ethnographic fieldwork) was presented to the respondents, in which they were asked successively with whom they "have had personal contact" (personal relationships), with whom they "have shared Information on fishing or on the sea" (ecological information), and with whom they "have dealt with personal issues "(social support) in the last year (Maya-Jariego, Florido & Sáez, 2017). Intergroup relations. The skippers of Lobitos also provided information on their relationships with vessels of other fishing enclaves in nearby coves. In this case, they mentioned boats spontaneously, without providing them with a previous listing, thus generating a bi-modal network of Lobito boats in relation to vessels from other fishing enclaves. Fishing activity data. In each case information was obtained on fishing gear, species caught, fishing areas frequented, as well as the years that each respondent has dedicated to fishing. They also indicated on a scale from 1 to 10 the degree of identification with Lobitos. In addition, boat owners rated a list of institutions in the area ( including municipality, non-governmental organizations, and oil companies) with a scale ranging from -4 "I have a very negative opinion" to +4 "I have a very positive opinion". Attitudes. Respondents completed a list of 15 items to assess their attitudes towards incorporating new tourism and heritage uses in the fisheries sector, the implementation of participatory instruments and participatory governance, and the application of environmental protection measures (Maya-Jariego, Holgado & Florido, 2016). The complete list of items can be found in Table 4, along with the four thematic factors that make up the instrument. The scale ranged from 1 "strongly disagree" to 5 "strongly agreed". The reliability obtained for the 15 items was alpha 0.6. 4. Results Lobitos owes its name to the high presence of Peruvian sea lions (arctophoca australis) on its coast 2 . Artisanal fishermen have traditionally lived with this species of otarids, which they consider the factor with the most impact on the productivity of the fisheries. Sea lions lurk both individually or in groups to snatch the catch and 2 In Spanish, sea lions are called sea wolves ("lobos marinos"), from where derives the name of Lobitos. occasionally break fishing gear, be it nets or hooks. Accordingly, Lobitos has always been considered a difficult area for fishing. The sea lion scares the fish… or depredates the fish that is already caught in the net or with hook. You arrive, you throw the buoy, the lead and you lay the net, and suddenly it appears. When the sea lion shows the fish no longer come afloat. It does not come, it gets scared. But it also comes out when you've finished casting the net and the fish is nearing. You feel the fish in the net, you say "let's pull the net", and then the sea lion appears... I'm not talking about one... The sea lions come from the platforms, which have now become their home. If there were no platforms they would not be there. They come down from the platforms and as the fishing is now near the platforms, they arrive fast. They have a good sense of smell, because when the fish is in the net, the fat appears. The smell is felt when you are catching bonito, you smell it. And the smell of fish reaches the sea lion. I do not speak of one when they hurt us, but two, three arrive... even a colony of sea lions we have seen. Not to exaggerate, last time we saw twenty to fifty lions per boat. When they come in a group they eat everything. [E19, crewmember, male, 35 years old] Lobitos is in the area of influence of the Humboldt Current, one of the world’s most productive marine ecosystems, but which periodically hinders fishing activity, due to its strong winds and currents. 4.1. Coexistence with the oil industry and industrial fishing Artisanal fishers coexist with the oil and industrial fisheries industries. There are 35 oil platforms offshore belonging to two companies with foreign capital. There are also large vessels that direct their catch to fish processors, for the production of flour, oil and preserves. Conflicts with both groups are widely shared in the fishing community. The oil platforms were established from the 1960s onwards. According to the artisanal fishermen, some of these are located at a distance of 2 to 10 miles from the coast, in former fishing grounds, usually on rocky sea beds with a high concentration of fish. Fishing is restricted in the vicinity of the platforms. Occasional gas or oil leaks together with waste and plastics produced by platform operations, also contaminate these locations. Some fishermen also complain that the oil companies' boats navigate through these area without noticing the location of floating gillnets, occasionally accidentally breaking these. Oil rigs are installed in old fishing grounds. Here you were fishing and now they put this well. You come and you tie your boat to the platform to fish because that was your fishing zone and... What do they do? Their boat comes and they say: "it is forbidden to be here because of stealing." They get on your boat, they loosen your mooring. But here in Lobitos we do not steal, they steal in other ports. They are old fishing grounds of the old fishermen. Yes, because below the platform there are rocks. The platforms are mostly where there is rock, and that is where the fish is. The sea is deep because sometimes when we fish we use a line of 200 meters and in some places we even bypass the 200 meters. [E24, skipper, male, age 70] In those wells that are at 30 meters... There we have fished with the line, and now when we get there they say that we will steal. They are old fishing zones, they were ours. We go there because there is fish, seriously, there is plenty. But the company does not look at that, it says that you are there to steal, and they give you a fine of 200 or 300 soles [E12, skipper, male, 82 years] Artisanal fishermen also indicate that their fishing grounds are invaded by industrial fishing vessels. According to our informants, both boats carrying anchovies used for flour manufacture ("bolicheras") and the trawler fleet operate very close to the beach. When this occurs, fish shoals move to other areas, reducing the availability of fish for artisanal fishermen. Trawling in particular is non-selective, degrades the seabed, negatively affects biomass, and captures smaller species that providing food for the fish mainly caught by the artisanal fleet (e.g. bonito, grouper and rock sea bass, among others). In the opinion of the interviewees, these fisheries reduce the productivity of the marine ecosystem. The artisanal fisheries are also affected to a lesser extent by underwater fishing, carried out by foreigners visiting the locality. In strong current conditions, the artisanal fishermen move close to the rocks off the coast to fish for Peruvian rock seabass, also frequented by divers who compete for these fish stocks, due to good underwater visibility. However the interviewees who have a more open and positive attitude toward the tourism industry were clearly less critical in this case than they were of the oil industry. 4.2. The artisanal fishing of Lobitos The artisanal fishermen surveyed fished on average 221 days in the previous year (M = 221.39, SD = 59.66). This is a form of inshore fishing, less than 10 miles offshore. Among the fishing gear used, respondents indicated pinta 3 (43, 100%), floating gillnets (27, 62.8%), muestra 4 (19, 44.2%), and espinel 5 (4, 9.3%). The most frequent species caught are Peruvian rock seabass (Paralabrax humeralis), bighead tilefish (Caulolatilus affinis), striped bonito (Sarda orientalis), graery threadfin seabass (Cratinus agassizii), and broomtail grouper (Mycteroperca xenarcha). The tonnage of the boats varies between 1 and 5.5, with an average of 2.30 (SD = 1.05). All are wooden boats, with a sail and a diesel engine of low power, operating normally within a range not exceeding five nautical miles, that is, the area reserved by the Peruvian state for artisanal fishing. Lobitos has a fleet of 49 artisanal vessels, of which only 45 are active and 30 go fishing the whole year. The usual fishing schedule is from 3:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon, or from 5:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m.; although in summer they make two short trips. The catch of the day is divided into three parts: most is sold, a small part goes to family consumption and a very small part is dedicated to "cataneros", who help at the pier to unload the fish. The fishermen sell their products to a group of six merchants, five of them retailers. Selling is done on the dock, when the merchandise is unloaded. Given the lack of fish conservation systems, fishermen usually work with a pre-sale system (before going fishing), which lessens negotiation capacity in the sale price. The crew is based on kinship relationships. There are 49 ship owners and 135 crew members in Lobitos. The boats are organized in domestic units, in which the most 3 It is a nylon hand line, with hook and lead. 4 Fishing with lure. 5 A type of longline. common crew combinations are groups of brothers (30.6%) and parents and children (26.5%). Fishing tasks are sustained through family and community relations, whereby minors are involved early in family tasks. The fishermen of the locality began fishing when they were children, learning the job during the school holidays. The interviewees estimate that currently there are about 8 minors working in the artisanal fishing sector of Lobitos (M = 7.8, SD = 4.6), who started when they were on average around 11 years old (M = 11.2, SD = 2.13). As far as the respondents themselves were concerned, almost half of them (F = 21, 48.8%) started working when they were under 14, the minimum working age in Peru. Almost two-thirds of the respondents claim that children start working to learn the job (F = 28, 65.1%), and more than half say that they work to pay for their studies (F = 24, 55.8%). The most common way of compensation to minors is crew shares (according to 58.8% of respondents), although in some cases only a tip or a small part of the profit is provided (29.4%). 4.3. Three fishing zones The fishing community traditionally distinguishes three fishing zones depending on the distance to the coast, which they call "shore", "center" and "outside". Each area corresponds, respectively, to a distance of less than three nautical miles (shore), between three and six miles (center) and more than six miles (outside). They are represented in Figure 2. This is a map that represents the perception of the fishermen, who indicated the habitual fishing grounds, with the colloquial term that they give each one of these. Artisanal boats do not have geo-location systems, so these are guided through observation, with visual reference points in the geography of the coast. The map also indicates the location of the oil platforms, so that it is possible to observe how the zones vary in the concentration of fishing grounds and oil platforms. The shore is the area with the most fishing grounds, while the center has a greater relative presence of oil platforms. In the intermediate zone there are approximately one fishing ground per oil platform (1.08); in the area of the shore there are 2 fishing grounds per platform (2.08); and in the more distant area there are almost 3 fishing grounds per platform (2.75). FIGURE 2 Fishing is distributed more or less proportionally between the three zones (Table 1), varying according to the season. The center is the most frequented area for fishing. The vessels use 41.23% of their fishing time in the intermediate zone, between 3 and 6 miles away. Specifically, 93 percent of the vessels fish in this area. However, despite the fact that less time is devoted to the shore area on average, most vessels (90.7%) secure at least part of the catch in the areas closest to the shore, less than three miles away. On the other hand, the furthest area is transited by only two thirds of the vessels (67.4%), concentrating a smaller fishing time on average. TABLE 1 • The fishermen of Lobitos have, instead, an open attitude towards the new tourist and heritage uses of the fishing, coinciding with the recent tourist development linked to the practice of surfing. These types of activities, which are not perceived as detrimental to the community, probably have a greater potential to generate transformations in small-scale fisheries in the medium term. 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Centroids of the final clusters in the distribution of time by fishing zones Cluster 1 Near (n= 9, 20.9%) Cluster 2 Intermediate (n= 22, 51.16%) Cluster 3 Distant (n= 12, 27.9%) Shore 75.56 24.92 11.67 Center 18.89 60.15 23.33 Outside 5.56 14.92 65 Table 3. Measures of centrality and cohesion of the networks Acquaintances Ecological knowledge Social support Multiple relationship Density 0,793 0,559 0,436 0,363 Average degree 33,326 23,488 18,326 15,256 Degree centralization 0,217 0,462 0,591 0,568 Closure 0,861 0,708 0,609 0,527 Average distance 1,207 1,447 1,557 1,647 Diameter 2 3 3 3 Arc reciprocity 0,811 0,659 0,541 0,488 Mutuals 0,643 0,369 0,236 0,177 Asymmetrics 0,300 0,381 0,401 0,372 Table 4. Attitudes towards tourism, environmental and heritage uses of fishing M SD Fishing has important tourism potential 6.06 1.36 Tourism agencies could make a positive contribution to the fisheries sector 5.88 1.11 Sometimes I think that our opinion in the fishing sector is not taken into account 5.44 1.22 I believe that artisanal fishing should be promoted in Lobitos 6.60 0.79 The entities that defend the cultural heritage have a good relationship with the fishing sector 3.65 1.88 We would have to impro ve the participation forums and the cabildos in the port 6.27 0.88 In the port a museum is needed to explain to the visitors the traditions of fishing 6.55 0.73 In this port, tourist activities linked to fishing could be introduced 6.46 0.85 I am happy with the opportunities of participation that the port offers 4.48 1.89 It is very important to address environmental and ecological issues in fisheries 6.25 0.87 Conserving the heritage and culture of fisheries would help improve the ports 6.53 0.76 I miss that people know the importance of fishing in Lobitos 6.51 0.73 I have a negative opinion of biological stoppages in fishing 3.95 1.98 Fishing boats could organize activities for tourists in this port 6.44 1.19 There is a need to improve participation and collaboration in the fisheries sector 6.60 0.65 Factors of the scale Opportunities for participation 5.70 0.59 Tourist activities 6.21 0.63 Heritage and cultural value 5.81 0.61 Ecological aspects 5.10 1.06 Figure 1. Study area: Coast of Lobitos in the province of Talara (Peru). Figure 2. The three fishing areas in Lobitos. The three stripes represent the shore, the center and "outside", using the terminology of the fishermen. Yellow circles indicate fishing spots according to informants. Squares are oil platforms. Source: Querevalú Miñán, 2016.