Grammatical Properties and Sociolinguistic Interpretations of English Dialectal Code-Switching in Beyoncé's Music

Grammatical Properties and Sociolinguistic Interpretations of English Dialectal Code-Switching in Beyoncé’s Music Realizado por Paula María Rodríguez Martín. Tutorizado por la Prof. Ángel Luis Jiménez Fernández. Trabajo Fin de Máster. Máster Universitario en Estudios Lingüísticos Literarios y Culturales. Facultad de Filología. Abstract This study analyses and investigates the occurrence of code-switching ( also known as CS) in Beyoncé`s discography. The study mainly aims to examine the use Beyoncé does of code-switching bearing in mind the main linguistic and sociolinguistic theories regarding this linguistic phenomenon. The analysis will exclusively focus on excerpts of lyrics where the phenomenon of code-switching is present and on the different types of code-switching she makes use of. Similarly, I will also be focusing on what I hypothesise to be major motives and meanings behind these switching, taking into consideration social aspects such as gender, ethnicity, culture, etc. together with aspects regarding the music industry, such as streams, audience and discourse functions of language in music. Key words: code-switching, AAVE, SAE, interclausal, identity Resumen Este estudio analiza e investiga la ocurrencia de code-switching (también conocido como CS) en la discografía de Beyoncé. Principalmente, el estudio busca examinar el uso que Beyoncé hace del code-switching, teniendo en mente las principales teorías lingüísticas y sociolingüísticas que tratan este fenómeno. El análisis se centra exclusivamente en fragmentos de letra donde el fenómeno de code-switching está presente y en los diferentes tipos de code-switching que la artista usa. Igualmente, también me centraré en las distintas hipótesis que explican las razones y significados detrás de este code-switching teniendo en cuenta aspectos sociales como el género, la etnia, la cultura etc. y también aspectos relacionados con la industria musical como las reproducciones, la audiencia o las funciones discursivas en la música. Palabras clave: code-switching, AAVE, SAE, interclausal, identidad 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................... 4 2. Theoretical Framework....................................................................................................... 8 2.1. Situational vs. Metaphorical Code - Switching.............................................................9 2.2. We-code/they-code model...........................................................................................11 2.3. Matrix Language Frame..............................................................................................12 2.4. Markedness Model......................................................................................................14 2.5. A classification of code-switching processes..............................................................15 2.6. Critical Review............................................................................................................17 3. African American Vernacular English.............................................................................19 3.1. Grammatical Features of African American Vernacular English................................21 3.1.1. Invariant Be........................................................................................................21 3.1.2. Negation............................................................................................................. 22 3.1.2.1. Ain’t...........................................................................................................22 3.1.2.2. Negative concord.......................................................................................23 3.2.3 Zero Copula.........................................................................................................25 3.2.4. Completive done................................................................................................ 25 3.2.5. Subject - Verb Agreement.................................................................................. 26 3.2.6. Question Formation............................................................................................27 3.2.7 Demonstrative Them...........................................................................................28 3.2.8. Stressed BIN.......................................................................................................29 3.2.8. Other Relevant Grammatical Features............................................................... 29 4. Language and Identity.......................................................................................................30 4.1 The Bilingual/Bidialectal Identity................................................................................31 4.2. The Relation Between AAVE and SAE in American Society.................................... 33 5. Code-Switching in Music...................................................................................................34 5.1. Sociolinguistic Functions of CS in Music: Localisation.............................................35 5.2. Sociolinguistic Functions of CS in Music: Globalisation...........................................36 5.3. Discourse Functions of CS in Music...........................................................................37 6. The Study............................................................................................................................ 37 6.1. Methodology............................................................................................................... 37 6.2. Results and Analysis................................................................................................... 39 7. Summary and Conclusions................................................................................................47 3 1. Introduction Bilingualism can be defined as the ability or the practice of being able to understand or speak two languages. Bilingualism can be said to be one of the main consequences of language contact. We could assert that the term ‘bilingualism’ can denote a somehow multi-faceted phenomenon. It might be the case that many people might consider a 2-year-old child whose vocabulary consists of 200 words in French-English bilingual, but they would not consider an English language student who has been living for 4 years in France studying the language as such. Still, considering somebody to be a ‘bilingual’ is rather subject to different delimitations and interpretations. Due to the discrepancy that exists around a stable and unique definition for bilingualism, several types of it can be distinguished. There are various factors accounted for when distinguishing different types of bilingualism. For instance, we could take into account the age at which an individual becomes or can be considered to be bilingual or also, we could take into consideration the order in which a bilingual individual acquires their L1 and L2 respectively. Thus, for example, we would have to deal with the concepts of simultaneous1 and sequential2bilingualism. Similarly, just like the language contact phenomenon can happen between two separate languages, it can also be the case that instead of languages, it is two different varieties of the same language that come into contact. In this case, instead of learning or being exposed to two different languages, children or individuals are exposed to two different dialects or varieties of the same language. Sometimes they acquire them at the same time and sometimes one after the other. Moreover, these children do not only learn the two dialects, but also the social situations and contexts where the use of either one or the other variety is appropriate. One of the greatest examples of this matter in society are actually black children in the US. Many children in the black community are exposed to African American Vernacular English and Standard American English simultaneously or sequentially. We could say then that the children find themselves in a situation of bidialectalism, and these children 2When individuals who have acquired one language and then subsequently acquires another (Flynn, Foley, & Vinnitskaya, 2005) 1When speakers who have been exposed to two languages from birth or early childhood. Simultaneous bilingualism is frequently encountered in immigrants and guest-worker communities (Bullock and Toribio, 2009) 4 present a very profound and clear awareness of when and where each of the dialects are used, in which contexts and with whom they can be spoken. We could then define bidialectalism as the knowledge and usage speakers perform of two different dialects or varieties of the same language. Taking all of the previous information into consideration, I would like to highlight that bilingual individuals are known to have several peculiarities to them. One of the most characteristic and probably intriguing ones for linguists is their capacity to code-switch. Code-switching could probably be described as the capacity that bilinguals speakers have to switch between their two different codes. Popularly, it is a skill associated with individuals who have high proficiency levels in both of their languages. Nevertheless, this is rather a misconception, as even monolinguals possess this ability to change their code, for instance, when they change their register or style. Bullock and Toribio (2009) assert that this is commonly referred to as style shifting.3The same happens with individuals who have the capacity to speak more than two languages, they also possess this ability. These authors also state that it is rather difficult to fully characterise what code-switching actually stands for. For instance, the linguistic manifestations of a switch can involve both a full sentence or a single lexical item. Moreover, as it was hinted before, code-switching is an activity that can be performed by bilinguals at various levels of proficiency. Most importantly, this is not a phenomenon which just happens. As we know, language is very closely related to human behaviour and expression, we must assume then that the employment of this linguistic resource could have several motivations behind it: expressing identity, filling linguistic gaps or achieving specific goals in conversation, social integration or thriving, among many others. However, depending on the social context and the community where code-switching is used, it can even be perceived as a sign of uneducation or language deterioration. It should also be mentioned that, just like bilingual individuals have the ability to code-switch between two different languages, the same thing can be done between different varieties of the same language, for what we know, they are also classified as being two different codes. In this case, instead of talking about just code-switching, we would be referring to what is known as dialectal code-switching. 3This is the act of shifting between linguistic registers. It is also used sometimes to refer to the capacity that some monolinguals have to switch between dialects (Bullock and Torbino, 2009). 5 There are an immense number of regions, countries and cultures which practice bidialectalism and dialectal code-switching. One of them, the one we could say this paper will be focusing on, was already mentioned, that is, the African American community in the USA. The African American community in the United States is known to master dialectal code-switching between AAVE and SAE because of the racial, social, and thus linguistic discrimination they have suffered over the years and suffer nowadays. As Filmer (2003) asserts, there is a strong linguistic and cultural barrier that makes it much harder for African American individuals to be part of the dominant sectors in the US. Salih (2019) declares that this is already perceived in schools, where AAVE speakers find it harder to obtain “acceptable” results in comparison to their peers in activities such as writing or reading comprehension, due to the harsh prescriptivist perspective there is on education in the country4. Many of the problems that occur with AAVE are related to schools and literacy rates. Students who speak AAVE are disadvantaged in the classroom. Although AAVE and SAE are basically mutually intelligible, the native AAVE speaker cannot accurately produce the standard in oral or written form. (Best, 2006 p.16) Black children get the message from a very early age that the variety they speak is “wrong”, and they learn that, in order to get good grades or be successful, they have to change their code. Code-switching becomes a natural and usual process for them. If an African American person wishes to thrive and upgrade themselves socially, they need to ‘white talk’,5that is to say, they need to speak Standard American English. And this applies to every aspect in society; business, science, education, social relations, arts, etc. Of course, when we refer to the arts, it most definitely also applies to music. Music is not only a tool for expression, but a reflection of everything that is taking place within a specific community or society. My main goal in this work is to explore how this somehow mandatory dialectal code-switching put into practice by the African American community is reflected in the music and more concretely in the music of one of the biggest artists we will ever get the 5This is a predictable set of discursive patterns that white folks usually deploy whenever they are interacting with some other individual (Bailey, 2014) 4After the Civil Rights Act outlawed segregation in 1964, many acts were passed in order to try to improve this educational disparity, the most recent ones being the No Child Left Behind Act in 2002 and the Every Student Succeeds Act in 2015 (Salih, 2019) 6 chance to know and one of the biggest representatives of the African American culture in the industry, Beyoncé. Beyoncé Knowles-Carter is an African American artist whose art and persona is and has always been extremely compromised with numerous social causes (women’s rights, LGBTQI+ people’s rights and most definitely, black people’s rights), and this of course deeply impregnates her music. As an African American woman born and raised in Houston, Texas, she has also been affected by this discrimination and social prejudice AAVE speakers suffer both linguistically and socially and so she also practises dialectal CS between AAVE and SAE both inside and outside her music. I wanted to become aware of how she uses either AAVE or SAE in her music to engage with the audience or express a certain message, and also how all of it can be classified linguistically, to better understand how CS works within the context of lyrics and art. In the case of my study I wanted to focus on both the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of her discourse. Thus, the main research questions for this study are the following. First of all, I would like to examine how Beyoncé makes use of dialectal code-switching in order to portray different identities and cultural expressions through her music and songs. And second of all, I would also like to analyse the different grammatical and linguistic aspects that are typical of her switches, in order to observe some patterns inside her music. This study will be organised in the following sections. First of all, I will be having a look at the most important theories on CS. In this section, section 2 I include the essential distinction between intraclausal and interclausal code-switching, Blom and Gumperz (1972) theory on Situational vs. Metaphorical CS, Gumperz (1976) theory on the they-code and the we-code, Myers-Scottons (1993) theory on the Matrix Language Frame, Myers-Scottons (1983, 1993, 1998) theory on the Markedness Model and Musykens (1997, 2000) classification of CS processes. After that, a critical review on the aforementioned theories is included, with a summary of what I consider to be the main strengths and limitations of these theories. Followingly, in section 3.1 the most relevant grammatical features of AAVE are described. These also correspond to the most found AAVE grammatical features found in Beyoncé’s music, as those features will be the ones I will be considering to be switches. In the next section, section 4, we find an explanation for the intimate6relationship that exists 6I choose to use the term ‘intimate’ instead of ‘close’ when referring to the relationship between language and identity because I believe that the connection between these two concepts is stronger than just close. 7 between language and identity, identity and CS and CS and music, as I consider it to be key for the understanding of my purpose with this research. Moreover, inside this section we find 4.2, where I explain the complex relationship between AAVE and SAE in the African American community, how CS has eventually become part of their natural linguistic behaviour, so we can comprehend why this is a process that happens so naturally in almost all Beyoncé’s tracks and also because I find these concepts to be key in order to fully grasp the importance of conscious linguistic choices speakers, or in this case artists, make. Later, we have a section where I introduce important concepts where the relationship between music and CS is explained. That would be section 5. Next, in section 6, I will be presenting the reader with the methodology that I have chosen to follow during my study. Subsequently, we find the results and analysis section, where we will discuss the main findings regarding CS in Beyoncé’s lyrics, and how I interpret all of the findings taking into consideration the aforementioned theories. Finally, in section 7 we find the conclusion, where we will find the main summary and lessons learnt after having conducted the study. 2. Theoretical Framework As it was aforementioned, code-switching has probably become the most relevant phenomenon in the field of study known as language contact. For this same motive, it has been the aim of many linguists and scholars to establish some universal classification, rules and patterns for this phenomenon regarding language forms and features only, leaving somehow the most social and functional parts of it aside. Nevertheless, some sociolinguists have also had an interest in discovering how the different social contexts where CS is practised have an effect on the speakers' linguistic choices. We have previously mentioned that the linguistic manifestations of CS can display in the speech of speakers in many different ways. From the insertion of lexical items in discourse, to the production of whole interactions alternating languages or codes between clauses or sentences. Similarly, there have been many linguists and sociolinguists that have proposed some theories which I believe to be key for the analysis in this study and which have seriously contributed to my understanding and analysis of the corpus. However, before we get deep into the most relevant theories for this study I would like to mention the most basic distinction of CS. These are intraclausal and interclausal CS. 8 The first one refers to a type of switch that occurs between different clauses, whereas the second one refers to a type of switch that occurs inside the same clause. Next, it is finally time to revise the most important CS theories up until today: 2.1. Situational vs. Metaphorical Code - Switching In Gumperz and Blom (1972) we find the description and analysis of a case of dialectal code-switching in a piece of work that they called “Social meaning in linguistic structure: Code-switching in Norway”. They examine the social and linguistic functions of two dialects which are spoken in the north of Norway, in a small town called Hemnesberget. In order to analyse the functions and use the speakers make of these varieties, Bokmål and Ranamål, they made sure to include both linguistic features (morphology, syntax, lexicon, phonology) and social attitudes (speaker’s beliefs towards both dialects) in their study. After examining the results of their work they realised that in terms of linguistic features and form, both of the dialects presented very akin characteristics. Nevertheless, the use the speakers made of the dialects did vary remarkably. Both authors came to the conclusion that, despite the similarity in form of both of the Norwegian dialects, the speakers chose to use either one dialect or the other depending on the social conventions, situation, participants in the conversation, etc. That is to say, one of the varieties might be appropriate in social contexts where the other one might not be. In relation to this study that they conducted, they came to establish a differentiation between two different types of switches, situational and metaphorical switches: ●Situational Switch: the switch of code is triggered by the social situation. An example that the authors provide is that of the educational vs. shopping context. For instance, in the classroom, school teachers would use one of the dialects, Bokmål, which is the more standard variety, when addressing the students and the students, of course, would use that same dialect when speaking to teachers. However, they would use the other dialect, Ranamål (the less standard variety) whenever they were doing some shopping, when talking to the shop assistant. In this case, we can see how the domains of both of the dialects or varieties are clear-cut distinguished. The more standard variety is reserved for the most formal contexts: legal, educational, government settings, whereas in the contexts where intimacy and closeness exist both in the context and between the participants of the conversation, the speakers would rather use the local variety, Ranamål. 9 between structures from two different languages within the same discourse segment. This process involves a more or less equitable use of both languages, where both of the language structures can be easily identified. The author uses the following example from to illustrate this type of intraclausal CS (Muysken, 1997 p.361): (1) Ándale pues and do come again. ‘That’s alright then, and do come again’. ●Insertion: The author states that this process is very similar to lexical borrowing. In the case of insertion we do find embedding. Basically, lexical items or whole constituents from the L2 are taken into the grammatical framework of the L1. This type of switch usually agrees to the grammatical rules of the dominant language, thus its similarity with the borrowing phenomenon. The example that the author uses in order to illustrate it is the following (Muysken, 1997: 361): (2) Yo anduve in a state of shock pa dos dias. ‘I walked in a state of shock for two days’. ●Congruent lexicalization: This concept seems to be a bit more obscure. The author explains that it refers to “a situation where the two languages share a grammatical structure which can be filled lexically with elements from either language.”(Muysken, 1997 p.362). This type of switch can only occur whenever languages have some type of common grammar, which would allow a higher degree of mixing and blending. The author provides the reader with the following example (Muysken, 1997 p.362): (3) Bueno, in other words, el flight que sale de Chicago around three o'clock. ‘Well, in other words, the flight that leaves Chicago around three o'clock.’ Muysken (1997) states that “the mixing of English and Spanish could be interpreted as a combination of alternations and insertions, but the going back and forth suggests that there may be more going on”. This “back and forth” that Muysken (1997) refers to is the fluidity and dynamism that alternation and insertion might not be able to explain. For this 16 reason he asserts that the elements inserted, whether it is words or just constituents, are added to a structure which is shared by the two languages at play. As it can be seen, the difference that exists between congruent lexicalization and the other two processes is rather substantial, as the speakers needs to be aware of equivalent structures between their two languages. This theory has become one of the most elemental ones for the classification of CS in conversation for many linguists. Thanks to it, researchers are able to establish a classification of the different instances of CS they analyse and also, come to some conclusions about how they affect the goals and the interpretation of the switches and how each of them are applied in different linguistic contexts. This classification could also come to be especially useful if it were to consider other disciplines, for example sociolinguistics. It could be interesting to analyse what type of code switching is the most prone to appear in the different social environments, and the intention or meaning behind the switch. This proposition by Muyskens could serve a great use in shedding light on the different social and cognitive mechanisms which are embedded in the different processes found in code-switching. 2.6. Critical Review In this section, I discuss what the main limitations and strengths of the aforementioned theories are. First of all, I would like to clear out that all of those theories have served great use for the analysis of CS instances and in general. Still, it has already been a long time since they were developed and so, there are some limitations to them that I would like to discuss, and highlight some aspects that I think could be improved in further investigations. In the first place, I would like to state that none of these theories are able to fuse the morphosyntax and the sociolinguistic aspects of CS. Instead, they treat either sociolinguistic or morphosyntactic characteristics of the CS process separately, as if they were completely independent of one another. Nonetheless, I would dare to argue that there are some theories that can easily be combined with one another. For instance, Gumperz (1976) and Myers-Scottons (1993) have much more in common than one could perceive at first sight. Both of them make a binary distinction and assert that normally there is dominance of one over the other. If we are actually to mix the two theories, we can come to the conclusion that, most probably, according to what we know with regards to them, the they-code would most 17 likely correspond to the ML and the we-code to the EL. This is because, as we already know thanks to numerous Sociolinguistics studies, power dynamics in society are empirically detected in the speech of speakers. This is why the likelihood that the they-code, which is supposed to be the socially dominant language, also correlates with what is supposed to be the linguistically dominant language. This might also have some relation to what Myers-Scottons (1983, 1993, 1997) in her Markedness Model theory, where the Rights and Obligations which are imposed on the speakers also reflect on their linguistic behaviour. Also, I feel like some, or even, the majority of theories have a tendency to oversimplify the process of CS. For instance, Gumperz and Blom (1972), Gumperz (1976) and Myers-Scottons (1993), they all offer a binary distinction. It is probable that, in reality, it will be quite hard to make such firm distinctions and that the lines between the proposed categories or classifications are rather blurry. In fact, as I have mentioned in previous sections, it seems reasonable to think that some roles can be changed in conversation. For instance, the dynamics of ML and EL or those metaphorical and situational CS, where the differentiation between X and Y appear to be clearcut, but as we put the theory into practice, it can be more complicated. For example, referring again to Myers-Scottons (1993) theory on the Matrix Language Frame, I also believe that this theory, despite having been of great importance for the field of study of CS, is rather hard to apply to real life scenarios, as sometimes the CS of an individual can be so dynamic that it would make it hard to actually know which of the languages is the ML and which one of them is the EL. Likewise, I would also say that, in the case of Muyskens (1997, 2000), despite the description of each type of switch being quite clear on paper, in practice I found it difficult to distinguish between the three different types of CS she proposes. Similarly, it would seem that this theory is applicable in situations where only two codes or languages are spoken. And the truth is that, bilingualism is not the only scenario where CS can appear, we must also take into consideration multilingual settings. This same thing happens with all of the theories I have taken into account for the analysis of Beyoncé’s lyrics. None of them takes into consideration the existence of multilingual communities, and how their theories can be applicable in those settings. Another important limitation that I would like to mention is the fact that the majority of the studies omit some functions and analysis for CS that have nothing to do with its social or the grammatical aspects. There are situations where CS is practised by the speakers simply because of discourse functions, where they want to avoid being 18 repetitive, or wish to make emphasis on a specific element of a sentence, or when the speakers in conversation wish to change the topic. On the other hand, there are some strengths to these theories that I would like to highlight. For instance, in the Markedness Model, the theory by Myers-Scottons (1983, 1993, 1998), the reader is provided with somehow cultural insight rather than just social insight, as she clarifies that the linguistic behaviour of speakers is not only related to their age, gender or social class, but also the social and cultural norms learnt through the years. Indexicality becomes a key concept as language is not analysed as an independent entity, but as part of a whole. The same could be said of the other sociolinguistic theories considered in this study, as they also go beyond very superficial social concepts like the ones I mentioned before, but also take into consideration important concepts such as individual/group identity. Another positive point in these theories, regarding more specifically the grammatical studies that I discuss in previous sections, is that all of them aim their focus in performance rather than they do in the competence of the speakers. Although, as I have mentioned above, the examples that we are provided with in the studies have more to do with an idealised used of language and analysis of language than with anything that could happen in real life conversation, all of the articles have the purpose of giving an explanation for the phenomena that takes place in real life interactions where code-switching takes place. They do not aim to focus on the knowledge that a speaker may need in order to code-switch, but rather on the different scenarios where CS takes place, with all of its non-ideal forms of language. A type of analysis which focuses on performance helps uncover complexity and adaptability of the CS phenomenon, providing valuable perspective into how linguistic behaviour relates to cognitive, social and contextual circumstances. 3.African American Vernacular English African American Vernacular English is a variety of Standard American English which is mostly spoken in the biggest urbanised cities of the United States, for instance, New York, Washington D.C., Philadelphia or Los Angeles. Although historically it has been referred to by many different names (Negro English, Black English, Ebonics,…) in the end, all of these names made reference to a compound of phonological and morphosyntactic 19 features that have characterised the speech of the black community since the 18th century. Of course, an evolution of these features has taken place, and despite it being thought to be “careless” speech at first, many linguists discovered a specific grammatical and phonological system that differs itself from what is known as Standard American English, which has allowed a deeper research and investigation on the composition of this variety of English. The origins of African American Vernacular English are still a mystery for linguists, although there are a couple of theories that prevail. Mufwene (2014) establishes that these two dominant currents are the Anglicist and the creole-origin approaches. In the case of the Anglicist approach, Mufwene describes it as a viewpoint which attempts to downplay or deny the importance or the magnitude of the African elements found in the AAVE system. This approach asserts that, for them AAVE originates due to a process of “decreolization”.10 The variety would have not received the African elements from African languages directly, but from a variety spoken at the time known as West-African Pidgin English (WAPE). The main founders and representatives of this current are J. L. Dillard (1972, 1985, 1992, 2000) and William Stewart (1965, 1967, 1969, 1974) With regards to the creole-origin approach, it was developed by Stewart (1965) and Dillard (1972). Mufwene (2014) declares that this current arises as a reaction to the previous one. This theory is primarily based on the idea that AAVE has its origins in the creole languages that were created especially in the South of the US by the combination of African languages and English, of course. Unfortunately, linguists have still not been able to reach an agreement on which one of the two can stand as the official explanation for the emergence of African American Vernacular English. As mentioned earlier, this way of speech was for some time considered to be in attentive speech or even slang. Although some of the characteristics of AAVE do consist of some slang, there is also a specific grammar and phonology that belongs to it. It seems worth highlighting that out of all of the features that characterise AAVE speech, not every speaker uses the same ones, it will depend on many factors. For instance, origin, age, gender, social class, the uses of their speech community, etc. Moreover, it is also very common that AAVE speakers code-switch between African American and Standard American English in 10 According to Mufwene (2024) a process of decreolization (also known as debasilectalization) is “a process by which a vernacular losses its basilect or creole features under the influence of the language from which it inherited most of its vocabulary” 20 conversation. In this section I will be describing the features that seem to be the most relevant ones for the analysis of the corpus. 3.1. Grammatical Features of African American Vernacular English 3.1.1. Invariant Be Invariant be, also known sometimes as habitual be, is probably one of the most identifiable and salient grammatical features of AAVE. Many linguists and sociolinguists, for instance Labov et al. (1968) or Wolfram (1969) have discussed the functional and structural characteristics of this grammatical feature, and also its distribution and use. Most of them agree that the main function of this habitual be is that of providing the sense of habituality to an action. It marks that a specific event, action or state might happen frequently, not always though. Invariant be behaves just like any other verb does when used in finite clauses. It takes the verb do as an auxiliary for tag interrogatives and negatives: (4) They be dancin’ in the rain. (5) They be dancin’ in the rain don’t they. (6) They don’t be dancin’ in the rain. We could say that the use that AAVE speakers make of this invariant be is very similar to the habitual use SAE speakers make of the Present Simple. This is one of the ways in which the habitual be can be distinguished from other uses given to the verb to be in AAVE. For example, those which come from a process of phonological reduction of the auxiliaries would and will ( SAE “she’ll be here soon”/ AAVE “she be here soon” or SAE “If I were you, I’d be there by ten”/ AAVE If I was you, I be there by ten”). However, in the case of these verbs, the tag questions and the negative will be formed by using the verbs will and would respectively, that is to say, they follow the rules of the standard variety of English. For instance: (7) You’d be there by ten if you were me, wouldn’t you? (8) They’ll be here soon, won't they? 21 Another important fact about this grammatical feature is that it has been noticed to be more in use amongst younger speakers. This strong link that it has with the younger members of the black community might make it an age-graded type of feature and that speakers might get rid of as they get older. It also would be important to highlight for this study that there is a more expansive semantic function of this invariant that is very prominent in hip-hop music: (9) I hear you be the block, but I'm the lights that keep the streets on. Although the previous sentence would have been marked as ungrammatical in the 70s or 80s because it does not allow a habitual reading, the truth is that it has come to be accepted as it is relatively common in urban AAVE speech. Basically, as the verb copula is that of the bare infinitive, the verb does not conjugate or vary depending on the subject, hence its name. 3.1.2. Negation In this section, we will be having a look at the most relevant aspects of negation in African American Vernacular English. It is important to highlight that some of the linguistic features that I will be uncovering in this part which are used to form the negation in African American Vernacular English, are shared with some other varieties of English, more specifically ain’t.11 3.1.2.1. Ain’t Ain’t is a form used in some other varieties of English which is regularly known to have a similar meaning to those of am/is/are not, and have not. For instance: (10) She ain’t home. (‘She isn’t home’). (11) She ain’t seen him (She hasn’t seen him). Nevertheless, ain’t in AAVE is also sometimes used to convey the same meaning as did not, although it is normally found less frequently than did not. This use of ain’t is exclusive to the African American Variety of English. Weldon (1994) asserts that “the fact 11 The use of ain’t also extends to Southerns American and Caribbean English. 22 that ain't is notably less frequent than didn't in past contexts and the observation of age-grading12 on the use of this ain't (as noted by Labov et al., 1968) could then be explained as part of a general trend for the more standard forms to replace ain't in negated do-support constructions.” She also states that there are two main hypotheses around this decrease in use of the form ain’t as did not. One of them might be the ambiguity found between present perfect and past interpretations whenever ain't is used in the predicates. The same thing would happen between past and present interpretations. Weldon (1994) also mentioned the possibility that it could be the similarities between AAVE and creole language in situations of language contact that are causing ain’t as a counterpart of did not to disappear. In any case, although infrequent, this meaning is exclusive of African American Vernacular English. We could use the following examples: (12) She ain’t do it (She didn’t do it). One of the main characteristics of this negative particle is the fact that it is a tense-neutral negator. This is the explanation some authors like DeBose (1992, 1994) and DeBose and Faraclas (1993) give to account for the possibility AAVE speakers are able to use ain't and didn’t interchangeably. Although tense-neutrality is not a feature that belongs to Standard English, it is a very frequent characteristic of creole languages. The aforementioned authors assert that whenever an AAVE speaker uses ain’t instead of didn’t a process of CS is taking place, as variation occurs due to a “switch” between SE and AAVE grammars. 3.1.2.2. Negative concord Negative concord can be described as a negative proposition where we find a negative particle both inside and outside the phrase. We find some good examples, one of them being the popular ballad “Ain’t No Sunshine”: (13) Ain’t no sunshine when she’s gone (There is no sun when she is gone). (14) It wasn’t nothing (It was nothing). 12 Age grading entails individuals incorporating specific linguistic changes into their speech as they age, thus contributing to community-wide shifts in language patterns (Wagner, 2012). 23 This feature, also known as double or multiple negation, is extremely extended among AAVE speakers and also among speakers of other varieties of English. Sociolinguistically speaking, the distribution of this feature seems to be significant, as it does not occur categorically. It appears that it is lower-class speakers who use it consistently, whereas middle-class speakers are more reluctant to make use of this feature and its presence in their speech is either low or absent (Wolfram, 1969). Another interesting characteristic of negative concord in AAVE is the presence of a preverbal indefinite and a verbal negative: (15) Nobody don’t know him (Nobody knows him). This same structure is actually possible in SE. However, the meaning is the exact opposite, as in the standard, the two negatives would cancel each other and result in an affirmative meaning (Everybody knows him). Also, related to this preverbal indefinite is the inversion of the auxiliary and the preverbal indefinite: (16) Don’t nobody know him (Nobody knows him). And finally, another significant feature of negative concord in AAVE is that it can be transferred between clauses. This was famously illustrated by Labov (1972) with the following example: (17) It ain’t no cat can’t get in no coop. Labov uses this real piece of speech to illustrate how confusing negative concord can get to be in AAVE. The person who uttered this sentence was referring to the fact that no cat can reach the bird's coop that were built in the roof of some buildings in the city, but the fact that the negative concord is being transferred into the subordinate clause can lead to semantic confusion. Someone who is not used to being exposed to African American Vernacular might have interpreted it as. (18) There isn’t any car that cannot get into any coop. Despite being present in the language, it seems worth mentioning that the use of it is rather unusual. 24 3.2.3 Zero Copula The absence of copula is one of the most remarkable features of AAVE and also, one of the most described ones by linguists. This characteristic is also shared with some Southern varieties of American English, although it is not used in the same ways as on AAVE. Moreover, it is a feature which is most frequently found in urban varieties of African American Vernacular English. Zero copula basically consists in the deletion of the copulas are and is from the predicate of the clause. It is a feature normally found in languages or varieties of language that have their origins in language contact contexts or situations. Despite being known as copula absence or zero copula, Labov (1972) asserts that “the real question is whether or not a copula is present in the deep structure or high structure of BEV (Black English Vernacular); and if so, whether it is then deleted as a who morphological level or by lower-level phonological rules.” Unfortunately, this is a query for which we still have not found any response. Some instances of this feature would be the following: (19) She an expert (She is an expert). (20) But everybody not American (But not everybody is American). 3.2.4. Completive done This grammatical feature could be described as the use of the past participle done followed by the past participle of a lexical verb. The function of this completive done is that of emphasising the completive aspect of an action. For instance: (21) They done finished their homework. (22) He done found a new house. This is also another common linguistic feature in AAVE that is shared by this variety and many others in Southern varieties of American English. In fact, Weldon (1994) explains that the use of done is prominent in Caribbean creoles, nevertheless there is a significant difference between the semantics and syntax of it in AAVE and its creole counterparts. Similarly, there is a tendency for this feature to be found more frequently in the rural versions of AAVE than in the city. In the case of African American Vernacular English, this done can 25 Do they even possess two identities instead of just one? Well, the answer to this is quite complex and many linguists are still trying to give a response to this query. Just like monolinguals, bilingual speakers are able to negotiate their identity through their linguistic choices in conversation. Choosing to speak one of their languages or the other can make a huge difference depending on the social context of the interaction. Kanno (2010) asserts that when bilinguals use the mainstream language, that would be their way of asserting something similar to “I am (or want to be) the same as you”. On the other hand, when they make use of the minoritarian or non mainstream language, that would be the same as affirming “I am, most definitely, different from you”. For a bilingual to speak their most stigmatised language is a way to highlight their uniqueness. We could say that this relates to Gumperz’s aforementioned theory of the we-code/they-code, where the importance of CS for the negotiation of identities of bilinguals is somehow emphasised. Code-switching seems to be one of the tools bilingual speakers have in order to convey these two messages we have discussed in the previous paragraph. In fact, Auer (2005) affirms that “ the most straightforward link between identities and the alternating use of more than one language in discourse would be to treat the distinction between ‘being bilingual’ and ‘being monolingual’ in itself as a duplicatively organised MCD (Membership Categorization Device)”. Yet again, I would like to highlight that the message conveyed (whether it is one or the other) throughout the use of CS will also be strongly determined by the social scenario and not only by the intention of the speaker. Nonetheless, we must not forget that, on many occasions, CS can be used for more than just sociolinguistic purposes and play an important role in terms of discourse functions, as we have discussed in previous sections. For instance, it might be used for clarification, to avoid repetition or emphasising some part of the sentence or conversation, as Reyes (2004) discovered in her research.13 Similarly, I would like to mention that, all of the previously described information can also be applied in the case of bidialectalism and bidialectal speakers. The use of one dialect or the other and the use of CS will be heavily influenced by the social context in which the conversation is taking place and what message they wish to convey within that same context. 13 Reyes (2004) discovered in her study on bilingual classrooms that sometimes a bilingual individual may choose to code-switch for conversational reasons, with no sociolinguistic motivation. For instance, to change topics, to avoid repetition, for clarification or emphasis, persuasion, person specification, insistence, etc. 32 Whether they wish to be part of the “mainstream” society, or they would rather choose to differ from what seems to be the norm will affect their language. 4.2. The Relation Between AAVE and SAE in American Society Before we finally delve into one of the main topic of this study , which is CS in music (more specifically Beyoncé’s music), it seems important to me that I briefly explain the relationship and dynamics that exist between AAVE and SAE in the United States of America, as I believe it will help us better understand some of the decisions our artist makes. Despite the different varieties of Urban African American Vernacular English being spoken by 30 million people in the US, this variety is unfortunately still seen through the lenses of social class, regional and most importantly, racial prejudice. This of course is due to the fact that we live in a white supremacist society. Filmer (2003) actually states that there is a clear prevailing belief in American society that “speakers of AAVE are somehow deficient intellectually, culturally and socially, as evidenced by their use of language”. This negative perception of African American Vernacular English was even depicted in cartoons in 1997, Baugh (2000) states in his work. Because of this unfriendly attitude that exists towards AAVE, the majority of native speakers of this variety of language see themselves forced to learn SAE if they wish to thrive in society. Mostly, speakers of AAVE have their first contact with SAE at a very early age. Sometimes they even learn the two varieties simultaneously (simultaneous bidialectalism). At the end of the day, it could be said that they live in a society that harshly imposes bidialectalism on them, and thus, it also imposes code-switching. Children who have the vernacular as their native tongue learn in the early stages of their lives when and then not to use AAVE. In point of fact, it is very common for individuals who speak AAVE to suffer discrimination if they were to use AAVE in class, for example. Salih (2019) establishes that, when AAVE is used, the student is perceived as less intelligent by their teachers. A misjudgment that we could simply dismantle with a little linguistic education. Still, it is undeniable that SAE has always been the language in schools, institutions, business, etc. which unfortunately means that it is key for social movement. 33 As we have stated before, CS becomes a necessary and mandatory ability and tool for the African Americans who yearn for social prosperity. However, this can also be a double edged sword, since, as Filmer (2003) affirms, this decision to code-switch assumes that SAE confers some power that AAVE, for instance, does not. This is why it might be surprising for some to hear AAVE features in the speech of black educated people. But there is no other reason for this than the vindication of the black culture. As Smitheman (1986) asserts “to deny the legitimacy of Africanized English is to deny the legitimacy of the black culture and the black experience”. Eventually, as it was made clear in the previous section, group identity also relies on group language. 5. Code-Switching in Music Music has always been one of the main means of expression of humankind. This, as we know, is intimately related to culture and identity, just like language is. For this reason, authors such as Trudgil (1997) arrive at the conclusion that language and music can be used together to affirm and assert identity. It is important to bear in mind that we live in a world which is extremely globalised. For this same reason, Monteagudo (2019) declares that it is necessary to include mainstream music in linguistic research. The universality we find in music nowadays seems to be of great importance for human experiences and also for our linguistic behaviour. In fact, Bilby (1999) states that popular music has the ability to “communicate on multiple planes and symbolically to encode and embody social identities”. Now, the use of language done in music will highly be affected by the use speakers of a certain community make of their own language. So, for instance, if there is a tendency in a speech community to code-switch, this linguistic behaviour will most likely be included in the art of that community; television, poetry, theatre, and of course music. This would be because, as we have already made clear in previous sections, CS is not only part of a community’s linguistic behaviour, but also part of their identity. Due to this fact, in this section we will be examining the main sociolinguistic and linguistic functions for CS in mainstream popular music: 34 5.1. Sociolinguistic Functions of CS in Music: Localisation The first function that we will be discussing is that of localisation. CS in music can help localise an artist within a specific place, community or identity. Now, we will go deeper into what “localisation” actually refers to and the different aspects it involves. For instance, just like it happens in conversation, CS has the power to either include or exclude speakers from a conversation. Benthalia (2006) mentions in his work it can hold the same power in music. As we have learnt with Gumperz’s (1976) theory of the we-code/they-code, CS is a great instrument in order to be able to to identify discourse in either one or the other category. Similarly, an artist might wish to target a specific audience with their music, and CS can be one of the tools they use to do so. They might make use of a type of CS that a specific community uses in daily conversation just so that they can connect or relate to their lyrics and messages. This claim can also be connected to Eckert’s (1989) theory of the “communities of practice”. If an artist wishes to be viewed as a remarkable member of a particular community they will most probably adopt or use the linguistic behaviour proper of that community. Nonetheless, there are some other relevant reasons why a singer might choose to do so. According to Monteagudo (2019), the most important one might be their desire to take pride in their identities, their wish to represent or give voice and visibility to marginalised or minority groups. Monteagudo (2019) also discusses that another reason why an artist might choose to use CS in their work is because they might wish to portray themselves as authentic. She states that “choosing lyrics in the code-switching variety that one’s community uses daily, gives an aura of authenticity and truth to the song, making the lyrics seem like they could be a typical conversation with friend”. As a matter of fact, there are many languages or varieties of languages which seem to convey a greater sense of authenticity than others, depending on the social context of course. AAVE seems to be one of those. This variety is becoming more and more present everyday in mainstream pop music, and more specifically, in mainstream pop music done by white artists. This is due to the fact that despite the social prejudice that AAVE suffers, in music, it seems to add this sense of “coolness” and authenticity, especially since the early 90s, when hip hop music reached its peak, a genre which was initiated by DJ Kool 35 Herc, who was in fact African American . We could link this to the concept of covert prestige describes by Lavob in his work in New York City in 1966.14 5.2. Sociolinguistic Functions of CS in Music: Globalisation Another important sociolinguistic function of CS is that of globalisation. The aim in the use of CS is now to internationalise the artist, to use language in order to reach a broader audience. We could describe this type of CS as one where the switch occurs from a more stigmatised, unpopular language or variety of a language into a more prestigious type of language or variety. Monteagudo (2019) concludes that this version of CS can sometimes come across as unnatural, as if it had been somehow manufactured. In fact, the use of CS in this specific way is not seen positively by many authors. Chang (2000), for instance, argues that when a more internationalised kind of language is used in music, it can be viewed as a “mixed-raced youth’s revolt or its surrender to worldwide capitalism”. Apparently, this function of CS seems to be perceived as if the artists have to pay a certain cost when they use it. Monteagudo (2019) asserts that it is the artist’s identity which pays the higher price. Seemingly, both for the public and some linguists the use of a more global and worldwide language is interpreted as though the artist were renouncing some of the most unique aspects of their identity . Now, the paradox is, if an artist aims to be “successful”, one of the main goals for them would be to reach the largest audience possible. If the language they use in their songs is unintelligible or wrongly viewed by the majority of society, it would be very unlikely that their number of listeners would increase and thus, that they finally achieved “success”. For this same reason, some authors like Davies and Benthalia (2006) agree that it would be advisable that artists could find a balance between localisation and globalisation, as if correctly combined, they can come to be extremely powerful. “The expansion of international communication and global media seems to be making it easier for a group to assert their own, unique, social identity and at the same time offer a universal message to the rest of the planes” (Davies and Benthalia, 2006). Localisation and globalisation do not necessarily have to be mutually exclusive. And of course, as one may have already deducted, code-switching can be of great help for this purpose if properly used. 14 In his study, Labov (1966) wished to know whether the variable /r/ was a marker of social stratification or not in New York City. Indeed, this hypothesis was proven correct as his results showed that speakers who belonged to higher social classes used the rhotic variant of /r/ and those who belonged to lower social classes used the non-rhotic variant of /r/. 36 5.3. Discourse Functions of CS in Music We have just discussed the main symbolic reasons why a singer or songwriter may choose to use CS in their music. However, just like it happens in conversation, sometimes the role of CS in the lyrics of songs is no other than a simple tool employed to avoid discourse errors that anyone can make. As we know, songwriting is a skill which involves the use of a basic structure that could be said to be the spine of any song. That would be, at least a couple of stanzas, a chorus, and a more or less defined rhyming pattern. Monteagudo (2019) affirms that this structure seems to prompt or foster the use of CS so that certain errors are not committed during discourse or composition. Some of them would be avoiding repetition, to catch the attention of the listener, for rhyming or rhythmic purposes and even for the creation of different characters, voices and viewpoints within the songs. Exactly as it happens with poetry or playwright or any other type of writing, those types of phenomena can be averted because the artists have the chance to thoroughly think and meditate on what they wish to express and how they wish to do it. 6. The Study 6.1. Methodology In this study I have followed both a quantitative and qualitative method in order to analyse the phenomenon of CS between African American Vernacular English and Standard American English in Beyoncé’s lyrics. The main aim of this research is understanding how Beyoncé is able to use two different codes with the intention to convey different sociocultural and identity messages, while also analysing the different linguistic patterns and tendencies which help with the construction of her public musical persona. The study, as we have already seen in the section where I explain the theoretical framework, is grounded on various linguistic and sociolinguistic theories on CS, including the concepts of interclausal vs. intraclausal, Blom and Gumperz (1972) theory on Situational vs. Metaphorical CS, Gumperz (1976) theory on the they-code and the we-code, Myers-Scottons (1993) theory on the Matrix Language Frame, Myers-Scottons (1983, 1993, 1998) theory on the Markedness Model and Musykens (1997, 2000) classification of CS processes. By thoroughly examining the 37 aforementioned theories in relation to Beyoncé’s music, the study seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the strategic use of CS in popular or mainstream music. The data for the study consists of all nine Beyoncé’s studio albums and all of the songs in them, spanning from her early solo career, to her most recent album, released March 2024. Lyrics were sourced from reliable online databases and cross-referenced with official releases to ensure accuracy. The primary data collection method involved a close reading and transcription of the songs, specifically focusing on the segments where CS takes place. Likewise, although we have previously established that all songs in Beyoncé’s discography have been examined, the truth is I have paid extra attention to the songs that: (i) demonstrated a clear alternation between AAVE and SAE (ii) were socially and culturally significant, either in terms of thematic content or their reception by a more varied audience. This selection has allowed for an in-depth analysis of the hows and whys of Beyoncé’s switches and the social meanings attached to them. I would also like to highlight that I have only taken into account morphosyntactic features for this analysis, I have decided to leave out of the research phonological and lexical aspects, as the content of it would have probably been particularly heavy. As stated before, a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis was used in order to analyse Beyoncé’s musical discourse. The study began with an exhaustive examination of the lyrics in order to identify instances of intraclausal and interclausal CS. I also examined whether the switches in her lyrics were context-driven (situational) or used in order to convey a specific cultural message or identity (metaphorical). Similarly, I was very interested on diving into the ways in which she navigates through her identity, knowing that she considers herself to be a huge representative of the African American culture and community (use of the we-code) but also knowing that she is one of the most renowned international artists of this generation (use of the they-code), and what the motivations were in order to alternate between both codes. Moreover, I observed the patterns in her lyrics in order to establish a structural analysis of the dominant and embedded language in her tracks. Also, while examining the lyrics, I was able to categorise the different types of switches I would find by using the classification of CS processes proposed by Musykens. Overall, the analysis was extensive and profound, with emerging themes being revisited in the context of the previously 38 mentioned theoretical frameworks to easily understand Beyoncé’s linguistic choices. I also wish to highlight that the main aim with this study is not to make a revision of all of the previously presented data, but instead I seek to shed some light and contribute to the field of code-switching research with the results and findings I obtain after this research. My task with this study is utterly and fully empirical. I would also like to clarify that all of the lyrics used in the analysis are properly and fully attributed to Beyoncé and her collaborators. The study does not reproduce lyrics in full, but it rather focuses on various excerpts and fragments which are relevant to the analysis. Similarly, the study was conducted with an awareness of the cultural significance AAVE and SAE have within the African American community. Finally, I want to establish that the pieces of discourse examined in the research are pre-thought pieces of discourse. As we all know, lyrics are not impulsive, spontaneous speech, but there is a whole meditated and intentional process to writing them, and of course, this was at all times taken into account when interpreting the results, as it may have influenced the linguistic behaviour of the artist. 6.2. Results and Analysis A total of 213 instances of CS were found in Beyoncé’s discography and analysed for this study. The examined data clearly reveals that there is a smashing dominance of interclausal switches over intraclausal switches. In total, a sum of 196 interclausal switches were counted, opposite to just 18 intraclausal switches found. As we can see on image 1, the percentages for intraclausal switching are extremely low, only 0.8%. This might be due to the dynamism that both of these types of switches can offer to the speakers, as depending on the linguistic context, changing languages or codes between clauses or within clauses can become a struggle or not for the individual. Graph 1 39 The AAVE grammatical features that most clearly indicated interclausal switches were the use of ain’t, which was probably the most frequently AAVE feature found on her discourse. Ain’t was followed by the features zero copula and subject-verb agreement. Here are some instances15: (42) You said you outside but you ain’t that outside (BREAK MY SOUL). (43) And my female intuition tellin’ me you a dog (Ring the Alarm). (44) You could’ve told me you wasn’t happy (Resentment). Two other features which have come to be quite frequent in some of the instances of interclausal switches are negative concord and invariant be, for instances, in lyrics such as: (45) She ain’t no diva (Diva). (46) (46) Now you don’t care no more (I Care). (47) Nicki, B, be eatin’ diamond fangs, barbarian (Flawless Remix). (48) I be on the hotline, like er’day, making sure the DJ know what I want him to play (Radio). Similarly, some other aforementioned features found quite often in her music that I have considered to be interclausal switches, as these are the only contexts in which I have been able to find them, are the absence of auxiliary in questions, completive done, and stressed BIN. Here are some lyrics that exemplify this assertion: 15 Examples will be identified by the name of the song and the year in which they were released. 40 (49) Who are we? What we run? The world (Run the World). (50) I done found me a new foundation (BREAK MY SOUL). (51) Boy, you BIN hangin’ out at night, tonight I’m staying out ‘til tomorrow (Jealous). Some other phenomena that I have already mentioned in the section where I described the AAVE grammatical features and which have also been considered to be interclausal switches are phonological reduction and the use of it’s in substitution of there is/are. The later one has only been found twice in all of her career: (52) Tryna rain, tryna rain on the thunder, tell the storm I’m new (Freedom). (53) It’s a lot of talkin’ going on, while I play my song. (54) It’s a lotta chatter in here, but let me make myself clear (AMERIICAN REQUIIEM). Now, as for the features that I have counted as being intraclausal switches we have the use of them as a demonstrative and the use of the second person plural pronoun y’all. Some instance are: (55) After all them years, we can start all over again (Ring Off). (56) Damn, I known I’m killing you with them legs (Ego). (57) Y’all haters corny with that Illuminati mess. (Formation). And finally, a switch that I have considered to be intraclausal as well is one found in the song Kitty Kat, where Beyoncé deletes the Saxon genitive in a possessive construction: (58) Sit on mama lap (Suga Mama). Nevertheless, I have not been able to classify this as a feature belonging to AAVE as unfortunately, though having heard this feature in many other African American Vernacular speakers, I have not found any reliable sources where it was declared to be an characteristic proper of this variety. 41 the theme of the song, which takes us to one of the many motivations behind CS in music. This is the thematic contents of the songs. The more relatable her lyrics are to a broader audience, the less CS we will be able to find in the tracks. Another important factor that might determine whether an artist chooses to CS or not is the emotional charge the song requires or the artist wishes to express. This will also be related to the characteristics or stereotypes associated with each code. In the case of Beyoncé, we have seen that AAVE is the one code she uses in moments of anger, rage, rebellion or empowerment, whereas SAE is reserved for more tender, soothing and sensitive lyrics. And finally, one of the main reasons why Beyoncé chooses to CS into AAVE (especially since the Lemonade album in 2106) is to take pride in her identity as an African American woman. The analysis of CS is an important tool that help us not only understand how bilingual or bidialectal individuals are able to combine two languages or codes, but also how the relationship for those two codes or languages works with a specific community. For this same reason, I believe that it is key that further investigation on this topic is done, so we can better understand the motivations for the linguistic behaviour of the members of different speech communities and what those behaviour can tells about them as speaker and about the intimate relation between language and our most basic social needs as human beings. This study can open new lines of research in CS in general and also, in how CS is formalised in music in order to better comprehend the behaviour of language in this territory. 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