Neighbourhood Perceptions and Sense of Coherence in Adolescence

1 This version of the article has been accepted for publication, after peer review and is subject to Springer Nature’s AM terms of use, but is not the Version of Record and does not reflect post-acceptance improvements, or any corrections. The Version of Record is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10935-013- 0320-5 Neighbourhood perceptions and sense of coherence in adolescence Irene García-Moyaa*, Carmen Morenoa & Orna Braun-Lewensohnb aUniversity of Seville. Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology. Seville (Spain). b Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Department of Interdisciplinary Studies. Beer-Sheva (Israel). Funding This research has been funded by an agreement signed between the Spanish Ministry of Health, Social Policy and Equality, and the University of Seville (Spain). In addition, this work is supported by the Spanish Ministry of Education through the National Program FPU [grant number: AP2009-0978]. *Corresponding author: Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology. University of Seville. C/ Camilo José Cela s/n 41018 Seville (Spain). Telephone number: +34 954554331. Fax number: +34 954559544. E-mail: ire[email protected] 2 Neighbourhood perceptions and sense of coherence in adolescence Abstract The neighbourhood has traditionally been neglected in studies about adolescents’ sense of coherence (SOC). The current study represents the first attempt to analyse the associations between neighbourhood assets, neighbourhood risks, and SOC during adolescence. The sample consisted of 7580 Spanish adolescents aged 13 to 18 who were selected for the 2009/10 edition of the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey in Spain. The adolescents completed self-report questionnaires that included the SOC-29 scale and separate HBSC scales measuring neighbourhood risks and assets. The results showed that neighbourhood risks were negatively associated with the adolescents’ SOC. In contrast, neighbourhood assets, especially relationships with significant adults, were positively associated with the adolescents’ SOC. Assets explained 6.5% of the variability in SOC scores after controlling for risks, suggesting that assets may play a significant role, even in neighbourhoods where risks are present. We discuss implications and future research directions. Keywords: sense of coherence; adolescence; neighbourhood; assets; risks 3 The sense of coherence (SOC) was proposed by Aaron Antonovsky (1987) as the central construct within the salutogenic model. SOC is seen as an asset that promotes people’s movement towards health (Eriksson & Lindstrom, 2006) because it appears to be an ability that facilitates successful coping in response to the demands of life. More precisely, SOC has been defined as “a global orientation that expresses the extent to which one has a pervasive, enduring though dynamic feeling of confidence that (1) the stimuli deriving from one’s internal and external environments in the course of living are structured, predictable and explicable (comprehensibility); (2) the resources are available to one to meet the demands posed by the stimuli (manageability); and (3) these demands are challenges, worthy of investment and engagement (meaningfulness)” (Antonovsky, 1987, p. 19). Although a notable body of research has been conducted on the relationship between SOC and health (Eriksson & Lindström, 2006, 2007), little is known about the experiences that encourage the development of a strong SOC, as noted by Sagy and Antonovsky (2000). Thus, it is worthwhile to conduct studies aimed at increasing our understanding of the psychosocial factors in everyday life that shape the development of the SOC. Furthermore, adolescence has been considered a developmental stage of special interest for studies on the origins of SOC (Evans, Marsh, & Weigel, 2010; Marsh, Clinkinbeard, Thomas, & Evans, 2007), and the number of SOC studies with adolescent samples has grown substantially over the last decade (Lindström & Eriksson, 2010). According to the original formulation by Antonovsky (1987), three types of experiences have the potential to promote a strong SOC: a consistency in life experiences, which increase the perception that environmental events are ordered and structured more often than they are chaotic; a proper balance between demands and the resources to address them, which strengthens the individual’s perception that stressors can be tackled successfully; 4 and a commitment to active participation in different domains in life, which reinforces the perception of playing an active role in one’s life and destiny (Sagy & Antonovsky, 1996). These experiences are hypothesised to reinforce the comprehensibility, manageability and meaningfulness dimensions, respectively, of the SOC (Antonovsky, 1987). Nevertheless, although these three dimensions are conceptually distinct, several works on the factorial structure of SOC show that the dimensions of SOC are inextricably related and difficult to disentangle (see Rivera, López, Ramos, & Moreno, 2011). Accordingly, it may be more appropriate to view consistency, load balance, and participation as contributors to global SOC through their joint effect on its three interrelated facets. Research on the importance of developmental contexts, especially family and school, has shown that these contexts have the potential to promote meaningful experiences in the development of SOC (e.g., García-Moya, Rivera, Moreno, Lindström, & Jiménez-Iglesias, 2012; Natvig, Hannestad, & Samdal, 2006). In brief, these works have indicated that a positive climate within the family, especially relationships of trust, affection and open communication with parents, and support from classmates and teachers, as well as feelings of belonging and safety at school, have a positive influence on SOC during adolescence (for a systematic review of the research on SOC and developmental contexts in adolescent samples, see Rivera, García-Moya, Moreno, & Ramos, 2013). However, research into the simultaneous contributions of several developmental contexts to SOC in adolescence is still scarce, probably because the linkages between SOC and certain important spheres, such as neighbourhoods, have not yet been sufficiently studied. Therefore, turning to the communities and neighbourhoods (Braun-Lewensohn & Sagy, 2011a) appears to be an appropriate strategy for expanding the research on the origins of SOC. Neighbourhoods where adolescents live affect the quality of family life and the 5 diversity of life opportunities, and have both direct and indirect effects on adolescent development (Leventhal, Dupéré, & Brooks-Gunn, 2009). Importantly, the neighbourhood has been seen as an important setting in the provision of social capital (Fustenberg & Hughes, 1997; Kawachi, 2010), a key health asset that refers to the relationships between people (i.e., social networks and connections) that provide support and offer the potential to mobilise resources (Coleman, 1988). Social cohesion, trustworthiness, reciprocity and information channels can be seen as essential elements of neighbourhoods that are rich in social capital. Good infrastructure and services, as well as perceived safety, are other neighbourhood assets that have been demonstrated to be important for positive youth development (Oliva, Antolín, Estévez, & Pascual, 2012). On the other hand, risk factors in the neighbourhood, such as poverty and disorganisation, have been associated with a wide array of risk behaviours during adolescence, including drug consumption, risky sexual activity and criminal activities (Leventhal et al., 2009; Murry, Berkel, Gaylord-Harden, Coopeland-Linder, & Nation, 2011). The few studies that have examined the relationships between SOC and neighbourhoods have shown that neighbourhood experiences can either facilitate or inhibit the development of a strong SOC. In particular, some findings have suggested that informal control (i.e., the willingness of neighbourhood residents to take responsibility and actively engage in behaviours aimed at preventing deviant behaviour by the youth in their community), as well as neighbourhood cohesion and perceived social support, appear to have positive effects on SOC (Nash, 2002; Marsh et al., 2007). In contrast, living in nomadic communities or lacking housing stability (Antonovsky & Sagy, 1986; Braun-Lewensohn & Sagy, 2011a), being an ethnic minority (Braun-Lewensohn & Sagy, 2011b), being exposed to violence or vandalism (Braun-Lewensohn & Sagy, 2010; Koposov, Ruchkin, & Eisemann, 2003), and the presence of criminal gangs in the neighbourhood (Marsh et al., 2007) were associated with a low SOC. 6 In summary, now that strong evidence appears to support the positive relationship between SOC and health (Eriksson & Lindström, 2006, 2007), efforts are needed to expand our knowledge about the psychosocial factors that can contribute to the development of SOC in different developmental contexts. Given the notable gap in the research with regard to the role of the neighbourhood as a potential provider of such experiences, this study aimed to analyse the degree to which neighbourhoods influence SOC levels during adolescence. Specifically, we distinguished between neighbourhood risks and assets, conceptualising risks as factors that increase the probability of the onset of a problem or that maintain problem states (Coie et al., 1993), and defining assets as resources that enhance one’s ability to maintain and sustain health (Morgan & Ziglio, 2010). Specifically, the aims of this study were as follows: 1. To explore the associations between adolescents' SOC, neighbourhood risks and neighbourhood assets. 2. To assess the extent to which the risks and assets of the neighbourhood explain SOC levels. Based on the cited literature, and given that a stronger SOC has been associated with better health, we hypothesised that neighbourhood risks would be associated with a weaker SOC, whereas neighbourhood assets would be associated with a stronger SOC (Murry et al., 2011; Marsh et al., 2007). Method Participants 7 As part of the 2010 edition of the international Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey in Spain, a national representative sample of adolescents was selected by means of a random multi-stage sampling stratified by conglomerates that took into account geographic area (mirroring the current percentages of students from the northern, eastern, central and southern regions of Spain), type of school (mirroring the proportions of state and private schools in the four geographic areas, which resulted in 62.9% state schools and the remainder private schools) and educational level (a balanced representation of students from each of the three pairs of grades in Spanish secondary education). Adolescents between the ages of 13 and 18 who had completed the SOC scale as part of the survey were selected from the original Spanish sample for this study. Specifically, the sample consisted of 7580 adolescents (3672 boys and 3908 girls) whose mean age was 15.4. A detailed description of the demographic characteristics of the sample is presented in Table 1. (Insert Table 1 here) Measures We measured study variables using the relevant items from the 2010 edition of the HBSC questionnaire in Spain. This questionnaire was approved by the Research Ethical Committee of the University of Seville, which certified that both the instrument and the research procedures complied with current ethical requirements for human research. For the purposes of this study, the following measures were used: Neighbourhood assets. We assessed three different types of neighbourhood assets (resources associated with people, availability of recreational facilities and neighbourhood 8 safety) by means of six items answered on a 5-point Likert-type scale. The items that formed this scale were developed within the HBSC network partially based on the items used to assess social capital by Kawachi, Kennedy, Lochner and Prothrow-Stith (1997), and have been conceptualised as indicators of the sense of belonging in the neighbourhood, one of the dimensions of social capital (Morgan, 2011; Morgan, Rivera, Moreno, & Haglund, 2012). Examples of the items that assessed resources associated with people are You can trust people around here and I could ask for help or a favour from neighbours. We assessed the availability of recreational facilities by the following item: There are good places to spend your free time (e.g., leisure centres, parks, shops). Finally, we measured neighbourhood safety by the following items: It is safe for younger children to play outside during the day and I feel safe in the area where I live. We calculated the mean values for each source of assets, thus obtaining three ordinal variables ranging from 0 to 5. The complete scale showed a good reliability (α = .82), and we also found acceptable reliability values for the subscales resources associated with people and safety (α = .70 and α = .66, respectively). Neighbourhood risks. Using a 3-item scale, we assessed the basic elements of perceived local area appearance that can be considered risk sources. These three items were adapted from a set of questions from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth in Canada (Human Resources Development Canada, 1995), which were designed to tap the perception of the following elements of risk in the local area: gang activity, social disorganisation and deprivation. Thus, the scale assessed the presence of antisocial behaviour (groups of young people who cause trouble) and several aspects of neighbourhood physical disorder (litter, broken glass or rubbish lying around and run-down houses or buildings) in the area where the adolescents lived. Possible responses were none (coded as 0), some (coded 9 as 1) and lots (coded as 2). A cumulative risk index was obtained by summing the scores for each aspect of risk. This scale showed good reliability (α = .76). Both sets of questions were related to the adolescents’ perceptions of the neighbourhood where they lived. These questions were developed and piloted within the HBSC network, and have been proven to be useful tools for evaluating social capital and neighbourhood problems (Mullan et al., 2001). Sense of coherence (SOC). It was measured by using the SOC-29 Scale (Antonovsky, 1987), which consists of 29 items answered on a 7-point Likert scale. Some examples of items in this scale are: Until now your life has had…1- No clear goals or purpose at all, 7- Very clear goals and purpose and What best describes how you see life from 1- One can always find a solution to painful things in life to 7- There is no solution to painful things in life. The global score constituted the average of the answers given for the 29 items, ranging from 1 to 7. When needed, items were reverse-coded so that higher scores represented a stronger SOC. Further information on the construction and structure of the SOC-29 scale can be found in Antonovsky (1987, 1993). In this study, the scale yielded a Cronbach’s alpha of .87. Although the SOC-29 also provides separate scores for comprehensibility, manageability and meaningfulness, the global score is preferred, given the inextricable relationships among these dimensions (Antonovsky, 1993). Procedure A computer-assisted web interviewing (CAWI) system was employed in the data collection that made it possible to automatically incorporate the students’ answers into the survey database, thus reducing potential human errors associated with the data entry. The questionnaires were completed by students during regular school hours, in accordance with 16 strongest positive association with SOC, which hints at the potential for promoting social capital as an effective strategy for developing a strong SOC among community members, even in high-risk neighbourhoods. Although reducing risks in neighbourhoods is always an important goal, more work is necessary to redress the balance between the dominant deficit model and the less well-known asset model, as noted by Morgan and Ziglio (2010). In addition, given that the neighbourhood is a meaningful context in adolescents’ lives that has largely been ignored in former research about SOC in adolescence, the reported significant associations between neighbourhood characteristics and adolescent SOC should be considered a starting point for further research on this topic. Incorporating variables from family and other developmental contexts that play a key role in adolescents’ sense of belonging and health (e.g., Morgan & Haglund, 2009) would also represent an important step forward. Similarly, research on the potential roles of gender and age in diverse SOC- promoting experiences would also be beneficial. In summary, the present study deepens our knowledge about the ways in which SOC is formed, not only by making a relevant contribution to the research on the sources of SOC but also by hinting at potentially useful strategies for health promotion interventions in the neighbourhood. Our findings should encourage the incorporation of the neighbourhood into future research on SOC development, which to date has predominantly been focused on the role of family and school. 17 References Antonovsky, A. (1987). Unraveling the mystery of health. How people manage stress and stay well. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Antonovsky, A. (1993). 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Israel Journal of Medical Sciences, 32, 200- 205. 23 Sagy, S., & Antonovsky, H. (2000). The development of the sense of coherence: A retrospective study of early life experiences in the family. The International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 51(2), 155-166. 24 Table 1 Description of the sample Boys Girls Total 13-14 years N 1099 1203 2302 % 14.5 15.9 30.4 15-16 years N 1596 1752 3348 % 21.1 23.1 44.2 17-18 years N 977 953 1930 % 12.9 12.6 25.5 Total N 3672 3908 7580 % 48.4 51.6 100 25 Table 2 Pearson’s (r) correlations between neighbourhood characteristics and SOC 1 2 3 4 5 Assets associated with people - Recreational facilities .485* - Safety in the neighbourhood .673* .421* - Neighbourhood risks -.162* -.091* -.233* - SOC .261* .204* .244* -.203* - * p < .001. Note. SOC = sense of coherence