The Breadalbane Collection: An analysis of epistolary conventions in 16th-century Scottish letters

The Breadalbane Collection: an analysis of epistolary conventions in 16th-century Scottish letters María del Rosario Quero Montero Tutora: María Nieves Rodríguez Ledesma Facultad de Filología Universidad de Sevilla 2 Abstract This study analyses a selection of letters from the Breadalbane Collection, a compilation of 16th-century Scottish documents belonging to the Campbells of Glenorchy. Eight letters have been selected from three correspondents: William Maitland of Lethington, Patrick Ruthven and William Ruthven, who wrote letters to both Colin Campbell, sixth laird of Glenorchy, and his wife, Katherine Ruthven, on the same day dealing with the same content. The study focuses on the epistolary conventions used in the address, the opening and the closing of the letters in order to establish whether there are differences depending on the gender of the addressee. The two surviving letters written by Katherine Ruthven are also analysed for comparison. 3 Index 1.Introduction ................................................................................................................. 4 1.1.The Breadalbane Collection ................................................................................. 4 1.2.The Clan Campbell ............................................................................................... 4 1.3. The Campbells of Glenorchy: Colin and Katherine ......................................... 6 1.4. Colin Campbell and written correspondence .................................................... 7 1.5.Epistolary conventions in the 16th-century ......................................................... 8 2. Corpus and methodology 3. Corpus analysis ......................................................................................................... 11 3.1.Letters from William Maitland ......................................................................... 11 3.2.Letters from Patrick Ruthven, 3rd Lord Ruthven .......................................... 14 3.3. Letters from William Ruthven, 4th Lord Ruthven .......................................... 16 3.4.Letters from Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy ......................................... 18 4. Conclusions ............................................................................................................... 19 5. References.................................................................................................................. 20 4 1. Introduction 1.1.The Breadalbane Collection The Breadalbane Collection is a compilation of 324 16th-century Scottish letters belonging to the correspondence of the Campbells of Glenorchy. They are currently housed in the National Archives of Scotland (NAS), and their importance lies on the fact that they contribute to a deeper understanding of the mental and political world of 16thcentury Scottish nobility (The Breadalbane Collection, 2024). The correspondence brings to focus the Campbells of Glenorchy, consisting of Colin Campbell, sixth laird of Glenorchy, also known as Grey Colin, and his wife, Katherine Ruthven, together with other members of the clan, some of the couple’s friends, neighbours and enemies. Thus, apart from providing information about the Campbells, these letters allow the reader to take a deeper insight into the way other Gaelic houses of the central Highlands worked. They offer details about land transactions, legal papers, court records, household concerns and bonds of manrent. At the same time, they enable us to observe the attitude of the sender towards the recipient, thus providing information about the personal relationships not only among members of the same kin, but also among clans, as can be exemplified with the correspondence between the Campbells and the MacGregors (Dawson, 1997, p.2). This collection has been edited by Dawson (1997), who provides a comprehensive account of its sociohistorical context. Other studies include MacGregor (2012), who focuses on the Campbells’ lordship through their household literary culture and manuscript collections, and Rodríguez Ledesma (2017), who analyses the operation of the Northern Subject Rule in the letters. 1.2. The Clan Campbell This was one of the most relevant clans in 16th-century Scotland in matters of jurisdiction, land tenure and influence in Scottish politics and society. Their close alliance with the monarchy, their military forces, along with the settlement of cadet branches across the country, established them as one of the most respected noble houses among the Highland clans (Dawson, 1988, pp. 7,8,11). From 1558 to 1573, their chief was Archibald Campbell, 5th earl of Argyll, one of the greatest Gaelic lords in Scotland because of his leadership and good patronage, which brought his clan to its height by means of a large territorial dominance of the Highlands, which covered the majority of the southern part of the mainland. He was seen as a figure of authority not because of a dictatorial use of 5 his position, but for the way in which he gained his people’s respect. It was in his style of ruling to keep their estates in control by means of frequently moving among his residences, which also gave him the opportunity to remain in direct contact with the members of his kin (Dawson, 1988, pp. 9, 25). The Campbells had several ways of asserting their power. One of them was through marriage alliances, either within the clan or with members of other houses. These matrimonies were concerted with daughters of the Lowland aristocracy, thus establishing substantial links between clans and families. It was by means of these links that the Campbells earned their place in Scottish politics and society. Bonds of manrent were another means of establishing relationships with members of other clans. These bonds were primarily made with individuals from the higher levels of Highland society and were used to extend power and influence. Cadet branches, such as the Glenorchy Campbells, played a more limited role in these transactions, typically forming bonds only with members of the Lowland society. The importance of the Clan Campbell in Scottish society was also evident in the number of occasions in which members of other Highland families pledged allegiance to the 5th earl of Argyll,whose supremacy was almost regal,so Highland chiefs were as careful not to offend him as they were not to insult the crown itself (Dawson, 1988, pp.13-20). The clan’s relevance in Scotland was asserted as well through the treatment this group received from the crown: it provided them with land and privileges through royal charter, thus making this clan one of the most independent ones, since its members did not need to serve any nobleman in order to obtain rights. Moreover, thanks to Archibald Campbell’s friendship with Queen Mary of Scots, who was also his sister-in-law, the clan did not suffer any reprisal from the royal family despite their opposition to her majesty’s marriage to Lord Darnley after the Chaseabout Raid was brought to an end in 1565. In fact, the earl held so much power that royal forces did not even dare to enter his “country” (Dawson, 1988, pp.1-2; p.8). Since the Clan Campbell was one of the largest ones in Scotland, it was divided into diverse cadet branches which allowed the earl of Argyll to extend his influence all around the Highlands, a way of operating which was favoured by the loyalty that characterised its members. Two of the main agents in the territorial expansion of the clan were the Campbells of Glenorchy and the Campbells of Cawdor. Nevertheless, the former were the most powerful branch of the clan after the ruling lineage itself (Dawson, 1988, p.11; MacGregor, 2012, p.8). 6 1.3. The Campbells of Glenorchy: Colin and Katherine As previously stated, this collection focuses on Colin Campbell and his wife, Katherine Ruthven. Their main area of influence was Breadalbane, located in the central Perthshire Highlands. The Campbells of Glenorchy were particularly interested in holding fortified areas under their control and expanding their influence across the Highlands; thus, they were one of the key agents of the promotion of Campbell hegemony in the country (Dawson, 1988, pp.6,12). Of particular relevance is their interest in literacy and their influence on literature: once he accessed the ruling of his cadet branch in 1550, Colin Campbell brought his household to a brand-new stage in which prominence was given to professional notaries, scribes and legal agents (MacGregor, 2012, pp.17-18). The importance he gave to the written word is one of the reasons for the preservation of the Breadalbane Collection, together with letters, documents and manuscripts. For him, the effort to acquire texts had as a main target the construction of a library that would serve as a sign of power and wealth. It is his household that dominates the Gaelic literary survival in Breadalbane from 1550 to 1631 (MacGregor, 2012, pp.19-22). The figure of Colin Campbell, sixth laird of Glenorchy, is characterised for having been a successful chief and caring partner (Grey Colin, 2024). Since his two brothers, Duncan, 4th Laird, and John, 5th Laird, died without male heirs, he ended up taking the lead of the Glenorchy branch and becoming a determined chieftain and a strong political operator. He transformed his lordship, driving it towards an era of reformation, and extended his territorial dominance to the whole region of Breadalbane, thus contributing to the expansion of Argyll’s hegemony across the Highlands. Part of his achievements as chief was due to the extensive net of contacts he had across Scotland, which allowed him to maintain both political and social power over the area. These contacts did not only reinforce his influence, but also provided him with assistance, as was the case during his feud with the MacGregors, when he was given military help from the MacDonalds of Keppoch and of Glencoe. Besides, his period of ruling was supported by his relationship with the Argyll, Atholl and Ruthven houses, which kept him informed about relevant political and social news. He provided the lineage with a male heir, Duncan, who succeeded him after his death in 1583 and inherited most of his interests and ambitions (Dawson, 1997, pp. 24, 34-37). 7 Colin Campbell’s second wife, Katherine Ruthven, did not only outstand because of her role as wife and mother, but also for her active part in the affairs that concerned her husband, as well as being an active marriage negotiator for her family. As opposed to the general assumption made by historians that early modern Scottish noblewomen played a passive role in society, the information provided in the letters sent to her and by her portrays an active figure in political operations, who took action whenever it was necessary to secure her husband’s goals. Her marriage with Colin Campbell consisted of a partnership in which both helped and complemented each other: Katherine was in charge of dealing with the incoming correspondence whenever her husband was absent, providing answers according to her own judgement of the situation and having Colin informed about the news. Hence, their relationship was quite collaborative from both sides (Dawson, 1997, pp. 22-23, 29). 1.4. Colin Campbell and written correspondence The 6th laird of Glenorchy’s concern with the written word was one of the main reasons for the preservation of the Breadalbane Collection. As opposed to the generalised feeling in early-modern Scotland against the use of written correspondence, he defended the use of letter-writing as a means of communication. He believed it to be a powerful tool, which could be used in the clan’s advantage in the society they were living in, in which orality was still predominant. Furthermore, correspondence served as a way to assert their power since it was through bonds of manrent and royal charters that they could expand their land ownership (Dawson, 1997, pp.20-21). Correspondence in 16th-century Scotland was characterised for the predominance of orality, with messages being sent by reliable bearers. In spite of the fact that the practice of writing was starting to be normalised among members of the Scottish Lowland nobility, scribes were required since many correspondents were unable to write, especially among the Highland nobility. Written correspondence was limited to the occasions in which real-life interaction was not feasible, and was used to deal with political relationships rather than personal information. In case the content of the letter included some restricted information, it would be taken to its recipient by a special messenger, who had to be close enough to the sender (Dawson,1997, pp.4-6). Concerning the language in which these letters were written, the one employed in the Breadalbane Collection was Scots, since it was believed to be the most appropriate language for this type of communication (Dawson, 1997, p.7). It was by the time of the 8 compilation of The Book of the Dean of Lismore (between c.1512 and 1542) that Latin and Scots were established as the languages for written prose, including letters. This was due to their relevance within church and government at local and national levels (MacGregor, 2012, pp. 7,13-14). The members of the Highland and Lowland nobility differed in their attitude towards letter-writing: by the sixteenth century, the latter were more inclined to literacy, as opposed to the former, many of whom were not even capable of signing their own names. However, it is worth mentioning the role played by the Campbells who, despite being part of the Highland nobility, distinguished themselves from other clans by their ability to compose their own letters. Since one of the main reasons for the absence of letter-writing was the scarcity of paper, Colin Campbell’s deep interest in the written word drove him to always ensure to have writing materials close to him (Dawson, 1997, pp.78). 1.5. Epistolary conventions in the 16th-century The art of letter-writing was acquired mainly through formal tuition both in schools and universities. Nonetheless, it was also possible to master this skill through direct contact with the form, which refers to the conventional structures derived from the ars dictaminis. It was not until a child had learned to read that he/she was introduced to letter-writing. Formally, those in charge of teaching how to write letters were scriveners, household tutors and governesses, and family members in more informal contexts. The acquisition of a solid training in the use of epistolary conventions was relevant for different purposes, as for instance the refinement of Latin and English grammar, orthography and punctuation. It also had more worldly uses, such as the practice of letterwriting depending on the social situation of the correspondent, which led the pupil to learn behavioural and hierarchical codes through the letter’s own structure (Daybell, 2012, pp. 54-55). A series of epistolary conventions was established in England in the fifteenth century. Formal letters in English were composed according to a sequence of conventional phrases and sentences which were open to variation in accordance with the writer. This sequence consisted of seven components: (i)a form of address, usually beginning with “Right”, followed by an adjective of respect and the recipient’s appropriate noun; (ii) a formula commending the writer 9 to the recipient, which could be followed by an expression of humility and a request for a blessing; (iii) a statement expressing the sender’s desire to hear of the recipient’s welfare; (iv) a prayer for the continuation of this welfare; (v) a clause accounting for the correspondent’s good health; (vi) a report of the writer’s good health ‘at the making of this letter’; (vii) thanks to God for it (Davis, 1965, p.236). The appearance of a seven-component pattern in English did not come by accident but was borrowed from French epistolary conventions, which could be observed applied to English letters in the fourteenth century and was used as a guide for letterwriting in different registers (Davis, 1965, pp.240-241). These conventions were known by anyone who had letters to write. They were used as a standard and, therefore, applyed to the composition of both formal and familiar letters. Not only were they employed in England but their use spread during the fifteenth century and continued over a long time (Davis, 1565, p.237). Despite their formulaic nature, these conventions were flexible to a certain extent: it was common to use both the opening and closing formulas of the letter, but the writer could modify or even omit sections inside the body depending on his style and the formality of the text. The sixteenth century witnessed the evolution of letter-writing, going from the strong influence of the ars dictaminis through humanist manuals to the appearance of vernacular English manuals. Erasmus’ De conscribendis epistolis (1522) was the most widely used manual for letter-writing teaching both at school and university levels in the sixteenth century. In it, the Dutch humanist portrays his dissatisfaction with the medieval ars dictaminis’ rigidness, advocating for improvisation and the adaptation of the letter’s structure according to the correspondent’s necessities in the course of composition (Daybell, 2012, p.57, 63 and 66). Patterns were employed with less rigidity in this century, thus giving rise to a wide range of possibilities for variation in the composition of letters, in which style varied depending on the correspondents and their personal taste. Hence, the disposition of elements in the different sections of a letter was not motivated just by an established set of conventions, but by other factors such as proximity to the recipient or the level of seriousness of the letter’s subject-matter. The evolution of epistolary theory in early modern English consisted in the combination of three traditions: the medieval ars dictaminis, early modern rhetorical theory and the classical theory of the familiar letter (Daybell, 2012, p.64). One of the most 16 formulaic expressions with both of them. Something which is worth commenting on is the fact that Patrick refers to Katherine’s psychological side with “zour adwirtisement”,,as opposed to William Maitland, who focused on her discretioun (cf. 3.1.2.2). 3.3. Letters from William Ruthven, 4th Lord Ruthven Two letters from William Ruthven dated September 19 1570 are analysed in this section (see Appendix 3), one sent to Colin and the other to Katherine, the sender being Katherine’s nephew. A total of five letters were sent by William to Colin, whose analysis presents a clear pattern: the formula commonly employed in the address is “To ye rycht honorabill and his speciall frend ye Lard of Glenwrquhay”, only varying in small details such as complementing frend with gude or just referring to Colin as “rycht honorable”. The opening formula of these letters is “Rycht honorabill Sir eftir maist hertlie commendatioun”, with a slight difference in one of them in which my verie is used instead of maist. Concerning the final blessing, the formula used is “Committis zow to ye protectioun of ye Eternall”. All letters close with “Zouris rycht assurit att power”. Seven letters were sent by William to Katherine, all of which follow the same pattern. With the exception of a letter dated October 28 1570 whose address is almost unintelligible, the formula employed is “To his syster ye Lady Glenorquhay”. They all use the opening formula “Sister efter maist hertye commendatioun”, the blessing “Committis zow in ye protectioun of ye eternall” and the closing “Zouris assurit broder at power”. In the letters, William addresses Katherine as his sister and refers to himself as her brother. Bearing in mind that their real relationship is that of aunt-nephew, the use of these terms illustrate the tendency to address people with a closer kinship term in order to tighten the bond between them and express familiarity (Dawson, 1997, p.10). 3.3.1. From William, 4th Lord Ruthven to Colin Glenorchy The address form employed in the letter dated September 19 1570 is “To the rycht honorabill and his maist speciall frend the Lard of Glenorquhay”, in which the adjective honourable and the expression “maist speciall frend” highlight a feeling of respect and affection towards the recipient. The use of friend may seem strange, since William was Colin’s nephew, but this noun had a different meaning in 16th-century Scots, that of “kinsman” or “relative” (Dictionary of the Scots Language). In the statement 17 opening the body of the letter, “Rycht honerabill Sir efter maist hertlye commendatioune”, William Ruthven reiterates the adjective previously used in the address in order to highlight the sender’s appreciation towards his uncle The letter closes with a formula containing a blessing: “And sua refarring ze rest to zour awin wysdoum committis zow in ye protectioun of ye eternall”. What is most relevant in this line is the reference to the recipient’s wisdom, thus addressing and providing importance to Colin’s psychological side. The letter ends with “Zouris rycht assurit att power”, the prototypical formulaic expression employed in the conclusio. 3.3.2. From William, 4th Lord Ruthven to Katherine Glenorchy William addresses his aunt Katherine as “To his sister the Lady Glenwrquhey” and uses the opening “Sister efter maist hertlye commendatiounis”. As mentioned before, Lady Glenorchy is referred to as “sister”, using a closer kinship term that the actual one (aunt). The formula used in the final blessing, “committis zow to ye protectioun of ye eternall”, follows the common pattern employed at the time. With respect to the conclusio, it is relevant to point out that, due to the deterioration of the letter, what remains is just Zouris, so it is not possible to check whether William Ruthven included any sign of affection towards his aunt in it. 3.3.3. Comparison These two letters follow the pattern of the others written by William to Colin and Katherine (cf. 3.3). What is worth commenting on is the different way in which they are addressed: whereas Colin is referred to as “right honourable” and “most special friend”, expressions which ornament the address and the opening statement, Katherine is just referred to as “sister”. This may suggest William’s desire to make evident his feeling of respect towards Lord Glenorchy. Although the final blessing formula is the same, in the closing statement William refers to Colin’s intelligence: “And sua refarring ze rest to zour awin wysdoum”, which is missing in the letter addressed to Katherine. However, in three out of the remaining six letters written to her, William Ruthven refers to her judgement by using the formula “and sa refferrand ye rest to zour advertisement”. With regard to the conclusio, it is not possible to contrast the formulas employed because Katherine’s letter is incomplete due to its deterioration. 18 3.4.Letters from Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy Within the Breadalbane Collection, only two letters are written by Katherine Ruthven: one addressed to Ewin McGregor dated October 17 1570, and the other to her sister, Lilias Ruthven, Lady Drummond, dated September 16 1571 (see Appendix 4). The fact that they have been written by a woman is the reason for their inclusion in the corpus, so as to be able to observe whether there are any differences in style depending on the gender of the writer. Because of the scarcity of materials, it is not possible to establish a pattern with which these two letters can be contrasted. Besides, they are just drafts, so there is a strong possibility that they were modified before being sent to their recipients. As a consequence, the analysis will just provide an overview of what female writing was like in 16th-century Scotland as opposed to male writing. 3.4.1. From Katherine Ruthven to Ewin MacGregor Before analysing the letter, it is relevant to contextualise the relationship between the MacGregors of Glenstrae and the Campbells of Glenorchy: having been two allied clan groups, fights over loyalties and power ended up ripping apart their ties. The tensions between both groups lowered when Gregor MacGregor, leader of the clan, and his people had to fight as redshanks in Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, after their return, the state of hostility continued with increasing violent situations until 1569, when it culminated with the capture of Gregor, who was tried and sentenced to death, being executed by Colin Campbell of Glenorchy himself. Ewin Macgregor, Gregor’s brother, led a new wave of violence towards the Campbells of Glenorchy as an act of revenge for his brother’s death. It was in the winter of 1570 when an agreement was reached between both parts to bring their hostility to an end (Dawson, 1997, pp.55-59). In the address, Katherine writes “To Ewin MacGregor”, omitting any sort of adjectives such as “right honourable” or “good friend”, which suggests detachment from the sender. This can be observed as well in the opening statement, “Efter commendatiouns”, where it was common to include adjectives or other devices ornamenting the formulaic expression to show the writer’s respect and affection towards the recipient. The letter closes with “Ye rest to zour nixt adverteisment and sua fair ye will in ye Lord”, in which Katherine calls upon Ewin’s consideration with the use of adverteisment. The final blessing adjusts to a formal way of closing letters. The intentionally austere tone of Katherine’s letter to Ewin MacGregor probably suggests a series of political undertones determined by the previously mentioned rivalry between 19 their clans . Her choice of restricting to formulaic expressions may, therefore, not signify an absence of eloquence but a purposeful restraining from warmth. 3.4.2. From Katherine Ruthven to Lilias Ruthven, Lady Drummond It is not possible to analyse this letter’s address since there is no explicit salutation in its surviving version. It opens with the formula “Sister efter my hertlye commondatiounis”, in which Katherine directly addresses her sister to establish a more personal and familiar tone before moving into matter, the use of “my hertlye” emphasising her feeling of affection towards her sibling. In the conclusio, “the rest to zour Ladyshipis wisdome”, Katherine refers to her sister as “your ladyship”, acknowledging her authority and status as a noblewoman and showing respect for her. Furthermore, the use of “wisdom” shows Katherine’s emphasis on Lilias’ intelligence and ability to make prudent decisions with the information contained in the letter. The final blessing, “committing zour Ladyship to ye protexioun off ye Lord God”, contains another reference to Lilias’ social status. The letter has a notably austere tone and contains few signs of affection and no elaborate salutations. Katherine acknowledges Lilias’ status by addressing her as “Ladyship” not only in the formulaic parts of the letter, but also inside the body: “Quharfoir I pray zour Ladyship consult with God and zour awin visdome”. 3.4.3. Comparison The analysis of these two letters shows that Katherine employs a deliberately serious tone with both recipients. In the case of Ewin MacGregor, she confines herself to formulaic expressions which lack any ornament, which can be justified by the delicacy of the situation which both clans were going through, since settlement negotiations were being held at the time to bring their rivalry to an end. Thus, Katherine’s tone marks a willingness to maintain composure and mark distance between her and the recipient. By contrast, in the case of Lilias Ruthven, Katherine shows affection and respect towards her by using “my hertlye” and referring to her wisdom. Conclusions The letters by Patrick and William Ruthven included in the corpus follow the same pattern as the others written by them contained in the Breadalbane Collection. However, in the case of William Maitland, the two letters in the corpus addressed to 20 Katherine do not contain any adjective or expression denoting his feeling of warmth towards her, contrary to what happens in the other letters written to her contained in the Breadalbane Collection. This difference may be just arbitrary, or may obey to William’s deliberate purpose to avoid having his real feelings for Lady Glenorchy discovered. Apart from the case of Maitland, the letters show no significant differences in terms of gender treatment. Within the formulaic expressions, all letters include adjectives and other devices which serve as a means to portray the correspondent’s feeling of affection towards the recipient. However, it is worth pointing out that, although William Ruthven employs these expressions with both Colin and Katherine, he does not use them with the same frequency , being more scarce in the case of Katherine. Among these signs of familiarity, a common practice observed at the time is to address someone by a kinship term closer than the one existing in real life between sender and recipient. This can be seen in the letter sent by Patrick Ruthven to Colin Campbell, in which he addresses his brother-in-law as broder, thus tightening the bond between them, or in the letter sent by William Ruthven to Katherine, in which he addresses her aunt as sister. The letters penned by Katherine Glenorchy show a general austere tone both with Ewin MacGregor and Lilias Ruthven. Even though she expresses her feeling of familiarity in a more open form with her sister, she still denotes some severity in comparison with the rest of correspondents in this selection. The formal tone employed with Ewin MacGregor is justified by the feud that was held between her house and his, although the letter is dated 1570, the period when the Campbells and the MacGregors were reaching an agreement to leave aside their differences. Moreover, it is possible to think of her attitude in her letters as a way to assert her authority and make her place in a society dominated by men. Nonetheless, more studies of this kind are necessary in order to reach valid conclusions regarding gender differences in the field of letter writing or other types of texts. References Clan Campbell. The Breadalbane Collection. School of Divinity, University of Edinburgh. (2024, marzo 19). https://divinity.ed.ac.uk/research/archival-collections-andresources/the-breadalbane-collection/background/clan-campbell 21 Davis, N. (1965). The Litera Troili and English Letters. The Review of English Studies, 16(63), 233–244. http://www.jstor.org/stable/513359 Davis, N. (1967). Style and stereotype in early English letters. Leeds Studies in English, 1, 7–17. Dawson, J. E. A. (Ed.). (1997). Campbell letters, 1559–1583. Scottish History Society, 5th series, Vol. 10. Edinburgh: Scottish History Society. Dawson, J. (1988). The Fifth Earl of Argyle, Gaelic Lordship and Political Power in Sixteenth-Century Scotland. The Scottish Historical Review, 67(183), 1–27. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25530317 Daybell, J. (2012). The material letter in early modern England: Manuscript letters and the culture and practices of letter-writing, 1512–1635. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137006066 (https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137006066) Dictionaries of the Scots Language. (n.d.). Dictionary of the Scots Language. Retrieved June 26, 2025, from https://dsl.ac.uk/ Grey Colin. The Breadalbane Collection. School of Divinity, University of Edinburgh. (2024, marzo 19).. https://divinity.ed.ac.uk/research/archival-collections-andresources/the-breadalbane-collection/background/grey-colin Kate Ruthven. The Breadalbane Collection. School of Divinity, University of Edinburgh. (2024, marzo 19). https://divinity.ed.ac.uk/research/archival-collections-andresources/the-breadalbane-collection/background/kate-ruthven MacGregor, M. (2012). The Campbells: Lordship, literature, and liminality. Textual Cultures: Texts, Contexts, Interpretation, 7(1), 121–157. Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved June 26, 2025, from https://www.oed.com/?tl=true Rodríguez Ledesma, M.N. (2017). The Northern Subject Rule in the Breadalbane Collection. English Studies, 98 (8), 802-824. https://doi.org/10.1080/0013838X.2017.1278965. University of Edinburgh. The Breadalbane Collection. School of Divinity, University of Edinburgh (2024, marzo 19). https://divinity.ed.ac.uk/research/archival-collections-andresources/the-breadalbane-collection APPENDIX 1: Letters from William Maitland of Lethington Date: 2 August 1570 REF: GD112/39/9/3 Place: Blair Atholl From: William Maitland of Lethington1 To: Colin Campbell of Glenorchy Address: To my assured freind the Lard of Glenwrquhay Schir efter hairtlie commendatioun. I ressavit zour writting fra yis berare quhairby I persave ze haif send my writtingis quhilkis I send to zow to Argyill quhairof I thank zow hairtlie. As toward the other mater anentis the mischance yat befell betuix my Lord Athollis folkis and zouris ze sall wit within ane quarter of ane hour efter he had gotten witt yairof he depairted fra yis towart Tulibardin to ane tryist yair betuix him and my Lord of Mar as zett nocht retorned and now is in Dunkeld to be heir schortlie. Sua yat so sone as he cumis I sall speik him in yat mater and do quhatt I can to caus him [to] vnderstand the mater as it wes. For in deid I wald be sory gif vyerwyis he tuke the mater. Quhairfore I think itt best yat ye ... so sone as ze may goodlie send ane weill instructed man in yat mater to my Lord and to Garntilly causing him to be heir present ... quhomewith I may conferre. And zan we sall halp to haif the mater drest agane betuix zow. Faryair nedis nocht to writt to zow at yis present bot referris to zour awin wisdome. And committis zow to the protectioun of God. Frome Blair in Atholl the secound of August 1570. Zouris assurit [freind at powar] W[illiam Maitland] 1 Although the signature is badly damaged, enough remains of the characteristic capital W to be quite sure it is from Maitland of Lethington, see also letter of same day from Maitland to Katherine, GD112/39/9/4. Date: 2 August 1570 REF: GD112/39/9/4 (SHS ed. No.126) Place: Blair Atholl From: William Maitland of Lethington To: Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy Address: To the Lady Glenwrquhay Eftar hartly commendatioun. I ressavit zour wryting with the trew informatioun off the mischance1 happinnit betuix the Lardis servandis and my Lord off Athollis quhilk as I beleave my selff to be trew sa I wald be glad my Lord off Athoill war persuadit to credit in lykemaner. For at the first he tuke the mater veary ewill and the men yat wer on h[is] wache send hym word off it in the werst maner quhilk ... knaw will move ony man to anger on the suddayn [gif] thayr awin servandis quhome thay credit reportis the [harm] odiously. Sensyne I haiff nocht spocken with hym for he s... off this place within a quartar off an hour efter the word come. At his returning quhilk I trust salbe this [nycht] I sall deale with hym in the mater. Praying zow to caus the Lard send some to hym with the trew informatioun and offer to lat hym selff try the offence and to reforme it at his awin sicht. And giff the falt ...[is] ... ye [Lardis] servandis yat he sall deliver thaym to my Lord ... to [be] punist. I caus the Lord off Grantuly ... and [he] sall concur with hym to help to mitigate ... I am sa far behaldin to zow bayth I wald ... yair war ony variance betuix zow. I pray zow yat I may haiff the falcon alsua with the goisshalk becaus I am now in the hyeland divars freindis hes send to me for halkis and I can nocht get to satisfy the halff off thaym. Quhairin I may do zow pleasor ze haiff powar to command me and sa I wisshe zow to fare weill. From [Blair in] Atholl the secund off August 1570. Zours alwayis to command, William Maitland [PS] My Lord Levingstoun2 prayis me to mak his commendatiounis baith to zow and the Lard. 1 For the ‘mischance’, see Introduction. 2 William, 6th Lord Livingstone, had visited Kilchurn Castle in July after his return from England, CSPSc, III, 278, and remained at Blair Atholl for several days, 4 August 1570, CSPSc, III, 299- Date: 12 August 1570 REF: GD112/39/9/18 (SHS ed. No. 133) Place: Blair Atholl From: William Maitland of Lethington To: Colin Campbell of Glenorchy Address: To my assured freind the Lard of Glenwrquhay Schir efter hairtlie commendatioun. I have zis day reseaved ane bill fra the Lard of Garntillie schawing me zat he hes spokin zow sen my last meting with him anentis the allyance betuix my Lord of Athollis hous and zouris quhilk in deid I wald als gladlie wische for the weill of zour hous as for the weill of my Lord of Athollis hous. 1 And for yis effect iff it pleiss zow I sall speik my Lord and Lady Atholl. Desyring zow for yat propos to writt ane bill to me favorablie to propone2 the mater to my Lord and Lady Atholl in the quhilk I wald ze schew zour self verray desyrous yairof quhilk bill yairefter I will schaw to my Lord and Lady. Wryting in the same alsua quhatt maner ze desyre the mariage and ... quhatt ze will my Lord and Lady Atholl to do to zow quhatt to thaim and all other sik thingis as ze think maist convenient for yat propos. And by yis alsua I wald ze and the Lady zour wyff subscrived and gaiff over to the Lard of Garntillie and me to propone and bring yat mater to effect with my Lord and Lady quhairin conforme yairto we sall travell and God willing haif good succase yairof. Faryer wald wische zow to ..[eis] with sik convenient speid as ze mycht for the weill of baith the housses as said is. And heirin at lenth to instructt the said Lard of Garntillie of all sik thingis as ze think maist neceissarrie yat he may mak me partecipant yairof. Yairefter we may propone the mater and bring it to effect schortlie quhairof I wald be 10 Ruthven’s wife was Janet Stewart, Lady Methven, Atholl' s aunt, see Appendix C. APPENDIX 3: Letters from William Ruthven, 4th Lord Ruthven Date: 19 September 1570 REF: GD112/39/10/7 (SHS ed. No. 156) Place: Edinburgh From: William, 4th Lord Ruthven To: Colin Campbell of Glenorchy Address: To the rycht honorabill and his maist speciall frend the Lard of Glenorquhay Rycht honerabill Sir efter maist hertlye commendatioune. Sen my cuming to yis toun I haif spokin my Lord Regent and ye Erll of Mortoun1 in zour effaris according to zour awin informatioun giffin me be my sister zour bedfallow2 quhome I find werry desyrus to haif zour presens heir sa shortlye as ze may to confer with zow baithe in ye common effaris as also in zour awin particularis. Quharin my Lord Regent is als weill myndit as ze wald wyss and hes assurit me yat nochtwithstanding he hes gottin monye persuasiounis to shawe fawour to zour enemis yai sall haiff nain of him mair nor yai hed of ye Regentis Grace yat is with God.3 And att zour cuming ze satesfiing His Grace ressonable towart ye advancement of ye Kingis authorytie and zour dew obedience *to His Maiestie* he sall nocht onlye persew ye Clangregor as ze desyr bott alsua with his awin persoun will defend zow aganis ye grettest within yis realm giff yai suld pres to anoy zow or z[our] rewmis.4 As to ye punisment of sic of ye Clanfarlan as wes att ye slawchter of zour men ze wilbe satisfeit in yat matter. And ordour wilbe tain for ye resett of ye Clangregor in lyk wys within ye boundis off Lennox.5 My Lordis Grace thocht nocht necessar to wrett to zow att yis tyme becaus it is sa short quhyll sen he wrett of befor *to ye sam effec* bot desyrit me to latt zow test of his gud mynd quhairoff ze suld knaw forder att metting. He fand sum falt yat he hed wrettin twyss to zow and yat ze wrett nocht again. I excusat ye matter yat ze thocht to be sa shortlye att His Grace yat ze deleyit to wrett quhill be zour awin presence ze gaiff ansuer quhilk he wes weill applesit with. Ze sall resaiff ane letter of my Lord of Mortonis6 quhom I find contenew his freindschip towart zow on ye auld maner of bye I trust ze will persave als mekle in effect as I wrett. The Laird of Drumquhassill7 shawis him werrey freindlie to me in zour effaris and sayis ze sall find his guid will in zat he may do and hes giffin me many namis of ye Clanfarlain yat wes in cumpany with ye Clangregor nor wes contenit in ye ticket I gatt fray zour bedfallow. And for the men yat dwellis vpoun his landis *giff onie off yaim be guiltie yai* salbe ye first yat salbe presentit to punisment. Seing ye tyme servis weill for zow to gett zour hand beyound zour enemies I wald ze maid ze gretter hest to cum heir becaus ye Erll of Mortoun passis schortlye to ye bordor. And sua refarring ze rest to zour awin wysdoum committis zow in ye protectioun of ye eternall. At Edinburgh yis Tysday lett ye xix of September 1570. Zouris rycht assurit att power, Ruthven 1 Matthew Stewart, 4th earl of Lennox and James Douglas, 4th earl of Morton. 2 See [155]. 3 Lord James Stewart, Regent Moray. 4 Probably a reference to possible reprisals by the 5th earl if Grey Colin joined the King’s Party, see Introduction. 5 These were the two charges that Grey Colin had against the MacFarlanes, see Introduction. 6 See [157]. 7 John Cunningham of Drumquhassill had provided names of MacFarlanes resetting the MacGregors and so made it easier to obtain signet letters against them, GD112/1/193. He also put pressure on George Buchanan of that Ilk, [163]. Date: 19 September 1570 REF: GD112/39/10/6 (SHS ed. No. 155) Place: Edinburgh From: William, 4th Lord Ruthven To: Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy Address: To his sister the Lady Glenwrquhey Sister efter maist hertlye commendatiounis. I haiff wrettin att lenthe to ye Laird zour husband towart ye effaris quhairof ze gaiff me informacioun sua yat I neid nocht to redubill ye samen in yis letter. Bott alwayis I think werrey meit he hest to com ower seing all thingis is liklye to tak effect to his awin hertis desyr for yer is na thing ressonabill he can desyr for fordering his causs yat wilbe refusit and yerfor tyme now wald nocht be tint. My Lord Regent {shew me that 1} MacFarland and wyers of his procurment trawelit for {lycence} to resot ye Clangregor.2 Bott his Grace gaiff plain ansuer yat he w{ald} rayer persew yaim as rebelis to ye ded and giff MacFarland {or his kin} mellit ony way with yaim yai suld incur ye sam danger h... quhai sall shew me in lyk maner yat it wes fals zat wes re[portit of] ... haim *towart ye labouring for our syt* bott he culd nocht stope yaim quha attemptit wrar... deid ... vpon him. Bott schorlye ye Laird suld haiff apperien ........ yis procedingis quhat affectioun he beir to ...kit ..... ze credit he hed. He hes augmentit ye ticket3 ... with ... and sayis giff *ony of* his men be giltie yei salbe ye first..... be offerit to ye law. Mak me advertisment [befoir ye Laird] ... to ye effect giff he think it necessar yat it may be present ... at his cuming. Ther is na newis presentlye [heir] bott ye wrettingis quhilkis wer passand fray Monsur Werak4 and ye [Lord] Flemyng out of Dumbartoun to Athole ar tain be ye gait ... It is manifesit yat ye K[ing] of F[rance] will request for ye Quein bott he will be lothe [to] ..... [to] conquist ye inemitie of ye maist part of Scotl[and] ..... considderat freindis to his realm. The pest is warray grett in ye north partis of Ingland and speciallye through all Northumberland and ye bordoris. As I haiff uyer occa[sioun] ye salbe advertisit and sua for ye present ceasing to trubill zow w[ith] langer [lettir] committis zow to ye protectioun of ye eternall. A{t Edinburgh yis} ... x[ix] of September. Commend me to my sone Duncan5 ... to cum doun at farrest again my return ... Z[ouris] ... [Ruthven] 1 Readings from GD50/116/241-2. 2 MacFarlane and his clan were accused of resetting the MacGregors and signet letters were obtained against them, GD112/1/193, see Introduction. 3 This must refer to Drumquhassil who provided extra names, see [156]. 4 The letters of Monsieur Verac (a French soldier and diplomat) to Maitland were intercepted by the King’s Party, CSPSc, III, 353; 362-3. 5 Black Duncan who was Ruthven’s godson. APPENDIX 4: Letters from Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy Date: 17 October [1570] REF: GD112/39/11/16 (SHS ed No. 178) Place: Balloch Castle From: Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy (draft) To: Ewin MacGregor Address: To Ewyn MacGregor Efter commendatiouns. I rassavit zour writting 1 fra yis berare makand mentioun yat ze had send ane writting to ye Lard my husband dissyrand ane assurance quhill zour messinger mycht speik ye Lard and siclyk dissyris me and my barnis to pass to ye wost end of ye loycht2 to caus my husband to hest zow ane gud ansuer. As to yat I can nocht assuir zow instantlie quhan I ma pass yair quhill I send to my husband first and se gif it be his will and gif it be his will(sic) yat I pass and sall gang and gif him my gud consall yat he, ze and ye commoness ma haf quyatness sua if zour offeris be godle and according to ye Lard my husbandis honour. Ye rest to zour nixt adverteisment and sua fair ye will in ye Lord. From Ballocht ye xvii of October be xij horis. 1 See [177]. 2 Probably Ilanran at the west end of Loch Tay. Date: 16 September [1571]1 REF: GD112/39/14/20 (SHS ed. No. 193) Place: Balloch Castle From: Katherine Ruthven, Lady Glenorchy (draft) To: Lilias Ruthven, Lady Drummond Address: Sister efter my her[tlye common]datiounis. The Lard my husband hes wrytin to zour Lord consorning his bissanes off Abirlednoch quhairby ze may persaif that he is nocht willing yat yair suld be ony trubill or desentioun betuix my Lord Drummondis houss and his hous. 2 Quharfoir I pray zour Ladyship consult with God and zour awin visdome and considder how gud it is to haif frindis at amitie and concord and specialie now in this trubillas tyme and sen thair is na causs off onkyndnes or desention betuix thair housses as zit bot sic as may be esilie mendit with gud wordis and familiaritie. I pray zow lat nocht uyer mens particularis raiss sic trubillis betuix thaime quharto we ar nocht abill to put remied. For giff thar twa housses fall to discord as God forbid thay do it wilbe wilbe(sic) ane gretar dissplesoure to zow and me nor ony yat we haif senen zit considering we ar sisteris and hes sum credeit off ze housses we ar in. The comoun pipill will bruit ws3 giff yair cumis ony ewill amang frindis quhilk mowis me to wryt yis to zour Ladyship. The rest to zour Ladyshipis wisdome and ansur as ze think gud. Committing zour Ladyship to ye protexioun off ye Lord God. At Balloch ye xvi day off September. 1 See [192]. 2 Grey Colin’s letter is lost. For the Reidheugh-Murray feud, see Introduction. 3 The fear of being criticized by the common people provides an interesting argument to add to the general pleas not to get dragged into other mens’ troubles and create a rift between two friendly houses.