Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: The case of Izmir

UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA ESCUELA TÉCNICA SUPERIOR DE ARQUITECTURA DEPARTAMENTO DE HISTORIA, TEORÍA Y COMPOSICIÓN ARQUITECTÓNICAS ANALYSIS OF URBAN GROWTH IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES AND STRATEGIES FOR SPRAWL MANAGEMENT: THE CASE OF IZMIR ESIN INCE KOMPIL 2017 SEVILLA PhD Thesis Tesis Doctoral Directed by Dirigida por CARLOS GARCÍA VÁZQUEZ, Dr. Architect CARLOS GARCÍA VÁZQUEZ, Doctor, Arquitecto Doctoral Program: Programa de Doctorado: Architecture Arquitectura Department: Departamento: History, Theory and Architectural Composition Historia, Teoría y Composición Arquitectónicas University of Seville Universidad de Sevilla May, 2017 Mayo de 2017 *** ANALYSIS OF URBAN GROWTH IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES AND STRATEGIES FOR SPRAWL MANAGEMENT: THE CASE OF IZMIR Submitted by ESIN INCE KOMPIL to ESCUELA TÉCNICA SUPERIOR DE ARQUITECTURA UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR IN ARCHITECTURE *** ANÁLISIS DEL CRECIMIENTO URBANO EN PAÍSES EN VIAS DE DESARROLLO Y ESTRATEGIAS PARA LA GESTIÓN DEL CRECIMIENTO SUBURBANO: EL CASO DE ESMIRNA TESIS COMO REQUISITO PARCIAL PARA OBTENER EL GRADO DE DOCTOR EN ARQUITECTURA PRESENTADO POR ESIN INCE KOMPIL ESCUELA TÉCNICA SUPERIOR DE ARQUITECTURA UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA *** DIRECTOR DE TESIS CARLOS GARCÍA VÁZQUEZ 2017 SEVILLA I dedicate my thesis to my beloved mother Necla Ince and my beloved father Ramazan Ince, Who have trusted and supported me all the time *** Bana her zaman inanmis ve beni desteklemis sevgili annem Necla Ince ve sevgili babam Ramazan Ince’ye ithafen Acknowledgements ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my deep and sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Carlos Garcia Vazquez for his continuous encouragement and support. This work would not have been possible without his valuable contributions and guidance. I consider myself as a very lucky doctorate student as I was having an opportunity to study with him. I am also deeply grateful to the professors at the City and Regional Planning Department of Izmir Institute of Technology, who had contributed my academic background throughout my graduate life. I wish to express my warm and sincere thanks to my friends and colleagues for their continuous motivation. I am also grateful to Izmir Metropolitan Municipality for allowing me to use materials and documents related to Izmir City. I am also grateful to the members of the Secretary of Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura and to the members of Doctorate Secretary of Universidad de Sevilla for their kindly help during the bureaucratic processes. Last, but not least, I am truly indebted and forever thankful to my family for their unfailing encouragement and support in all respects. I would like show my warmest thanks to my beloved father Ramazan İnce, to my beloved mother Necla İnce, to my beloved sister Aysun Ince Guven, and to my mother in love Nezahat Kompil who were always nearby when I needed. They have been encouraged and supported me throughout my whole life. Finally and the most importantly, I am deeply grateful to my lovely husband, Mert Kompil, who has always supported me with his endless love, patience, and confidence. The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without his precious support as an urban planner and his encouragement as a husband. I would like to give my special thanks to him. Finally, I would like to thank my sweet son Oğuz Kompil, whose love make me the happiest woman in the world. i | page Abstract ABSTRACT Urban growth is a multidimensional and complex phenomenon that is subject of a wide range of disciplines such as geography, sociology, economy and environmental sciences. Urban sprawl, which is defined in a broad sense as low density, dispersed and inefficient use of land and resources, is one of the most debated form of urban growth in the field of urban planning. There have been a growing awareness especially on undesired impacts of uncontrolled urban sprawl in recent decades as a part of sustainable development paradigm. Urban sprawl management, which refers to a common term to circumscribe strategies and tools to regulate urban land use and urban expansion, has become an explicit spatial policy in many metropolitan areas and cities. Theoretical debates and practical implementations on urban sprawl and its management have been rather insufficient in developing countries, including Turkey. As a result of rapid urbanization and continuing population growth, major cities in Turkey have been facing with the problem of uncontrolled urban growth and sprawl. To deal with this problem and achieve more sustainable solutions for cities, well-structured policies and regulations for the management of urban sprawl have to be established, at both local and regional levels. This study aims at exploring potential sprawl management policies and strategies suitable for Turkish cities. For the purpose, it examines the concept of urban sprawl and sprawl management strategies in western cities together with the implemented good examples and their impacts. Then, it explores the nature of urban sprawl in developing countries with an empirical analysis, which explores urban sprawl in İzmir Metropolitan City, the third largest city in Turkey. It uses several spatial indicators including the population, population density, built-up areas per inhabitant and annual land taken for built-up per inhabitant, for the years 1975, 1990, 2000 and 2014, to explore urbanization process and to measure level of urban sprawl in İzmir. Finally, using the outcomes of the analyses, it identifies and discusses potential sprawl management strategies for İzmir Metropolitan City. Keywords: Urban sprawl, urban sprawl management, urban growth, Izmir. ii | page Resumen RESUMEN El crecimiento urbano es un fenómeno complejo y multidimensional, que constituye objeto de estudio para un amplio abanico de disciplinas, como la geografía, la sociología, las ciencias económicas y del medio ambiente. La expansión desordenada de las ciudades, definida en sentido amplio por la baja densidad, el aprovechamiento disperso e ineficiente de la tierra y sus recursos, es una de las más cuestionadas formas de crecimiento en el campo de la planificación urbana. En las últimas décadas, se ha ido tomando especial conciencia de los efectos indeseables de tal crecimiento descontrolado en relación con el paradigma de desarrollo sostenible. La gestión del mismo, en expresión referida al conjunto de estrategias y herramientas para regular el uso del paisaje urbano y la expansión de la ciudad, se ha convertido en política espacial explícita en muchas ciudades y áreas metropolitanas. Debates teóricos e implementaciones de tipo práctico en torno a la gestión del crecimiento desordenado de las ciudades se han demostrado, en su mayoría, insuficientes para los países en vías de desarrollo, incluida Turquía. Como resultado de la urbanización acelerada y del continuo crecimiento demográfico, las principales ciudades turcas se han enfrentado a este problema. Ante semejante situación, y con miras a obtener soluciones más sostenibles, ha sido necesario elaborar políticas bien estructuradas y reglamentar el crecimiento descontrolado tanto a nivel local como regional. Este estudio se propone explorar las posibles políticas y estrategias adecuadas de gestión del crecimiento problemático en las ciudades turcas. A tal propósito examina dicho concepto y las estrategias para su gestión en ciudades occidentales con buenos ejemplos de implementación y sus efectos. Seguidamente examina la naturaleza del crecimiento descontrolado en países en vías de desarrollo, centrándose en el análisis empírico del área metropolitana de Izmir, tercera ciudad de Turquía por tamaño. Para ello se ha servido de varios indicadores espaciales que incluyen la población, la densidad demográfica, las áreas edificadas por habitante así como el territorio urbanizado por habitante y por año, en 1975, 1990, 2000 y 2014, describiendo el proceso de urbanización y evaluando el nivel de crecimiento descontrolado en Izmir. Para concluir, y iii | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir como resultado del precedente análisis, se identifican y discuten las posibles estrategias de gestión de tal expansión en el área metropolitana de esta ciudad turca. Palabras clave: crecimiento urbano desordenado, gestión del crecimiento urbano desordenado, Izmir. iv | page Table of contents TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................... i ABSTRACT ........................................................................................... ii RESUMEN .......................................................................................... iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................... v CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................ 1 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................. 6 2.1. Urban growth and urban sprawl ............................................ 6 2.2. Compact vs. sprawl development ......................................... 14 2.3. Urban sprawl management .................................................. 15 2.3.1. Definition and concepts ................................................. 15 2.3.2. Policy instruments for sprawl management .................... 16 2.4. Urbanization and sprawl management in Turkey ................. 27 2.4.1. Urbanization in Turkey .................................................. 27 2.4.2. Sprawl management in Turkey ....................................... 33 CHAPTER 3. GOOD PRACTICES ON SPRAWL MANAGEMENT ......... 37 3.1. Organizations ...................................................................... 38 3.1.1. Description of organizations ........................................... 38 3.1.2. Evaluation of organizations and their activities .............. 40 3.2. Plans, policies and strategies ............................................... 49 3.2.1. Greenbelts ..................................................................... 49 3.2.2. Densification and infill ................................................... 57 3.2.3. Transit oriented development ......................................... 60 3.2.4. Growth management efforts in the US ............................ 62 3.2.5. Final remarks on good practices .................................... 65 v | page Chapter 1 Introduction City have been analyzed separately together with the urban core. Findings of the empirical analysis were evaluated and discussed together with the urbanization experience of Izmir for three periods between 1975- 1990, 1990-2000 and 2000-2014. In the light of the empirical analysis, the sixth chapter examines the current urban sprawl trends in particular zones and districts of the İzmir Metropolitan Area. Then it discusses whether previously reviewed sprawl management policies and strategies could provide meaningful solutions for Izmir case. The conceptual framework and the main structure of the thesis are further explained with a diagram as in Figure 1.1. Figure 1.1 Conceptual framework of the thesis 5 | page Chapter 2 Literature review CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW The main objective of this chapter is to explore the two consequent concepts, urban sprawl and urban sprawl management, which constitute the basis of the thesis. In this chapter, these two concepts are described and discussed with their interrelated physical, environmental, historical, social and political aspects. The sub-categorization of these concepts for developed and developing countries is also elaborated with similarities and dissimilarities. 2.1. Urban growth and urban sprawl Urban growth is a multidimensional and complex phenomenon that is subject of a wide range of disciplines such as geography, sociology, economy and environmental sciences. It should be emphasized at the beginning that, the term “urban growth” implies expansion on sociospatial configuration of urban areas, rather than growth in their economic structures. In general, the studies on urban growth can be classified into four groups, as shown in Figure 2.1. The first group studies mostly belong to the field of economic geography, which deals with the uneven distribution of economic activities across space. This approach focuses on the causes, dynamics and determinants of urban growth by using mostly economic and socio-spatial temporal data. A large proportion of the theoretical debates in that group, takes their roots from the key theoretical scholars such as Doreen Massey, Neil Smith and David Harvey. The second group studies focus on spatial configuration of urban growth, mainly to its forms and patterns. Wilson et al. (2003) identifies three categories of urban growth: infill, expansion and outlying. As seen in the Figure 2.2 outlying urban growth further separated into isolated, linear branch, and clustered branch growth (Bhatta, 2012). 6 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir In a broader sense, Tsai (2005) categorizes spatial structure of a metropolitan area based on three dimensions: form, pattern, and development type (see Figure 2.3). A considerable amount of studies such as Ewing (2002), Galster (2001), Bhatta (2010) investigate the types and degrees of sprawl and deals with their definitions. Figure 2.1: Classification of studies on urban growth The third group of studies focus on modeling and predicting the current and future (possible) urban growth patterns by developing different scenarios. Since these attempts on urban modeling have been accelerated since 1980s with the wider use of computers, it has been possible to simulate and analyze complex urban systems under different conditions (Batty, 1997; Torrens and O‘Sullivan, 2001; Li and Yeh, 2000; Huang et. al, 2008). 7 | page Chapter 2 Literature review Figure 2.2: Schematic diagram of urban growth patterns Source: Bhatta, 2012, p: 12 Figure 2.3: A simple spatial structure of a metropolitan area Source: generated based on the categorization of Tsai, 2005. The fourth group of studies deals with the consequences and impacts of urban growth. It has been widely perceived that the form of contemporary city is a source of environmental problems and different urban forms have different environmental impacts (Alberti et al., 2003; Beatley and Manning, 1997; US Environmental Protection Agency – EPA, 2001; Houghton, 1999; Hilldebrand, 1999; Newman and Kenworthy, 1989, cited in Jabareen, 2006). It should be noted that these groups could be flexible that one study may contribute to more than one group. For example, there are studies, which analyze different urban growth patterns and their possible environmental 8 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir impacts. In urban studies literature, one of the most debated and studied aspect or pattern of urban growth is “urban sprawl”, particularly with its negative impacts on urban systems and natural environment. The term of urban sprawl was first introduced in 1937 in southeastern United States. By the end of World War II, the major issues related to current debate on sprawl and its connection with transportation and income had already emerged (Nechyba and Walsh, 2002). Afterwards, the term urban sprawl has gradually become a name of many conditions (Galster et al., 2001). The literature itself is almost dispersed or scattered in explaining, measuring and defining urban sprawl. During the last decades, several studies have raised this debate in order to deal with this confusion (such as Ewing 1994; Galster et al, 2001; Arribas-Bel et al, 2011; Bhatta 2010; Johnson 2001; Barnes et al. 2001; Wilson et al. 2003; Roca et al. 2004; Sudhira and Ramachandra 2007; Angel et al. 2007). Beyond its definition and its spatial configuration, urban sprawl constitutes high importance to understand dynamics of urban growth (Bhatta 2012). As shown in Figure 2.4, urban sprawl consists of a wide range of sub-themes. There are mainly six approaches on urban sprawl related studies. In the first group, the aim is to define “urban sprawl” by analyzing selected cases. Still there is a big debate in the literature to define urban sprawl itself, by ignoring its causes and effects. Downs (2005), Geddes (1997), Ewing (1997) Gordon and Richardson (1997), Brueckner (2001), and Galster G. et al. (2001) have presented leading studies by proposing “American style” urban sprawl definitions. Then, several studies have arisen in order to re-define urban sprawl in different geographies having different characteristics; such as Chinese style (Fung, 1981; Wu and Yeh, 1999; Lin, 2001; Deng and Huang, 2004) and European style (Muñoz, 2003; Calafati, 2008; the European Environment Agency [EEA], 2016). 9 | page Chapter 2 Literature review Figure 2.4: Classification of the studies on urban sprawl Source: based on the classification in Galster G. et al. (2001) The second group of studies consider urban sprawl as an indicator of aesthetic judgments for general urban development pattern. According to this normative approach, sprawl is an unpleasant/ugly development. The representatives of this approach (e.g. Clawson, 1962; Abrams, 1971; Frenkel and Ashkenazi, 2005) have used judgmental adjectives when they mentioned about the sprawl. For example, Frenkel et al. (2005) consider urban sprawl as a boring, homogenous form of development. The third group of studies evaluates urban sprawl as the cause of unwanted externalities such as traffic congestion (Black,1996; Downs,1999; Vermont Forum on Sprawl,1999), environmental contamination (Sierra Club,1998), income and racial segregation of neighborhoods (Downs,1998), the mismatch between jobs and housing (Orfield,1997), and conversion of farmland to urban areas (U. S. General 10 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Accounting Office GAO, 1999). The focus of this group is ‘what sprawl does’ (or is supposed to do) rather than ‘what it is’ (Galster et al., 2001). On the other hand, the fourth group of studies define sprawl as the consequence of something else. Main argument is that sprawl occurs because of fragmentation of control over land use in metropolitan areas. However, it is still unclear that whether sprawl is an intentional, necessary or inadvertent consequence of fragmented governance of growth. The main suggestion in this group is “to understand the policies that induce specific development patterns could lead to their correction if there were a clear specification of what those patterns are” (Downs, 1998; Black 1996, Burchell et al, 1998; Mozkowitz and Lindbloom, 1993; Orfield, 1997 cited in Galster et al., 2001). The fifth group of studies define sprawl by identifying the development patterns associated with it. According to this type of studies, there are different forms of sprawl such as continuous development, ribbon development along corridors and leapfrog development. Galster (2001) ranks/classifies the studies according to their specific focus: low density (Lockwood, 1999), large lot single-family residential, (Popenoe, 1979), radial discontinuity (Mills, 1980), single land use or physical separation of land uses (Burchel et al., 1998, Cervero, 1991), widespread commercial development (Downs, 1998), strip commercial (Black, 1996; Burchel, 1998) and non-compact development (Gordon and Richardson, 1997). Galster (2001) makes a comprehensive classification of sprawl based on eight dimensions, which are density, continuity, concentration, clustering, centrality, nuclearity, mixed uses, and proximity (see Figure 2.5). 11 | page Chapter 2 Literature review Figure 2.5: Eight dimensions of sprawl Density Concentration High density Low density High concentration Low concentration Continuity Clustering High continuity Low continuity - leapfrog Clustered Unclustered 12 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir continues from the previous page Centrality Nuclearity Highly centralized Highly decentralized Mononuclear polynuclear Mixed uses Proximity Mixed use Single use High proximity of uses Low proximity of uses Source: Galster G. et al., 2001, p:689-699 13 | page Chapter 2 Literature review In the sixth and the last group, some authors (Ewing, 1997; Harvey and Clark, 1965) suggest that sprawl represents a stage in the development process rather than a static condition. It means that, some parts of urban areas may pass through sprawl stage before eventually thickening and diversifying, so they can no longer be characterized as sprawl. According to this approach sprawl should be considered as a process of urban development. Consequently, it might be better to specify, “What does sprawl refer to?” instead of making so many definitions. Bhatta (2012, p.10) states that urban sprawl in the literature refers to the following: • certain patterns of land use, • processes of land development, • causes of particular land use behaviors, • consequences of land use behaviors. In this context, the consensus reached in the literature on the main characteristics of urban sprawl can be stated as following: it is low density, suburban development around the periphery of cities leading to inefficient utilization of resources. 2.2. Compact vs. sprawl development There is an ongoing debate on urban sprawl, which can be specified under two contradictory thoughts: for and against. Owusu (2012) summarizes briefly these two approaches as opponents and proponents of sprawl. Opponents have asserted the negative outcomes of sprawl such as the increased automobile travel and congestion, high levels of pollution, loss of farmland, duplicative infrastructure at high costs to society, limited employment accessibility, concentrated poverty, and many other undesirable outcomes. On the other hand, proponents of sprawl have been arguing that, sprawl type urban development may improve satisfaction of housing preferences, 14 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir quality of life objectives in urban policy and promoted dense development and mixed land use (OECD, 2012). More recently, the compact city is expected to play a role in achieving the OECD’s green growth objectives, now it is a general policy driver for OECD countries. Green growth strategy, to which OECD countries are committed, emphasizes that economic growth and environmental preservation should be considered concomitantly. Cities and regions constitute one of the main spatial units in which green growth can be pursued. Therefore, a number of urban-related challenges arise as urban sprawl, greenhouse gas emissions and structural challenges for maintaining urban economic growth as well. The OECD report (2012) states that, “the compact city concept appears well suited to addressing these challenges, which is why international organizations and academic research groups recently highlighted the significance of compact city policies for policy makers (e.g., OECD, 2010; UN HABITAT, 2009; UNEP, 2011; World Bank, 2010; WHO, 2011).” As another approach, Transit Oriented Development (TOD) concept has been discussed in the urban growth management literature widely since 1990s, just after Peter Calthorpe first set the idea in the United States (Carlton, 2007). As Carlton (2007, p.1-2) states, “the idea that transit might orient development and visa versa is certainly not new... Transit as a form of transportation has been a part of the American urban landscape since the horse-drawn streetcar was popularized in the mid 1800’s. Since that time, transit has interacted differently with development and developers during different periods. But throughout the history of transit, development has been a key component of its planning, success, and need. In “New Transit Town,” TOD is differentiated from prior transit related real estate development theories by placing it in its historical context.” Calthorpe (1993; cited in Carlton, 2007; p.1) defines TOD as “a mixed- 21 | page Chapter 2 Literature review use community that encourages people to live near transit services and to decrease their dependence on driving.” According to the definition of Holmes, Hemert (2008, p. 4) “Transit oriented development (TOD) is a mixed-use residential or commercial area intended to maximize access to public transportation. Such neighborhoods often consist of a center with a public transit station, surrounded by highdensity development with gradually lower-density development spreading outward from the center. TODs or transit zones are typically located within a radius of one-half mile from a transit station, as this is generally considered a reasonable walking distance for pedestrians. The key components of TOD are given as follows (Hank, 2004; cited in Carlton, 2007, p. 20): • Organize growth on a regional level to be compact and transitsupportive • Place commercial, housing, jobs parks, and civic uses within walking distance of transit stops • Create pedestrian-friendly street networks that directly connect local destinations • Provide a mix of housing types, densities, and costs • Preserve sensitive habitat, riparian zones, and high-quality open space • Make public spaces the focus of building orientation and neighborhood activity Consequently, a successful implementation of TOD strategies might provide several benefits; for example, decreases traffic congestion, fuel consumption and increase air quality by reducing private car usage. Increases accessibility of urban services by encouraging mixed land use developments and walking distance community centres. Provide more options about affordable houses for middle-lower income groups close to main public transportation stops, etc. (Holmes, 2008) 22 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Policies and instruments for the management of sprawl need two elements: the discouragement of sprawl and the encouragement of urban revitalization. In an EU-funded project, URBS PANDENS1 (2005), they used a classification of policy types with regard to the control or amelioration of urban sprawl, which have been in use currently in many European Countries, as shown in the Table 2.1 (Milanoviç, 2008). Table 2.1: Urban sprawl management - policy examples Policy type Examples of policy Regulation • Spatial (land use) planning • Restrictions on specific land uses • Density controls • Phasing and ‘sequential testing’ (UK) Economic intervention: direct investment, taxation or subsidy • Provision of infrastructure: transport, utilities and social facilities • Subsidies towards urban regeneration • Development taxes • Property taxes • Trading in development permits Institutional change, management and advocacy • Size and function of municipalities • Special agencies for urban revitalization • Advocacy, partnership and policy dialogues • Information, targets and ‘league tables’ Source: Couch et. Al., 2007; cited in Milanoviç, 2008. 1URBS PANDENS is an EU funded project that is concerned with cross-European patterns of urban sprawl. The project team comprises eight European partners aiming the developments of robust strategies for a transition towards a sustainable development of urban regions. 23 | page Chapter 2 Literature review This wide range of policy responses indicates that, at least there is a common approach, namely European way, which allows making such categorization in sprawl management. However, it is highlighted in the URBS PANDENS (2005) project that, the strategies and instruments that are employed in particular regions or situations may show differences because of legal framework and cultural habits that are deeply embedded in a particular region’s political history (Milanoviç, 2008). On the other hand, OECD report (2012) on “compact city policies” across OECD countries provides another classification, which contains more cases other than European countries such as Canada, Japan, Australia, USA, and Turkey etc. The table below summarizes the policy instruments that are widely used in OECD countries. They are classified by the type of policy intervention such as informative, regulatory, fiscal, public investment and partnership (OECD, 2012). It is clear from the former example that a growth management strategy usually encompasses a range of tools and mechanisms towards the containment and direction of urban growth rather than a single, standalone approach (Horn, 2010). Table 2.2 gives major urban sprawl management instruments, which have been used in specific cities and countries. It makes a categorization of interventions being regulatory/informative, regulatory, fiscal, public investment and partnership. For example, in particular locations, regional plans and urban development or design guidelines have been in use as regulatory/informative instruments for managing sprawl. Besides, particular instruments such as urban growth boundary (UGB), urban service boundary (USB), greenbelts, restriction on green field development and variety of tax regulations etc. have been used for other specific purposes as given in the table. 24 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Table 2.2: Urban sprawl management instruments by specific countries Type of the intervention Name of the instrument Purpose / mechanisms / how to achieve the stated goal Examples (country name indicates nationwide use) Regulatory/ informative National urban development guidelines To show the direction of urban policy and encourage regional/local governments to follow Czech Republic, Korea, Japan Regional master plan To declare explicit compact city goals / instruments and guide public and private investment Melbourne (Australia), Montreal (Canada), Paris (France) Urban design guidelines To reduce perceived density and increase quality of life in high-density neighborhoods Melbourne (Australia), Vancouver (Canada), Portland (United States) Regulatory Urban growth/containment boundary A line drawn around an urban area to separate it from surrounding rural areas to limit urban development outside boundary Melbourne (Australia), Vancouver (Canada), Japan, Portland (United States) Greenbelt A zone that divides an urban area from the surrounding rural areas, to limit urban development in the belt. Sometimes greenbelts are accompanied by public or non-profit acquisition of open space or development rights Vienna (Austria), Ontario (Canada), Frankfurt (Germany), Budapest (Hungary), Rome (Italy), Barcelona (Spain), Korea, witzerland, United Kingdom Urban service boundary Similar to urban growth boundaries, but beyond boundaries, certain urban services such as sewer and water are not provided. Often linked with adequate public facilities ordinances that prohibit development in areas not served by specific public services and facilities Santiago (Chile), Maryland (United States） Agricultural / natural land reserve A zone in which agriculture/nature is recognized as the priority use, to ensure that agricultural/natural land is preserved and available for farm and natural uses both now and in the future. It often acts as urban growth/containment boundaries and greenbelts Vancouver (Canada) Minimum density requirement Zoning codes designate minimum density, in addition to maximum density, to ensure intensive use of land in specific areas France, Portland (United States), Vancouver and Montreal (Canada) Mixed-use requirement Zoning codes designate mixed land use Paris (France) Restriction on greenfield development A target (e.g. 50%) of new development in green-fields. Sometimes combined with minimum density requirement. United Kingdom, Melbourne (Australia) Zoning deregulation for densification / mixed land use Zoning deregulation for additional housing units in existing residential areas or for mixed land use Vancouver (Canada) Restricted location of facilities causing high trip frequency Stricter regulation of location of large facilities that cause high trip demands: hospitals, stadiums, large retail stores, etc. Japan Development tax / fee / charge To discourage urban sprawl by levying taxes/fees/charges on developers in order to fund services for new development or to capture the capital gains on land price appreciation British Columbia (Canada), many States in the United States Parking tax / fee / charge, congestion tax / fee / charge To discourage private car use and promote public transport usage London (UK), Stockholm (Sweden), Oslo (Norway) 25 | page Chapter 2 Literature review Type of the intervention Name of the instrument Purpose / mechanisms / how to achieve the stated goal Examples (country name indicates nationwide use) Fiscal Amenity bonus Developers provide public amenity contributions within their urban development project (both as cash and in the form of library, park, childcare, community center, etc.) in exchange for allowing greater density Vancouver (Canada) Subsidies for densification Incentive to households and developers to promote focused investment in growth priority areas (transport nodes, etc.) Toyama (Japan) Incentives for renovation and preservation of buildings Incentives for conversion of vacant houses and offices in cities Melbourne (Australia) Taxation of insufficient density A sub-density tax is imposed for the development which does not meet the requirements France Location Efficient Mortgage (LEM) LEM increases the amount of money homebuyers in urban areas are able to borrow by taking into account the money they save by living in dense, walkable neighborhoods close to public transit. Seattle, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco (United States) Use-value tax assessment in urban peripheries Land is taxed at a lower agricultural or forestry value rather than the higher values associated with development uses. It provides farmer landowner with an incentive to maintain agricultural use. Typically includes requirements that the owner be actively engaged in farming Japan Split-rate property tax Proportionally higher taxes on land than on built structures. It is an incentive to develop brownfields by making it more costly to hold on to vacant or underutilized, centrally located sites Sydney (Australia), Hong Kong (China), cities in Pennsylvania (United States), cities in Denmark and Finland. Public infrastructure investment Major investments include public transport system, streetscape, plazas, libraries, and structured parking. Many cities, including Portland (United States) Purchasing land for natural reserve Protecting open space in and around urban areas through acquisition. One of the most expensive tools but has a lasting impact on urban form. The location should be carefully chosen so as not to lead to leapfrog development Portland (United States) Public investment Development agreement for dense/mixed-use development Public-private agreements often include higher density and mixed-use in the public partner’s requirements , along with floor-area bonus and financial support for developers Portland (United States) Partnership Public-private partnership Public-private agreements for infrastructure investment such as public transport system, streetscape and plazas. Vancouver (Canada), Toyama (Japan), Portland (United States) Source: OECD, 2010a; OECD, 2010b; Bengston et al., 2004. 26 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir 2.4. Urbanization and sprawl management in Turkey Many of the developed countries have realized negative outcomes of urban sprawl and developed many strategies to deal with it. This situation has been rather ignored in developing countries although urban population have still been growing rapidly and urban space have been expanding with low densities in many cases. 2.4.1. Urbanization in Turkey The process of urban management and planning in Turkey is quite different from the ones in western countries especially in terms of its dynamics and speed, which brings different outcomes in urban space. There are three periods that show different properties in urbanization history of Turkey, starting from the establishment of the republic in 1923 (Sengül, 2009): • 1923-1950 urbanization of the state, • 1950-1980 urbanization of the labor, • 1980-2000 urbanization of the capital. During the first period, defined as “radical modernity period” (Tekeli, 2001), majority of the efforts were spent to build up modern cities, based on the belief that the modern society can be created with new urban areas and both modern cities and societies should represent the power of the state. For that purpose, the cities were to be developed and structured along the boulevards and wide main streets, squares or urban parks with a statue of Atatürk (the founder of the state) as a symbol of the republic. After the Second World War II, industrialization policies had started to transform economy, society and the physical structure of the large cities such as Istanbul, Ankara and İzmir. Squatter houses and slam areas (in Turkish it is called ‘gecekondu’, meaning rapid-overnight constructions) first emerged in these cities during this period (Gültekin, 2014). 27 | page Chapter 2 Literature review The second period, defined as “populist modernity period” by Tekeli (2001), characterized as the period of “urbanization of the labor” by Şengül (2009) and criticized as “urbanization without industrialization” by (Erman, 2012). Different from experiences of Western Countries, Turkey had experienced rapid urbanization as a result of its attempted integration into the emerging capitalist markets in 1950s. Democratic Party, which came to power in 1950, promoted private and foreign investments, carried on land reform and agricultural industrialization. All of these initiatives and developments caused structural changes in Turkish cities. The cities were more than the areas of modernity but were the space of capital and labor force accumulation, in other words, they became the areas of reproduction of the production. While the population living in the cities in 1950 was 25%, it rose up to 44% in 1980. Because of the job opportunities, which are provided by the big cities, rural population had begun to move to urban areas. Not only that attractiveness of big cities, but also some other booster reasons encouraged this rural-urban migration such as industrialization and shift in national agricultural and land policies. In this environment, the squatter houses, gecekondu neighborhoods, with insufficient infrastructure had started to surround the cities inevitably. As a result, an uncontrolled urban sprawl had appeared for the first time in Turkish cities. As given in Figure 2.6, squatter settlements have always been in bad physical conditions from the beginning. Without basic urban infrastructure such as, clean water, drainage, even roads and electric line, this pattern of development has started to change physical pattern of big cities mainly in İstanbul, Ankara and Izmir. 28 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 2.6: View from squatter settlements (gecekondu areas) in Izmir Source: personal archive, taken at 2001 and 2002. 29 | page Chapter 2 Literature review Squatter housing is not only a physical, but also a multidimensional social phenomenon that many developing countries have experienced. It could be considered as an uncontrolled low-density land allocation and expansion of built-up areas. It is illegal on the one hand and a catalyzer of further urban development on the other. Should be highlighted again that the development of squatter settlements (gecekondu) is one of the most important component of urbanization of large cities in Turkey. After 1970s, while the “globalization” period started in the world, the process of rehabilitation was initiated for the city centers, which lost their appeal and started to turn into depression areas. Urban sprawl, at that time, continued at the suburbs. The third period from the beginning of 1980s, some radical changes were witnessed and a new period started. Modernization attempts were left behind and ‘the state of wealth’ and ‘mass production’ came to the core. Tekeli (2001) calls this period as “erosion of modernity”, and Şengül (2009) calls “urbanization of capital”. Local administrations, which gained power in urban management and planning, deemed urban regeneration as the unique method in their implementations for bringing solutions to spatial issues. During this period, emergence of new squatter settlements continued. From the beginning of 1980s new type of housing started to be produced: closed (gated) and luxury housing for middle-upper income groups. Gradually, the signs of social and spatial segregation became more evident than the past. The percentage of urban population rose 77% at the beginning of 2000, while it was 44% in 1980 and 25% in 1950s. While in 1950s, there were only two cities with more than 500 thousand dwellers, today this number exceeds 40 cities. Consequently, through the Metropolitan Municipality Law accepted in 1984, Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir were declared as metropolitan municipalities. Within the first decade, the number of 30 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir CHAPTER 3. GOOD PRACTICES ON SPRAWL MANAGEMENT Analyzing and exploring a selection of good cases / practices worldwide might provide useful insights for developing better sprawl management approaches. There are considerable amount of policies and strategies that are already implemented or being implemented for the management of urban sprawl. However, only a limited number of studies evaluate their impacts or achievements. Due to the contradictive nature of the topic, most of the available studies could only analyze effectiveness of particular sprawl management policies or strategies, rather than discussing their applicability under certain conditions. Therefore, before examining the worldwide cases on sprawl management, the key question should be what the good practice is and how it can be applied. What can we learn from the experiences of cities all around the world? How their policies have been anticipated? Could they reach their goals? What are the strengths and weaknesses of their policies in practice? How do they manage participation of public and private institutions/organizations to the management process? This chapter intends to find answers to those key questions exploring worldwide cases. There is a big variation in the scale of sprawl policies and instruments, i.e., urban, regional, national and international levels. All cases at different scales have different characteristics, hence should be categorized to analyze them. For the purpose, the selected good practices on sprawl management worldwide are elaborated under the following three categories: 1) organizations, 2) plans, policies and strategies, 3) selected projects (which are generally at urban scale). Under these main categories, all of the cases are further elaborated by taking their geographical scales (urban, regional, national, and international) into consideration. 37 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management 3.1. Organizations 3.1.1. Description of organizations In the last two decades, the number of organizations, which are acting for public interest, has been significantly increased. In addition to the quantity, they have been diversified in terms of their scopes and activities including such as corporations, associations, institutions, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), nonprofit organizations (NPOs) and international organizations etc. These organizations could simply be categorized according to their orientation (field) of activities and their level of operations (scale) (Vakil, 1997; Lewis, 2010; Kuruvila, 2015). This section classifies and reviews organizations in three levels (urban, national, international) according to their activities, related to sustainability and urban issues, which have direct or indirect effects on urban sprawl management activities. The role of international organizations on urban sprawl management efforts has been crucial especially in European Union countries. The organizations like European Commission, European Environmental Agency (EEA), OECD etc., not only produce information for policymakers, but also set field specific goals and criteria (e.g., sustainable development policies to be adopted by for countries or regions). In addition to this, they provide funds to national or local governments to achieve future objectives and to remove regional disparities. As mentioned earlier, macro policies and instruments to realize green economy and sustainable development in Europe, for instance, affect also the national and local urban development policies. In this chapter, the focus is given on the urban-related policies and instruments, and they are stated and explained briefly. National or regional organizations are selected based on their activities related to sustainability issues. They are becoming increasingly important actors in environmental politics, especially in European 38 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir countries and in non-European countries such as China (Yang, 2005), Canada (Tomalty and Townshend, 2005). Local organizations are common organizations such as think tanks, urban scale associations, networks, resident federations, which are generally reflecting their community-based goals and act as advocators, mediators between policy makers and local residents. In a study by Environmental Careers Organization (ECO, 2004, p. 329), it was highlighted that, “plans without citizen involvement don’t have staying power. When people feel left out of important decisions, they won’t be there to help out when public support is critical to a project’s approval”. At this point, local organizations have critical role to bring decision makers and citizen into together and provide a communication platform between them. The EU considers Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) as non-state, notfor-profit structures (including community-based organizations, nongovernmental organizations, faith-based organizations, foundations, research institutions, trade unions, women's organizations, cooperatives, professional and business associations, and the media) in which people organize to pursue shared objectives and ideals. According to European Commission (2012), "support to" and "participation of" CSOs and LAs (Local Agents) in pursuit of internationally agreed goals and development effectiveness are both acknowledged as core EU policy orientations. In Europe, local level participation have been well organized and local governments are responsible to implement nationally and internationally adopted criteria of European Union. In 2015, European Commission has approved a decision as “supporting financially civil society organizations and local authorities” in their way to achieve sustainability goals. (European Commission, 2015). 39 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management It is also worth mentioning that the European Cities are more compact (or sustainable) when they are compared with the American counterparts. Portney and Berry (2011) claim that in recent years, U.S cities have been closing the gap with European cities because of the development of local citizen groups as some of them also listed in this section. Without differentiating their types, some of the leading and effective organizations worldwide are given in Table 3.1: Organizations related to sprawl management and their activities. They are related to sustainable urban development and selected based on their scales. Some selected active networks, alliances, and programs of the selected organizations are also included. 3.1.2. Evaluation of organizations and their activities Local Organizations have crucial role in terms of promoting sustainable urban development policies and their implementation, as listed below: • They increase awareness and sensitivity of residents on conservation and improvement of urban and environmental values/assets, not only for those they have in their territory locally, but also for global values. For instance, Toronto Environmental Alliance (TEA) is working to help Torontonians for protecting the Greenbelt from urban sprawl by raising wider awareness of the Greenbelt’s benefits (e.g. agricultural and recreational); building better relationship with its communities, and promoting stronger support for local economies. • Local organizations act as mediators, advocators between local governments (policy-makers) and residents. They establish a bridge providing residents opportunities to participate decision-making processes related to future of their community (continues at p. 37). 40 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Table 3.1: Organizations related to sprawl management and their activities SCALE ORGANIZATION DOMAIN DESCRIPTION INSTRUMENT/ACTIVITY SOURCES LOCAL Sustainable Seattle SEATTLE REGION (USA) Sustainable Seattle was founded in 1991 when a dedicated group of citizens came together out of concern for our long-term community wellbeing The organization has develop five sets of communitybased indicators on sustainability, and shared with other communities. Works to build a thriving and liveable future in their region by connecting, educating and inspiring people, organizations and businesses. http://www.sus tainableseattle.o rg/ Sustainable Calgary CALGARY (CANADA) Sustainable Calgary (SC) is a citizen-led, nonprofit organization started in 1996 when a group of Calgarians came together to discuss ways to improve the sustainability of the city. It advocates sustainable principles. Promote dialogue among diverse groups of people including local residents and decision-makers. Develop tools to monitor Calgary’s long-term sustainability and quality of life and wellbeing. Conduct research and write reports about sustainability issues and policies. http://sustaina blecalgary.org/ 1000 Friends of Oregon OREGON (USA) Incorporated in 1975. 1000 Friends of Oregon is a private, nonprofit,charitable organization aimed at common sense planning and managed growth. Defend and improve state regulations and land use laws.Develop new policies/programs to help Oregon manage growth at the local, regional and state levels. Get involved in litigation to enforce existing laws. https://www.fri ends.org/ Toronto Environmental Alliance (TEA) TORONTO (CANADA) As a not-for-profit organization TEA advocate on behalf of all Torontonians for a green, healthy and equitable city. Protecting the Greenbelt from urban sprawl by engaging local habitants.Promote the agricultural production and recreation facilities in greenbelt areas of Toronto http://www.toro ntoenvironment. org/ Equiterre MONTREAL (CANADA) In 1993, they established ASEED (Action for Solidarity, Equity, Environment and Development). It obtained non-profit status in 1995 and the name to Equiterre in 1998. it develops projects in agriculture, transportation, fair trade, energy, responsible consumption and climate change http://www.equ iterre.org/en Vivre en Ville QUEBEC (CANADA) Vivre en Ville is a public interest organization that contributes to the development of sustainable communities throughout Quebec.: They work from the building and the street to the neighborhood and the urban area. Vivre en Ville offers a wide range of training workshops, from general or thematic conferences to technical workshops.They also provide a series of guides, case studies, fact sheets, etc. Their mission are consulting, advocacy, and create awareness. https://vivreenv ille.org/ Better Environmentally Sound Transportation LOWER MAINLAND REGION (CANADA) BEST, as a non-profit organization, has been working to create vibrant, healthy, communities built around walking, cycling, and public transit and car shares since 1991. Promotes and creates solutions in sustainable transportation and promotes walkable compact urban patterns. http://best.bc.c a/ Smart Growth BC BRITISH COLUMBIA (CANADA) Smart Growth BC was created as a joint project of the University of Victoria Eco-Research Chair of Environmental Law and Policy and West Coast Environmental Law Association. The smart growth project aimed to provide sound alternative policy solutions by placing priority on infill, redevelopment, and densification strategies. Promotes compact development. http://smartgro wth.bc.ca/ Ontario Smart Growth Network ONTARIO (CANADA) The Ontario Smart Growth Network was founded in 2003 to bring together groups that were working to replace urban sprawl with compact, liveable communities. Their job is to help people working within the complex field of smart growth to connect, learn from each other, and collaborate on projects and campaigns. http://smartgro wthontario.ca/ 41 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management SCALE ORGANIZATION DOMAIN DESCRIPTION INSTRUMENT/ACTIVITY SOURCES Udalsarea 21 BASQUE REGION (SPAIN) The Basque Network of Municipalities for Sustainability The Udalsarea 21 mission is to promote the establishment of firstrate Local Agendas 21 and consolidate the Local Action Plans as an integrated management instrument. They effectively contribute to environmental improvement and to quality of life, and to foster the role of the municipalities in the sustainable development policies of the Basque Country. http://www.uda lsarea21.net/ NATIONAL American Planning Associacion USA APA is an independent, not-for-profit educational organization that provides leadership in the development of vital communities. Created in 1978. The American Planning Association supports federal, state and local policies that encourage the siting and design of new smart growth development. Encourage compact, transit-accessible, pedestrian-oriented, mixed-use development patterns and land reuse. https://www.pl anning.org/ EPA (US Environmental Protection Agency) USA EPA is an agency of the U.S. federal government which was created for the purpose of protecting human health and the environment by writing and enforcing regulations based on laws passed by Congress. Develop and enforce regulations. Give grants for environmental issues. Teach people about the environment. Publish information Provide technical assistance Relation to the topic: Promotes smart growth and compact developments http://www3.ep a.gov/ Smart Growth America USA Smart Growth America is a coalition of advocacy organizations that have a stake in how metropolitan expansion affects the environment, quality of life and economic sustainability. Partners include national, state and local groups, working on behalf of the environment, historic preservation, social equity, land conservation etc. Coalition Building: Governors, business owners, bicycle activists, parents and organizations across the country. Policy Development: They work with leaders at all levels of government to show which policy options are best for different communities and can help communities go from idea to implementation. Research: in urban development, transportation, vacant lands; share of information with policy-makers. http://www.sm artgrowthameric a.org/ David Suzuki Foundation USA & CANADA The David Suzuki Foundation is a science-based nongovernmental environmental organization in national level. Create liveable communities — assist urban centres in Canada to protect green and blue spaces and promote transit-oriented development and pedestrian- and cycle-friendly transportation options. They are against sprawl development. Dveloping guides for policymakers http://www.dav idsuzuki.org Pembina Institute for Appropriate Development CANADA The Pembina Institute is a Canadian non-profit think tank focused on energy. Founded in 1985. They are mainly working on how to reduce energy use in general. They promote public transportation solutions both to reduce energy use and air pollution. They are working on how to shift commuting patterns and promote residents to live where they work. It is against sprawl development. http://www.pe mbina.org Green Communities Association CANADA Green Communities Canada (GCC) is a national association of community organizations working with homeowners, businesses, governments and communities to reduce our impact on the environment. Collaborate with community partners, such as governments, businesses and local organizations, to identify priorities and develop strategies about sustainable urban development. http://greenco mmunitiescana da.org/ 42 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir SCALE ORGANIZATION DOMAIN DESCRIPTION INSTRUMENT/ACTIVITY SOURCES Smart Growth UK UK An informal national coalition of organisations and individuals interested in promoting the Smart Growth concept Emphasises compact and accessible urban communities and which opposes urban sprawl and car dependency. Promotes Smart Growth concept and formulates a set of principles http://www.sm artgrowthuk.org / Smart Growth Network USA The Smart Growth Network, a coalition of more than 40 national, state, and local organizations. The network promotes a set of principles to guide economical and environmentally responsible development, encouraging local governments to mixedland use; preserve open space; provide transportation choices; strengthen and direct development. They are working to minimize low-density, autodependent development, advocates a set of policies designed to overcome problems associated with sprawl by rethinking the costs associated with decaying innercity infrastructure, reverse commuting, abandoned brownfields, disappearing green space and agricultural land on city fringes. http://smartgro wth.org/ Sierra Club US The club was one of the first large-scale environmental preservation organizations in the world, and currently engages in lobbying politicians to promote green policies. (Founded 1892) Sierra Club has been supporting urban infill development as a means of combating greenhouse gas emissions and suburban sprawl. Revitalizing urban areas, making better use of vacant land in inner cities, and reducing consumption of natural resources can help reduce sprawl. http://www.sier raclub.org/ INTERNATIONAL EU - European Commission Europe Policies on urban planning and sustainability White Papers Roadmaps Urban Agenda Europe 2020 strategy Programs, Projects, Funding etc. http://ec.europ a.eu/ Energy Cities Europe Energy Cities is the European Association of local authorities in energy transition Promotes to control urban sprawl in order to reduce energy consumption. http://www.ene rgy-cities.eu Connective Cities Global An international cities platform To facilitate worldwide networking between urban actors from politics, administration, industry, science and civil society and to support a systematic and applicationoriented exchange of experience and development of innovative ideas for urban projects. http://www.con nectivecities.net EUROCITIES Europe EUROCITIES is the network of major European cities that brings together the local governments of over 130 of Europe's largest cities across 35 countries. EUROCITIES acts as either coordinator or partner in a range of EU- funded projects. Main areas of their activities include sustainable urban development, energy efficiency, and preservation of green areas. http://www.eur ocities.eu European Sustainable Cities Platform Europe The European Sustainable Cities Platform is an initiative by ICLEI and works as an information hub for local governments, organisations and interested individuals. Their works include 1. Strengthen Local Agenda 21 or other local sustainability processes 2.Deliver integrated management towards sustainability 3.Ensure that sustainability is central to urban decision-making processes etc. http://www.sus tainablecities.eu / 43 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management SCALE ORGANIZATION DOMAIN DESCRIPTION INSTRUMENT/ACTIVITY SOURCES European Sustainable Development Network (ESDN) Europe ESDN is an informal network of public administrators and other experts who deal with sustainable development strategies and policies. The network covers all 27 EU Member States, plus other European countries. The ESDN is active in promoting sustainable de velopment and facilitating the exchange of good practices in Europe and gives advice to policy-makers at the European and national levels http://www.sdnetwork.eu/ Eco Compact City Network Europe ECCN is a network of cities, institutions, centres of research, developers, architects, and engineers interested in developing the culture of the “compact city”. ECCN organizes international exhibition, conference, and publication. The aim of ECCN is to spread the culture of ECCN and constantly update the state-of-the- art of the “compact city” in order to offer the best solutions to the development of an urban environment in balance with the natural one. http://www.eco compactcity.org ICLEI (Local Governments for Sustainable Development) Global ICLEI is the only network of sustainable cities operating worldwide. A resource centre offering information, tools, networking, training and consulting services. Association of over 1,200 local governments that represents the interests of local authorities within the United Nations and at international policy forums. A movement driving positive change on a global scale through programmes and campaigns on local sustainability. http://www.iclei -europe.org Green World City Organization GLOBAL (over 120 countries) Green World City Organisation is global alliance dedicated to creating sustainable cities worldwide to address the issues of rapid global urbanisation, environmental pollution and climate change. Green World City’s mission is to help build greener, more sustainable cities worldwide by providing a framework focusing on costeffective solutions for Governments and large-scale developers and creating business opportunities for green companies. http://www.gre enworldcity.com / UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme) Global The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) is the leading global environmental authority that sets the global environmental agenda, promotes the coherent implementation of the environmental dimension of sustainable development. Assessing global, regional and national environmental conditions and trends. Developing international and national environmental instruments. Strengthening institutions for the wise management of the environment. It serves as an authoritative advocate for the global environment. http://www.une p.org/ UN Global Compact Cities Programme Global The Global Compact Cities Programme (or Cities Programme) is the urban component of the United Nations Global Compact; the world’s largest corporate responsibility initiative. Established in 2003. Global Compact Cities Programme is dedicated to the promotion and adoption of the Global Compact’s Ten UN Principles by cities, and provides a framework for translating the principles into day-to-day urban governance and management. http://citiespro gramme.com/ab outus. URBACT URBAN NETWORK Europe URBACT is a European Territorial Cooperation programme aiming to foster sustainable integrated urban development in cities across Europe. It is an instrument of the Cohesion Policy, cofinanced by the European Regional Development Fund, the 28 Member States, Norway & Switzerland. Mission is to enable cities to work together and develop integrated solutions to common urban challenges, by networking, learning from one another’s experiences, drawing lessons and identifying good practices to improve urban policies. http://urbact.e u/ 44 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir 1000 Friends of Oregon organization may be a good example of this kind of local organizations. Co-founder of the organization was exgovernor of Oregon, and his starting point was “Oregon needed a citizen watchdog group to ensure that local decisions reflected the voices of Oregonians and not those of special interests”. Pillars of the organization are to advocate compact, sustainable, and healthy community, by all means, doing it with the residents. • Some local organizations give more attention to information production. Sustainable Calgary is an example of this type of organizations that create opportunities to learn about sustainable living principles, policies and practices such as education forums and workshops. Their members conduct research and write reports about sustainability issues and policies. Similarly, Ontario Smart Growth Network was founded to bring together the groups that were dealing with urban sprawl and aiming to create compact, livable communities. As another local organization, Smart Growth BC has been conducting programs and projects in order to be able to set sustainable criteria to achieve their compact city goals. • Several effective local organizations serve as a model for others in terms of their organizational structure and/or the success they have achieved. For instance, Sustainable Seattle provided inspiration to the founders of Sustainable Calgary. Sustainable Seattle has developed five sets of community-based indicators on sustainability, and shared them with other communities. The organization summarizes their works as to build a thriving and livable future in their region by connecting, educating and inspiring people, organizations and businesses. • Many other local organizations aim to increase living conditions of their community centers by promoting sustainable transportation modes, and placing particular importance to create livable streets. This approach helps to keep people in the urban centers instead of 45 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management a more dispersed living environment. Better Environmentally Sound Transportation (BEST) can be given as an example of this kind of organizations that has been working to create vibrant, healthy, communities built around walking, cycling, public transit and car shares solutions. • Particularly in Europe, several associations and networks of municipalities are contributing to the sustainable development policy implementations. Udalsarea 21 is a case from Spain, which includes a network of 203 municipalities in the Basque Region. Since 2002, this network coordinates and promotes Local Agenda 21 projects in order to improve inhabitants’ quality of life and the environment, for a greener future. National Organizations also have crucial roles in developing and implementing sustainable urban development policies, as summarized below: • Most OECD countries have developed and implemented national sustainable development strategies (NSDS) in accordance with the 1992 mandate of Agenda 21. According to the OECD (2006), the stakeholder participation (e.g., business, unions, and nongovernmental organizations) is one of the major prerequisite for achieving success in these development strategies. • There are national organizations that primarily concern on environmental issues such as US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Pempina Institute of Appropriate Development and Sierra Club, David Suzuki Foundation etc. Their common ground is the protection of natural or unbuilt areas from uncontrolled urban sprawl. Therefore, they promote compact development. For instance, Sierra Club works to create awareness about revitalizing urban areas and making better use of vacant land in inner cities in order to stop urban sprawl. They believe that, it is possible to 46 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Today, UK is pursuing the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF), published in 2012 as a planning guidance, including “Planning Policy Guidance 2: Green Belts”. According to Natural England (Governmental Organization, 2010) 3, that green belt policy continues to be “highly effective” in its principal purpose as preventing urban sprawl and maintaining a clear physical distinction between town and country. According to the OECD (2012), it is stated that most of the European cities such as Vienna, Copenhagen, Barcelona, Budapest and Berlin have followed this greenbelt tradition. It was also adopted effectively in some other non-European cities such as Hong Kong, China, Seoul, Tokyo, Toronto, Vancouver, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Boulder, Sydney and Melbourne. Depending mainly on cultural and political structures of countries and societies, the level of success for these policies varies among countries and cities. For example, Morshed and Asami (2015) states that, the greenbelts implementations in Tokyo4 resulted unsuccessfully while it has brought success in preserving natural lands in England. On the other hand, greenbelt policy has been criticized as a main stimulating reason of “New Towns” movement in the UK, which can be characterized as lowdensity leapfrog urban development. “The greenbelt of Seoul was successfully enforced because of the dictatorial regime backed by the military plan for the city. However, the 3 Natural England and CPRE, “Green Belts: A Greener Future”, 2010. Available at http://publications.naturalengland.org.uk/file/93018 4 Japan presents quite strict regulations on sprawl control since the City Planning Act of 1968 which is called particularly “Area Division”. This system basically provides a framework as “to promote orderly urbanization and to control disorderly urbanization”. City Planning Area is divided into Urbanization Promotion Area (UPA) and Urbanization Control Area (UCA) by a line, this system is often called the “line-drawing system”. This determines the size and shape of the future urban area (Tariquzzaman, 2009). 53 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management greenbelt resulted in a bipolar urban density, high density inside and outside the greenbelt (Tankel, 1963; Kim and Choe, 2011, 47). The greenbelt for Tokyo failed because of strong opposition from the residents and landowners. The greenbelt policy is rarely an effective planning tool to curb land conversion and to protect environmentally vulnerable areas in Asian cities, which are characterized by population growth, demand for buildable land, speculation and corruption” (Morshed and Asami, 2015, p. 5). As a European country, Germany has a relatively strong tradition of urban growth management and greenbelt planning at both regional and local levels of implementation. In the German planning system, regional plans build a bridge between the spatial and economic goals and objectives developed at state level and the land use plans devised by municipalities (Frank and Morgan, 2012). In this context, Stuttgart could be a good practice in terms of several aspects which are; (1) its urban greenbelt strategy/approach that is “inner development before outer development”, (2) urbanization patterns (compact-polycentric) and (3) institutional structure of urban governance. In 1994, Verband Region Stuttgart was established as the political entity for the Stuttgart Region in the form of a public law corporation. Delegates to the Regional Assembly are elected every five years by the local population. This "regional parliament" is unique in Baden-Württemberg with a model character in terms of regional management. One of the main tasks of this parliament is to prepare regional plan, which establishes key goals and objectives for the future spatial organization and development of the region. That plan substantially provides guidance for the development of the regional settlement structures by defining urban development and preservation areas. Greenbelts designation and decisions operates on that regional plans and they are implemented strictly. Today, the greenbelts of Stuttgart Region are almost completely 54 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir remaining as open spaces in comparison with the other regions of Germany (Siedentop et al., 2016; Frank and Morgan, 2012). Since adoption of the Consolidated Land Law in 2008 (implemented by the Royal Legislative Decree 2/2008), Spain has been following the European concept of compact cities and criticizes dispersed development. It contains the principle of territorial and urban sustainable development, which addresses the need to avoid the problems and negative consequences of a dispersed urbanization model and to pursue the compact city model. Just after a year, in 2009, “Spanish Strategy for Urban and Local Sustainability” was released by the Ministry of Environment and Rural and Marine Environment. It provides a general strategy framework including, (1) to reuse or recycling of the urban network, management and rehabilitation of the built heritage, rather than consumption of land by extensive development of new networks and new building construction, (2) to create urban structures based on density, complexity and mixed use, (3) to organize urban structure on the basis of proximity and mobility networks, promoting to increase efficiency of public transport (OECD report, 2012). Regarding to the greenbelts of Spain, Barcelona Metropolitan Region presents good implementations and urban development patterns. As being the core city of the region, Barcelona municipality (and several adjacent large towns), stands as one of the densest and urbanized regions of Europe. In Barcelona, urban development pattern is characterized as discontinuous growth in concentric rings accompanied by a pattern of isolated islands or urban spots in the outer fringe, which is defined as polycentric metropolitan system with a well-defined central city and several medium-size cities around. As seen in Figure 3.2, Green Belts (L’anella Verda) of Barcelona consist of national parks and agricultural lands which have been protected by Ley de Espacios Protegidos since 1975 (Catalán et al. 2008). As another 55 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management case from Spain, The Strategy of Vitoria-Gasteiz 2015 is considered as a successful case of sustainable urban development. The strategy promotes urban compactness based on the General Urban Organization Plan. It gives priority to inward growth, recovery, reuse and re-densification, ecoefficiency and sustainable mobility. It establishes guidelines for the promotion of proactive policies for the systematic replacement and rehabilitation of the built city, the sustainable management of industrial estates and the implementation of the Sustainable Mobility Plan (Aguado et al., 2013). Figure 3.2: Greenbelts of Barcelona Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/BarcelonaGreenbelt.htm Since 1970s, Italy has been implementing green belt or greenways in order to control urban growth and mitigate the environmental damages of post war rapid urbanizations. General Municipal Regulatory Plans (GMRP), as the main planning documents, have been refreshing by the green belt initiatives. In Rome, for instance, “GMRP ecological networks” policies were adopted in 2003. Objective of those policies was to conserve the green areas including regional parks, agricultural lands at the hinterland of metropolitan area and the other areas of public green space (Amati, 2008). 56 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir 3.2.2. Densification and infill Today, compact city policies, such as densification and infill development policies, are other best-known growth management policies especially in Europe. According to a recent ESPON Project (2013), Paris is one of the most compact cities in Europe. Paris provides significant efforts on sprawl management particularly at metropolitan level. Whereas the state was the only influential player in the development and implementation of planning policies previously, the municipalities have become more active in 1980s and early 1990s by taking role in planning process. Although having had a growing and sprawling trend (also supported by the government previously), Paris has been representing a very intensive challenge against uncontrolled sprawl since 2008, when the comprehensive metropolitan plan had been adopted. One of the main objective of the existing plan is to control sprawl by making the old suburbs denser and connecting them to the core city effectively. One of the most important pillars of the plan is public transportation, which makes the densification efforts more efficient in practice. In greater Paris metropolitan area, there are mainly 18 municipalities that the densification policies5 have been taken place (Touati-Morel, 2015). Amsterdam is another good case at metropolitan level of urban governance and sprawl management. As a national policy, the Netherlands has been using very detailed information regarding occupation, economic development, and built-up environment over the last 25 years, in order to make projections to accommodate the natural population and economic growth for the planning horizon of 2030. “Cities and local authorities then apply a system of red and green contours: Red contours are boundary lines that remain in place for 10 years and that 5 Touati-Morel (2015) analyzes the urban development policies by offering a typology as: (1) Incentive policy of soft densification (2) Interventionist policy of hard densification (3) Flexible policy of hard densification. 57 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management demarcate the area around existing towns and cities within which all future urban development must take place.... Green contours demarcate natural, cultural and heritage areas within which urban development may not take place” (Horn, 2015). As being the capital, Amsterdam has given the priority to develop as a smart and sustainable city, which then listed within the top four sustainable cities of Europe6. In 2011, “Structural Vision of Amsterdam 2040” was prepared considering the future population estimations and their needs. One of the pillars7 of this structural plan was to densify designated parts of the city. It is highlighted in the report of Plan Amsterdam (2011; p. 3) that “the city has deliberately opted for densification of the city centre. The city has not chosen for growth by increasing its surface area but for intensification of the existing urban territory and for transformation of business zones”. Main underlying justification of the densification strategy is “More intensive use of the space in the city will make it possible to accommodate many more people and businesses. This increases the customer base for amenities, which makes it possible to manage energy and transportation more efficiently and removes the need to infringe upon the landscape” (PlanAmsterdam8, 2011, p. 10) Amsterdam Metropolitan Area Development Scenario for 2040 (Figure 3.3) was developed for guiding the developments in the metropolitan area. 6 For further information: City of Amsterdam, Sustainability Report 2008-2009 7 The main pillars of the Structre Vision of Amsterdam are: (1) Densification (2) Transformation (3) Public Transport on the regional scale (4) High-quality design of public space (5) Recreational use of green space and water (6) the switch to sustainable energy. 8 Plan Amsterdam is published by the City of Amsterdam’s Department of Physical Planning www.dro.amsterdam.nl. (accessed in 2016) for more information see also https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/binaries/.../2009/...2040...structural-vision/w1143.pdf 58 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir It is claimed that The Structural Vision is a framework of analysis for spatial plans and provides the basis for setting the city’s investment agendas, but first and foremost the Structural Vision is a visionary scenario for the future (Plan Amsterdam, 2011). Figure 3.3: Amsterdam metropolitan area development scenario for 2040 Source: Plan Amsterdam, 2011 59 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management 3.2.3. Transit oriented development Copenhagen - as the capital and largest city of Denmark –with almost 2 million total population in its metropolitan area– has been one of the pioneer cities challenging with sustainability issues. The latest Municipal Plan of Copenhagen in 2011 point outs that “Our growth must be sustainable and we want Copenhagen to be the obvious place to develop and test new environmental and climate solutions” (Pisano et al., 2014, p. 6). Another aim of the city is to be first carbon-zero capital of the World in 2025. Copenhagen is one of the most characteristic example of Transit Oriented Development strategy with its ‘Finger Plan’ created by Regional Planning Office in 1947. This ‘Finger Plan’ is a good example of a long-term planning vision, which shaped future urban development and rail transportation infrastructure. It was a draft proposal for Greater Metropolitan Area of Copenhagen and the later plans were prepared based on it: “urban development is concentrated along city fingers linked to the railway system and radial road networks and the city fingers are separated by green wedges which are kept exempt from development” (Pisano et al., 2014, p: 4). As seen in the Figure 3.4, the Finger Plan has formed the backbone of regional planning for the Greater Copenhagen area since 1948. Consequently, “a five finger hand became a metaphor for defining where growth would and would not occur” (Pisano et al., 2014; UN Habitat, 2013; Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015). The figure gives the Finger Plan of 1947, 2007, and the 2013 with main spatial structure schema. According to the latest finger plan, The Greater Copenhagen area is divided into four types of geographical area: • 1. The core urban region (the palm of the hand), • 2. The peripheral urban region (the city fingers), • 3. The green wedges, and • 4. The rest of the Greater Copenhagen area 60 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 3.4: Finger Plan of Copenhagen Finger Plan 1947 (First sketch) Copenhagen Finger Plan 2007 Finger Plan 2013 and the Main Spatial Structure Source: Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2007 and 2015. 61 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management The core urban region (“the palm of the hand”) and the peripheral urban region (“the city fingers”) together, make up the “finger city”. Plan decisions have been set special provisions for each of the four geographical areas. Plan determined that urban development should take place at the core urban region (the palm and the fingers). The peripheral urban regions (fingers) should be well connected with the core (palm of the hand) by a good traffic infrastructure consisting of railway services with suburban trains, regional trains, metro and light railways, as well as an attached general road network. At the same time, the areas between the city fingers must be maintained as green wedges for regional outdoor recreation and agriculture (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015). 3.2.4. Growth management efforts in the US According to Laschever (1998), land use planning in the United States, except for land owned by the federal government, has historically been performed by local municipal governments such as cities and counties (Laschever, 1998). In other words, planning in the America tradition involves the delegation of powers directly from senior levels of government (the nation and the states) to local communities. McKinney and Johnson (2009, cited in Seltzer, 2013) criticize that regions, states, and occasionally the nation have regularly sought ways to affect local planning goals, planning processes and implementing actions. Therefore, this situation sometimes causes mismatches between the scale of the issues and the institutions given the authority to address them. As stated in the OECD report (2012), compact city approach has been evolved in the United States with the concept of urban growth control in the 1970s, when local environmental concerns and energy issues drew the attention of policy makers. 62 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir transport and people (pedestrian) oriented street design. Public spaces and green areas were also given high priority for redeveloping Poblenou neighborhood (Kulpa & Zamorano, 2015). 22@Barcelona Project in the neighborhood is one of the good model example for attracting centres projects. This project have been implemented as part of Barcelona’s compact city strategies in the heart of the Metropolitan Core as seen in the Figure 3.5. Milan, as one of the largest cities in Europe, could be another good example in terms of its recent transformation experiences. Since recent decade major industrial and production areas in Milan have been transforming into new districts that includes high-density residential, commercial and office uses. In Porta Nuova District of Milan, one of the largest urban renovation project of Europe is taking place. The project consists of three project zones, which are Garibaldi, Varesine and Isola districts. It is a good example in terms of several aspects: transforming that vacant, derelict, unused and also problematic area into a vibrant part of the city as well as creating a new point of attraction. The location of the project area is crucial as being at the hearth of the city, so that project not only aims to develop an attractive center, but also improve the connection between its surroundings as a hub point. As seen in Figure 3.6, its master plan proposes mixed land use, a strong pedestrian and transportation connectivity and open public areas. The implementation of the project is almost completed except the large urban park, which is under progress. (Urban Land Institute, 2016; Porta Nuova Project web page, 2016). 69 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management Figure 3.5: 22@Barcelona project - Poblenou neighborhood, Barcelona Source: Barcelona Municipality, 22@Barcelona project, 2017. 70 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 3.6: Porta Nuova project, Milan Master plan of Porta Nuova, Milan View from the project area Pedestrian areas and connections concept map Source: www.porta-nuova.com - access 10/2016 71 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management 3.3.2. Growing wealthier It is a concept used by Kooshian and Winkelman (2011) to refer three points about urban development, which are returns on investments, savings on expenditures, and improved quality of life. This approach mainly considers economic well-being as a community and also considers preservation of natural resources together with economic success. The concept mainly emphasize economic benefits of smart growth strategy and take their roots from smart growth principles, which are: • create a range of housing opportunities and choices, • create walkable neighborhoods, • encourage community and stakeholder collaboration, • foster distinctive, attractive communities with a strong sense of place, • make development decisions predictable, fair and cost effective, • mixed land uses, • preserve open space, farmland, natural beauty and critical environmental areas, • provide a variety of transportation choices, • strengthen and direct development towards existing communities, • take advantage of compact building design. As mentioned earlier, densifying urban centers is a common sprawl management strategy, included in smart growth principles that adopted and accepted widely in order to provide compact and sustainable development achievements. On the other hand, densifying cities bring undesired outcomes such as air pollution, traffic congestion, insufficient parking urban services etc. There is a considerable amount of studies and projects, which are seeking to solve these kind of problems as well as improving the infrastructure considering energy efficient, smart, and innovative solutions. It may be useful to select a case from the US, as the pioneer of smart growth approach, for this category. 72 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Every year, United States (US) Environment Protection Agency (EPA) awards good practices on smart growth achievement in several different categories in the US. City of Hamilton, Ohio was awarded in 2015 within the category of built-up project. City of Hamilton is a good and interesting case because of its difficulties in economic structure and their reflections to urban areas. From the very early times, it was an industrial and business center for years. However, after 2000s, when the decline of steel and coal industry occurred in US, major businesses and factories left the downtown, the city had faced a 50% vacancy rates in its center. The city lost its economic power and vital urban life in its center as well (EPA, 2015). In order to overcome this situation, several redevelopment, transformation, and preservation projects have been developed by a public-private partnership of City of Hamilton, Historic Developers, the Hamilton Community Foundation, and the State of Ohio. By developing these projects, downtown of the city has become an emerging hub of innovation and revitalization. One of the projects was transformation “Mercantile Lofts”, a highly visible complex in the heart of downtown that had been slated for demolition. This complex has transformed into a mixed used (housing and retail) area. Public private partnership made it easier to buy and redevelop properties that can encourage further revitalization in the heart of the city. This economic mobility created new economic opportunities for residents at the same time. Therefore, the city has achieved several smart growth objectives as creating walkable and lively streets, creating a community in the downtown by bringing in residents, jobs and amenities (EPA, 2015). This example shows that economic wellbeing is quite important for cities. It should be strongly considered together with natural preservation strategies in order to achieve sustainable future in urban areas. It is also observed from this case that public-private partnership in 73 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management implementing/realizing plan decisions successfully. Figure 3.7 shows views from the Hamilton urban center. Figure 3.7: Views from revitalized urban center of Hamilton City https://www.hamilton-city.org/DocumentCenter/Home/View/1567 https://www.hamilton-city.org/DocumentCenter/Home/View/1555 Source: www.hamilton-city.org - access 10/2016 74 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir 3.3.3. Protecting nature Protecting nature projects focus on periphery of cities, as well as on the natural and open areas within the city, in order to protect and improve open fields and green infrastructure. Greenbelt project of Vitoria-Gasteiz, a compact city located in the Basque region of Spain, could be a good example for this category. As it is stated by Aguado (2013) that despite increasing pressure on the peri-urban area, the city maintains good urban planning practices and a high quality of life. It has achieved several prizes and international recognitions for its sustainable practices in different areas, as the Green Capital Award for 2012. As seen in Figure 3.8, urban core is surrounded by valuable natural areas such as wetlands, parks, and farmlands in Victoria-Gasteiz. Figure 3.8: Greenbelt project of Vitoria-Gasteiz Source: www.vitoria-gasteiz.org - access 09/2016 75 | page Chapter 3 Good practices on sprawl management The idea of creating a green ring surrounding the city was first developed in 1980s and approved legally with General Urban Development Plan in 1986. The plan proposed that 300 hectares of land surrounding the city to be restored and joined to a large, already-existing green area. Most of the land within this area was under public ownership, and classified as land unsuitable for urbanization in the plan. This plan decision made it less expensive to acquire land and allowed the local authorities to control the planning process. The city and its surroundings are encompassing three concentric circles. There is an urban circle in the core, surrounded by peri-urban circle, which is deteriorated in the second half of twentieth century, and the third circle is dominated by farmlands, forestry and mountains. The main strategy is the conservation and restoration of that peri-urban areas and connecting them with the natural environment. In addition to ecologic targets, the plan was also including social and economic goals such as (1) promotion of these spaces as public use, (2) satisfying local people’s demands for outdoor leisure areas, (3) fostering environmental awareness and education. By doing this, local residents were provided to be involved in this conservation process. As a conclusion, greenbelt project of Vitoria-Gasteiz can be considered as a good example of interconnecting, preserving and restorating the natural areas. At the same time, providing public use and encouraging citizens’ involvement to the processes are other positive aspects of the project (Aguado, 2013). In conclusion, an analysis of successfully implemented projects worldwide may give useful information in terms of several aspects such as planning processes, the way of civic participation, particular policies they implemented etc. On the other hand, it should be noted that controlling urban sprawl is a complex issue that its management requires more than implementing simple policies and good practices. As Cahn states (2003) urban sprawl by its very nature is a multi-faceted phenomenon, which needs multi-faceted solutions. 76 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir CHAPTER 4. DESCRIPTION OF THE CASE: IZMIR METROPOLITAN AREA The case study chapter consists of two main parts. The Izmir case is introduced in the first part, in terms of socio-spatial, cultural and institutional structures as well as its urban growth process with a historical perspective. Current planning approaches, practices and plans are also summarized in the context of urban growth within the first part. In the second part, prominent case studies, which elaborated and analysed Izmir in terms of its land use change, growth and/or sprawl, are reviewed to provide useful insides to the analysis. 4.1. Urbanization and spatial transformations in Izmir 4.1.1. Location İzmir, formerly Smyrna, is located at the western part of the country, in the coast of Aegean Sea. Izmir is the second largest seaport and the third largest city in Turkey with its almost 4 million inhabitants. Figure 4.1: The location of Izmir within Turkey and the Worldshows the location of İzmir within Turkey and the World besides the metropolitan boundaries with the topographic structure of the Aegean cost and a general view of artificial areas in Izmir from a satellite image. As indicated in images, the city of Izmir has been developed in such an area surrounded by mountains, agricultural lands and Aegean Sea. 4.1.2. Spatial and socio-cultural transformation The history of urban growth in Izmir has five breaking pointsas shown in Figure 4.1 (Dündar, 2010): 1) Pre-republican Period, 2) Republican Period (1923-1948), 3) Liberal Period (1948-1960), 4) Planned Period (1960- 1980), and 5) Neo-Liberal Period (post-1980). 77 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area Figure 4.1: The location of Izmir within Turkey and the World Boundaries of Izmir Metropolitan Area Satellite image for larger urban area of Izmir Source: Izmir Development Agency, 2015, p:41; Citysurf Globe, 2016; Google Earth, 2016. During the Ottoman period, (or pre-republican period) Izmir was one of the most important cities of the country in terms of foreign trade (and it has been still the western gate of the country). Social structure was constituted by multi-identity social groups, which are Levantines, Jews, Greeks, and Armenians. Trade activities were realized mainly by these foreign merchants. The population of the city was approximately 100.000 during the 18th century. One of the most striking features of spatial structure in the 18th century was the residential segregation of different ethnic groups because of their different socio-cultural characteristics as seen in the Figure 4.2. While elite groups and non-Muslim wealthy groups had located at the surroundings of the central business district, middle and low-income groups that consisted majority of Muslims had located beyond the central 78 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Between 1948 and 1960, the dominant attempt was to liberalize the local economy. Turkey started to adopt import-substituted industrialization regime under the dominance of new right-wing government of Turkey. National liberal policies had affected the socio-spatial configuration of the cities. One of the most striking results of this capital accumulation process was the emergence of squatter settlements in the urban peripheral areas because of the migration of rural unemployed population (because of the mechanization in agricultural production). In other words, more labour requirements, originated from development of industrial sector in cities, attracted rural unemployed population to urban areas. This transformation in economic priorities of the country reflected as emergence of squatter settlements in peripheral areas of industrial cities. Lack of comprehensive social policy of the state to deal with that population accumulation in urban areas brought complex socio-cultural and spatial problems. Izmir, as the third largest city of Turkey, had begun to grow and transform as an industrial city at that period. Started in the 1950s, the development of squatter settlements had continued and surrounded the peripheries of the urban area until the 1980s (Ünverdi, 2002; Sönmez, 2001; Penbecioğlu, 2012). Planned period 1960-1980, increasing migration and rapid urbanization were the dominant character of 1960-1980 period. Based on the national economic policies, import-substituted regime of capital accumulation had shaped local economy as well. Industrial development had directed socio-spatial configuration of the city. There was a dramatic migration from rural areas and other small cities to İzmir in this period, and the migrants had to solve their sheltering problems themselves by contracting informal settlements generally to public lands, industrial production zones and even peripheral districts of the city (Ünverdi, 2002; Penbecioğlu, 2012). State Planning Organization was established and 85 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area attempted to plan the development of import-substituted industrialization through plans and policies. As a part of this planning attempt, Metropolitan Planning Bureaus were established in three major metropolitan cities (İstanbul, Ankara and İzmir) by the decision of the Council of Ministries in 1968. From the beginning of 1970s, Metropolitan Planning Bureau intended to prepare comprehensive and long-term metropolitan plans, which were based on comprehensive survey and analysis, participatory decisionmaking models and plan-project integrity. The first plan of İzmir Metropolitan Planning Bureau was approved in 1973. In this plan, a linear urban macroform development was proposed and defined within the axis of Aliağa heavy industrial zone in the north, and Torbalı agriculture-based food industry zone in the south (Figure 4.7). To restrain growth of the city towards the periphery and to inhibit urban development within the east-west axis, a linear urban macroform development was proposed. The 1973 plan proposed: (1) the development of a rail transportation system along a linear line of development, (2) the planning of an industrial development zone in Çiğli. One of the main intention of that plan was to control urban growth by setting geographical and agricultural thresholds as well as limiting and directing the development towards three linear axes: north, south, and east. This plan played crucial role shaping the current macro-form of the city. Spatial development of the city from 1920s to 1985 can be observed directly from the map given with Figure 4.7. The 1973 plan proposed the industrial development as linear pattern extending the north-south axes. Furthermore, this plan proposed to move certain activities from centre to the outer parts of the city. For instance, the production activities, which are noisy and pollutant, moved to the outwards. Although 1960-1980 period is called planned period because of accelerating planning attempts both national and local 86 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir levels, the first mass uncontrolled and unplanned spatial developments have been occurred in this period. Several neighbourhoods with “gecekondu”, squatter settlements in Turkish terminology, have spread all over İzmir. Location of this kind of developments in 1965 was mapped as below in Figure 4.8. Figure 4.7: Izmir plan in 1973 and the spatial developments in different periods The Plan of İzmir Metropolitan Planning Bureau, 1973 Spatial Developments by Periods Source: Arkon & Gülerman, 1995; cited in Penbecioglu, 2012, p:152 87 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area The 1978 plan was prepared in order to solve the problems that come with the 1973 plan, and it considered those problems by an incremental approach. Therefore, instead of a comprehensive planning approach, urban development was directed by an incremental way and generally according to the demands of the peripheral municipalities. As a result of this approach, the development pattern of the city has become uncontrolled and independent across the municipalities. Figure 4.8: Locations of squatter settlements (gecekondu neighbourhoods) in Izmir, 1965 Source: Ministry of Recons. & Resettlement, 1966; cited in Özdemir et. all., 2005, p:34 Neo-liberal Period after 1980s, the period after 1980s is called “urbanization of capital” in Turkey. Capital accumulation in urban areas 88 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir reached to its peak point within this continuing period and the patterns of uneven development become more striking in large cities. In parallel to general development pattern of Turkey, urban areas have been transformed intensely and rapidly in İzmir. As being subject to all manner of economic restructuring process and the uneven flows of capital through the built environment, it was because of the increasing hegemony of capital on urbanization process particularly over the past two decades. Recent shifts include the emergence of new industrial and financial spaces, the large-scale construction of private apartments and gated communities for middle-upper income households, and large-scale malls and supermarkets and so on. As a way of dealing with the accumulation crisis, capital was directed to the property, and its reflections appeared as a huge building sector in İzmir as well as in the whole country. Countrywide settlement policies are determined in accordance with the locational demands of the national and international capital. The housing sector has gradually become the essential factor in terms of accumulation of capital within the city. Governmental policies have been developed which are concentrating on the housing investments by giving credit via banks and encouraging the mass housing projects (Kompil, 2005). 4.1.3. Current plans, policies and projects Izmir – Manisa (a neighbour city) Macro Plan 1/100000 has been approved in 2014, which constitutes a basis for all subscale urban development plans. The plan indicates main land use decisions in the future such as development areas (housing and industrial etc.), natural and archaeological protection areas, as well as main transportation developments in a regional scale. The Macro Plan, as presented below in Figure 4.9, has been prepared with a comprehensive planning approach. Having such a comprehensive approach, the plan aims to provide a sustainable urban development by taking consideration into (1) 89 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area eliminating the effects of rapid urban growth and industrialization on environment and (2) controlling urban and industrial development. Figure 4.9: Izmir-Manisa macro plan (1/100000), 2014 Source: İzmir Greater Municipality, 2015. The macro plan considers newly urban development areas separately as for (1) the core city and for (2) the other settlements within the boundaries. Core city development strategies developed by taking natural and legislative thresholds (topography, disaster risks, and existing conservation laws etc.) into consideration. Doing so, it proposes new development areas on the northern axe of the city, especially in un-built- up areas and in already built-up sprawled areas. As stated in the planning report, being closer to industrial and large-scale commercial 90 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir facilities is another reason of the selection of these areas for new developments, which may facilitate the development with the use and improvement of existing transportation infrastructure. On the other hand, for the remaining settlements except for the core city, the plan proposes development areas separately for each settlement based on estimated future populations and local sectorial characteristics. Existing 1/25000 (Figure 4.10) master plan have been prepared by İzmir Greater Municipality and approved in 2012, and it was prepared based on the previous regional plan and previous metropolitan boundaries which was covering only the core city. Therefore, currently, İzmir Greater Municipality is working on a new master plan based on the new metropolitan boundaries, which covers all provincial territory. Current Master Plan has been still in effect, and all sub-scale planning decisions should be convenient with its requirements. Figure 4.10: Izmir master plan (1/25 000), 2012 Source: İzmir Greater Municipality, 2015. 91 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area Main aim of the 1/25000 Izmir master plan is settled almost the same with 1/100 000 İzmir -Manisa macro plan which is providing sustainable development goals by shortening uncontrolled urban growth and preventing agricultural, and natural environment. The adopted approach of the plan is planning the city as a whole with its all risks, problems, and values in order to reach a balance of protection-and-use. Plan proposes to limit spatial growth of the core city by designating/declaring the natural areas surrounding the city as “greenbelts”. The new city centre plan (2003): In 2001, the Greater Municipality of İzmir decided to organize an international urban design competition for the redevelopment of the backside of Alsancak Port, as a new centre of the city (Figure 4.11). A German architect Jochen Brandi won the competition with his project (Figure 4.12), which was widely known as the “Third İzmir Project”. Since then designing a new city centre in this declining urban area (ranging from the backside of the Alsancak Port towards the Karşıyaka District and including 538 hectares of urban space) has become a flagship urban regeneration project to attract capital through a new central business district, commerce and consumption based activities, luxury and gated residents, shopping malls …etc. The New City Centre Development Plan (Figure 4.12) was approved in 2005 with the consensus of local government institutions, local capital (including investors and local business associations) holders and the chambers. New city centre development plan was introduced and presented to the public as “the crucial opportunity to regenerate the old industrial and storage-oriented use of this declining and abandoned urban area” (İYKMNİP, 2010). The project also announced to public as “a viable basis to provide new urban images, flagship urban design and regeneration projects to make İzmir an internationally competitive word city”. It was also stated that NCC area should become “a locomotive power of İzmir’s competitiveness and entrepreneurialism within the context of new global and local economic development dynamics. 92 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 4.11: Location of the new city centre of Izmir Source: Anonymous online sources. Figure 4.12: The winning project and the implementation plan for the new city centre of Izmir The winning project (2001) for the new city centre The implementation plan (2005)of the new city cebtre Source: Izmir Greater Municipality, 2016. 93 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area The Greater Municipality of Izmir played the key and central role in the production of such predominant discourses in the formation of NCC project (Penbecioğlu, 2012, p. 192, İYKMNP, 2010). The development of new city centre of İzmir is still in progress, and not yet completed. Although the competition realized in 2001, the plan was started to be implemented in 2011. There were several reasons for slow progress in realizing that project. The first struggle was to achieve a consensus on decisions of the plan. It was prepared with the involvement of different stakeholders including investors, chambers and business associations. After 3 years of discussions, the first plan was prepared and approved in 2005. In 2009, the plan was cancelled because of the lack of geological surveys and reports. Implementation and development plans were prepared and approved by the district municipalities, and finally the project was started to be implemented in 2011. Finally, investors started to construct their particular projects in the planned area. Figure 4.13 gives several current views from the area. Figure 4.13: Current views from the new city centre, 2017 Source: Velibeyoglu, K., personal archive, 2017. 94 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir public interest, and controlling the legacy of the plan implementations. TOKI (Governmental Mass Housing Administration) is a national scale governmental institution, founded in 1984, that aims to produce house for low and middle-income groups. The new vision of TOKI within the scope of the programme of the government of the Republic of Turkey, is to realize the project target of one million housing units by the end of 2023. In this context, the TOKI administration carries on its own housing production activities throughout the country in view of priorities and needs such as; urban regeneration and slum transformation projects in cooperation with municipalities; social housing projects toward the middle and low income group (Isikkaya, 2016). Figure 4.18 shows one of the social housing implementations of TOKİ at the outer part of the core city, within the Izmir metropolitan area (on the agricultural site). TOKI is widely criticized as demolishing the morphological texture of the contemporary Turkish cities by producing low profiled, similar/look alike architecture and low quality urban social infrastructure. It has been criticized as having priority of producing more units, instead of producing better living urban environments (Isikkaya, 2016). Figure 4.18: Social housing cases of TOKİ in Tire - Izmir Source: Google Earth and anonymous online sources, 2016. 101 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area 4.2. PREVIOUS STUDIES ON URBAN SPRAWL IN IZMIR There are quite limited studies in Izmir on urban sprawl. Several recent studies (Hepcan et al, 2013; Özatağan and Eraydın, 2013; Oğuz, et al., 2010; Sonmez, 2009) may help to better understand its urbanization process. One of the latest study (Hepcan et al.; 2013) analyses the land use changes in İzmir between 1963- 2005 by using CORONA satellite images. The study area is the core city including 11 central districts. As shown in Figure 4.19 the expansion of urban fabric (the darkest zone) from 1963 to 2005 is quite visible. Figure 4.19: Land use land cover maps of 1963 and 2005 Source: Hepcan et al.; 2013, p. 304. Their study indicates mainly two significant alterations in Izmir urban area between 1963 and 2005, which are: (1) Expansion of built-up areas and loss of natural land uses (agriculture, forest etc.) and (2) Densification and unification in the central (core) city. According to the Hepcan et al. (2013), the proportion of built-up areas in 1963 was only 8% of total study area and predominant land use type was forest by 21%. By the end of 2005, the proportion of built-up areas increased to 29%. In spite of the 3% decrease, forest remained as the dominant land cover in 102 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir 2005. Built-up areas expanded mainly towards maquis-garrigue lands, agricultural lands, and fruit plantation lands. Especially two districts (Buca and Bornova) have lost their agricultural lands by transforming largely to built-up areas. As seen in Figure 4.20, agricultural lands became patchy and scattered and they remained between built-up plots. Figure 4.20: Examples of patchy and scattered agricultural land from Bornova and Buca districts in Izmir Source: Google Earth, 2016. 103 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area Hepcan et al. (2013) indicate another growth pattern as the reclamation of land from the sea along Izmir Bay (almost 370 ha) in order to gain additional land for building roads, urban parks, and housing. The study highlights that, built-up areas expanded primarily along the coastline of the Bay, parallel to the transportation network. More particularly, builtup areas spread in a linear pattern toward Urla District in the West, Karşıyaka District in the north, and Güzelbahçe in the south. On the other hand, urban landscape of 1960s was characterized by lowdensity residential areas with one or two storey gardened houses. Hepcan et al. (2013) highlight that; low-density residential character was mostly replaced by high density mixed uses during that forty-year period. Today, urban fabric became more congested especially within and around the central districts, which are Konak and Alsancak, named Central Business Districts (CBD). As seen in the Figure 4.21 below, the silhouette of Izmir is changing by high-rise buildings. Other districts surrounding the CBD had expanded in their periphery and constituted a large, unified urban core during this period. Figure 4.21: View of the central business districts of Izmir Source: personal archive, 2016. Urban development had occurred in a pattern of high density mixed use on the outside of the center too. In addition to natural population growth, İzmir had received immigrants from eastern cities of the country, and the population had reached almost its triple during that period. In addition to squatter housing developments, increasing demand on housing substantially supplied by planned mass housing in Gaziemir, Balçova, 104 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Karşıyaka, Buca, and Bornova Districts (Hepcan et al., 2013). Figure 4.22 shows the high density residential developments on the peripheries of Bornova and Karşıyaka Districs as examples. Figure 4.22: Views form high density residential developments in Izmir Bornova district (EVKA-4) Karşıyaka district Source: Google Earth, 2016. 105 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area According to Hepcan et al. (2013), “urban sprawl occurred primarily in the form of high-density expansion of the urban areas” contrary to widely known sprawl patterns in the cities of the western countries, which are low-density. That means, although the expansion was high-density, the city was no longer compact at the begging of 2000s. Karadağ (2000; cited in Hepcan et al., 2013) summarized the major driving forces of urban growth in Izmir as fallows; (1) establishment of a railway network among different districts; (2) allocation of several industrial zones, especially in Karşıyaka - Çiğli the north axis; and (3) construction of the İzmir International Airport on the east axis. Sönmez (2009, 2001), Altınçekiç and Göksu (1995) examine Izmir by using the concept of suburbanization and discuss the urban transformations of Izmir in a more theoretical perspective. For instance, Sönmez (2009, 2001) states that suburbanization of Izmir goes back to the 19th century when it initiated to integrate to the World trade and industrial capitalism. First residential settlements of Bornova, Karşıyaka, and Buca Districts were emerged during that period. From the beginning of 1980s, suburbanization was shaped by macro-economic changes. With respect to the economic changes, Altınçekiç and Göksu (1995) emphasize the role of capital in the spatial transformation process by giving that example: there was a boom in private investments in İzmir at the beginning of in 1990s, with almost half of the private investments were realized in housing sector. Sönmez (2001) also states that, at the end of 1990s, there were 17 shopping centers which became part of the metropolitan city of Izmir. Together with housing investments, shopping centers have been the most visible signs of local and foreign investment flow of the city after 1990s. There are also several studies that examine urban development patterns of Izmir by using the concept of urban shrinkage (Özatağan and Eraydın, 2013; Oğuz, et al., 2010). Main argument of these studies is: Izmir, as a 106 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir city-region, experiences both growth and shrinkage at the same time. That means, some urban areas in its periphery have grown and become part of the metropolitan area, and some others have declined or lost significance. Concerning this argument, Oğuz et al. (2010) analyze Urla District particularly, which is a coastal peripheral district of izmir on the west. Main finding of the study indicate that majority of housing stock have been using as a second home (vacation houses), and just 21% of the total stock is being used permanently. Low density, aged, single-family housing pattern is the striking character of the district and these are considered as the signals of urban shrinkage. While Oğuz et al. (2010) focus on a peripheral coastal district of Izmir metropolitan area in search of the signs of urban shrinkage; Özatağan and Eraydın (2013; p: 1027) focus on inner city. Emphasizing the increasing population growth of metropolitan İzmir17 as a whole, they draw attention to the pattern of population growth, which indicates a clear shift from the urban core towards settlements in its periphery. They argue that, “government policies and strategies aimed at enhancing the development of peripheral areas that have led to shrinkage of the metropolitan core”. Özatağan and Eraydın (2013) found a correlation between population and employment growth in the periphery during the period 1990-2000, parallel with the expansion on manufacturing and service sectors in the inner periphery. In addition to expansion, manufacturing sector had been moved out from the inner core by plan decisions during that period. The study examines the sectoral distribution of employment change within 1990-2000 period and found a decrease in total employment in the 17 “Izmir is a growing metropolitan region, having increased from a population of 2.8 million in 1990 to 3.6 million in 2000, and further to 4.5 million in 2008, indicating a population boom in the most recent decade” (Özatağan and Eraydın, 2013 p.1032.) 107 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area metropolitan core, which is 45%. Özatağan and Eraydın (2013; p: 1038) explain this situation as the spatial configuration of economic activity; which means that “new projects have been directed towards peripheral areas and the capital that have been invested in the metropolitan area started to moved out to various settlements in the periphery”. They suggest that, İzmir, as a fast-growing metropolitan city, is experiencing this kind of shrinkage (on population and employment) for the first time in its recent history. İzmir is experiencing process of growth, concentration, dispersion, and shrinkage together. The study analyzes the role of governmental policies and strategies on shrinking process of İzmir by focusing on three policy fields particularly: industry, transportation, and housing. The study discusses that since 1990, 17 new organized industrial zones have been established in İzmir Metropolitan region and they were encouraged by central government incentives. Likewise, majority of the public investments were made in the transport and communication sectors (establishment of new motorway, railway as well as upgrading of existing routes etc.). The study also highlights that mass housing acts of the Government (1981 and 1984) for low and middle-income groups played significant role on housing development in the periphery. 4.3. CONCLUDING REMARKS Main evaluation points for the case of Izmir Metropolitan area can be summarized as following: • The 1973 Izmir Development Plan, which is the first comprehensive master plan approach the city faced, was one of the important factors exposing urban growth after 1970s. The plan determined development areas in the form of north-south and east-west corridors. Semikler-Aliaga axis at north and Karabaglar- Cumaovasi (Menderes) axis at South were proposed for industrial 108 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir development. At the western corridor, which includes Narlıdere, Urla and Seferihisar Districts, tourism and secondary housing development were proposed (Oğuz, et al. 2010). • Large-scale mass housing and commercial investments have been reconfigured the urban structure from the begging of 1980s. Especially after 1990s, master plans proposed several mass housing areas on the periphery of the city, which had catalysed speed up later development in the surrounding of these areas (Sönmez, 2009; Altınçekiç and Göksu, 1995; Özatağan and Eraydın, 2013). • The natural population increase together with high amount of migrated population created high demand for jobs and houses, which made urban expansion inevitable. Transportation investments have been playing crucial role in raising the attractiveness of the periphery settlements and had directed the expansion or development of built-up areas (Hepcan et al, 2013; Özatağan and Eraydın, 2013). Construction of Cesme Highway in 1994 increased the accessibility of the settlements on the western axis and promoted the urban development in Karaburun Peninsula especially in Cesme, Urla district. Core districts at that axis such as Narlidere, Guzelbahce also expanded. • Agricultural areas (especially in Bornova and Buca Districts) replaced by built-up areas, causing patchy and scattered agricultural land patterns remaining within the newly urbanized zones (Hepcan et al, 2013). With high-density expansion of the built-up areas, sprawl of İzmir is different from the American and European sprawling cities (Hepcan et al., 2013). • Between 1963 and 2005 there was not a significant decrease on forest land which can be explained substantially by the efficiency of the National Forest Protection Law in İzmir case (Hepcan et al, 2013). 109 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area • Izmir is known as one of the tourism destination with its coastal districts such as Çeşme, Karaburun, Seferihisar Districts on the west; Foça and Dikili on the north, Selçuk and Seferihisar on the south axis. These touristic Districts have been transformed after 1980s presenting low-density second-home (vacation housing) developments (Hepcan et al, 2013; Oğuz, et al. 2010). • Local governments did not react to the emergence of squatter settlements and their sheltering/housing needs had been ignored. In other words, neither the local governments did intent to solve their sheltering problems, nor prevent them from building in their own those illegal houses. Over the years, large squatter neighbourhoods had gained legal status by means of spatial (improvement) plans. In this way, squatter settlements became one of the dominant character in urban pattern of Izmir. • Additionally, unlike western countries, İzmir is lack of nongovernmental organizations tries, which are founded for preventing urban sprawl. In Izmir case, although chambers of professions have a crucial role and acting as advocators of public interest, they cannot resist against the state-level political pressure in many cases. • Urban planning practice in Turkey can be criticized as being ignored about environmental issues, managing landscape change, and developing ecologically sustainable growth strategies in general (Hepcan et al. 2013). As a conclusion, Izmir as the third most populous and the second most densely settled metropolitan city of the country, has been witnessing uncontrolled and rapid growth both in its population and in built-up areas. Figure 4.23 to Figure 4.29 show several parts of the built environment from the high-density metropolitan core. In addition to this, Izmir has been facing with substantial spatial expansion towards its periphery, because of mass housing, squatter settlements, large 110 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 4.28: Views from Izmir metropolitan core – northern coast I Bostanlı Karşıyaka Source: Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, 2017 117 | page Chapter 4 Description of the case: Izmir Metropolitan Area Figure 4.29: Views from Izmir metropolitan core – northern coast II Bostanlı Bostanlı Source: Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, 2017 118 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir CHAPTER 5. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF URBAN SPRAWL IN IZMIR This chapter consists of five main sections. The first section explains the study area, the data and the methodology used for the analysis. The second section analyzes the spatial distribution of the population, population density as well as the change along the time. In the third section, a spatial analysis, which explores expansion of built-up areas in Izmir, is established by comparing different periods. In the fourth section, land use intensity or built-up areas per inhabitant are analyzed as a combined analysis of population and the built-up areas. In the fifth section, the outcomes of the analysis are discussed in conjunction with the urbanization policies, plans, socio-cultural and economic dynamics and the institutional interventions realized in Izmir metropolitan area. This concluding part, focuses more to the periods of the analysis by discussing the spatial dynamics (such as plans, and policies both national and local levels) that shaped the distribution of population and built-up areas. 5.1. THE STUDY AREA, DATA AND METHODOLOGY 5.1.1. The Study Area The study consists of all 30 districts within Izmir Metropolitan City (province) boundaries. Core city districts, in which present similar characteristics in their population and built-up distributions, have been handled together with the name of “Izmir Metropolitan Core”. This unification also made it possible to eliminate the conflicts on time series data arising from the frequent changes in boundaries of inner/core districts in the past years. As indicated in Figure 5.1, the core consists of 11 districts, which are Konak, Karsiyaka, Gaziemir, Bornova, Balcova, Bayrakli, Buca, 119 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Guzelbahce, Narlidere, Karabaglar, and Cigli. The rest of the province, the other 19 districts, have been handled separately to observe the sprawl in depth which are Aliağa, Bayındır, Bergama, Beydağ, Çeşme, Dikili, Foça, Karaburun, Kemalpaşa, Kınık, Kiraz, Menderes, Menemen, Ödemiş, Seferihisar, Selçuk, Tire, Torbalı, and Urla. Depending on the context, these 19 districts are also named as “non-core districts” in the analyses, particularly when all districts except those located in the core are mentioned. Figure 5.1: The study area - districts of Izmir metropolitan area 5.1.2. The Data Mainly two types of variable have been used for the analysis of spatial characteristics in Izmir: time series population and built-up areas data. The time series population data has been gathered from Turkish Statistical Institution (TUIK) for all the districts. The years 1975, 1990, 2000, and 2014 have been selected to be able to match population data with the available built-up data. Population analysis have realized 120 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir exploring the change particularly in three periods: 1975-1990, 1990- 2000, and 2000-2014. For the main data source of the analysis, the grid level built-up area information from the Global Human Settlement Layer (GHSL) database has been used. GHSL is a spatial database that recently developed and maintained by Pesaresi et al. (2015) and the Joint Research Centre of the European Commission. It is described as a new way to map, analyze, and monitor change in human settlements and the urbanization in the 21st century. As indicated in its website, the build-up database used in this study can be described in detail as follows together with the project that it was produced in (Joint Research Centre, 2017): • The Global Human Settlement Layer (GHSL) project is supported by the European Commission, Joint Research Center and Directorate-General for Regional and Urban Policy. The GHSL produces new global spatial information, evidence-based analytics, and knowledge describing the human presence in the planet. The GHSL relies on the design and implementation of new spatial data mining technologies allowing to process automatically and extract analytics and knowledge from large amount of heterogeneous data including: global, fine-scale satellite image data streams, census data, and crowd sources or volunteering geographic information sources. • The data contain a multitemporal information layer on bulit-up presence as derived from Landsat image collections (GLS1975, GLS1990, GLS2000, and ad-hoc Landsat 8 collection 2013/2014). The data have been produced by means of Global Human Settlement Layer methodology in 2015. The main product is the built-up are grid published in the production grid at high resolution, i.e. at around 38m in Spherical Mercator (EPSG:3857). 121 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir • The data are organised in several datasets. The main product (GHS_BUILT_ LDSMT_GLOBE_R2015B) is a multitemporal builtup grid (built-up classes: 1975, 1990, 2000, 2014 epoch), which has been produced at high resolution (approx. 38m). This dataset has been used to derive additional layers per each epoch. All datasets are offered at high, middle and low resolution (approx. 38m in Spherical mercator, 250m in Mollweide and 1km in Mollweide, respectively). Each dataset is distributed in a compressed ZIP that contains TIF file with pyramids and documentation. 5.1.3. The Methodology The method of the analysis is mainly based on the following indicators that explores the level of sprawl in Izmir metropolitan area: • Analysis of population and population density together with its spatial distribution and growth, • Analysis of built-up areas, land use and land-take intensity, in other words, analysis of built-up areas per inhabitant and land annually taken for built-up areas per inhabitant. For all the above-mentioned indicators, the descriptive statistics have been presented throughout the chapter and almost all-empirical analysis were visualized with graphical and mapping expressions. Additionally, using the grid-based images for different periods, changes in population and built-up area in İzmir Metropolitan area have been demonstrated to evaluate the urbanization process empirically. The analyses and mapping of the results have been handled using Geographical Information Systems techniques and special extensions to produce spatial statistics and analysis. Besides the changes in population and built-up areas, the level of urban sprawl have been evaluated using (change in) population density and land use intensity 122 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir (built-up areas per inhabitant) as selected sprawl indicators. Finally, the empirical results with these indicators have also been qualitatively linked with the spatial plans/policies and other socio-economic factors that shaped the urban area in İzmir. The population density: Density is a term that refers to the relationship between a physical area and the number of people who live in or make use of that area. It is usually expressed as a ratio of population size or number of dwelling units, compared to area units (ULI, 2015). There are two type of population density measurement which are “gross” (population is divided by total geographical area) and “net” (population divided by certain land uses) in the literature. In the thesis, gross density is measured and mapped for each districts of Izmir in order to show which part of the city is developing densely and which part is developing with low density. The land use intensity and land take intensity: One measure of urban development is the ‘land take’ (i.e. the amount of land converted into artificial or built-up areas) and the intensity of land used (i.e. the actual amount of artificial land / built-up areas per inhabitant) (European Commission, 2014). If you have the population distribution and the built-up areas separately, then, “land use intensity” and “land take intensity” analysis can be established as a combined (population and built-up data) measurement technique in search of the level of urban sprawl. This is a relatively new concept, which was developed by the Joint Research Centre as one of the land use related indicators18. Lavalle et al. (2013) define “land take” as 18 For further information see Lavalle et al., 2013 “Land Use Related Indicators for Resource Efficiency”, JRC Scientific and Policy Reports, Report EUR 26083 EN. 123 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir the amount of agriculture, forest and semi-natural land taken by artificial land, while artificial areas or built-up areas are defined as urban fabric, industrial/commercial land uses and infrastructures/transport networks. In the same study, “land use intensity” is described as measuring the amount of artificial or built-up surfaces in m2 per inhabitants. It refers to the level of intensity to which urban land is populated. While “land take” refers to the change in a particular time period, “land use intensity” refers to the situation at a particular time. Therefore, in this thesis, both of the two concepts are used depending on the aspect considered (whether change or stable situation). In short, these two indicators provides useful information on how efficient the land used for built-up areas including residential areas, economic activities, infrastructure etc... 5.2. ANALYSIS OF THE POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN IZMIR Mainly two aspects of the population are analyzed: Population change (distribution, growth), and density. As mentioned earlier population, data of the Turkish Statistic Institute (TSI) for the years 1975, 1990 and 2014 have been used for the analysis. 5.2.1. Population change and distribution Izmir is the third most populated city in Turkey, after Istanbul and Ankara, with 1.3% annual population growth rate. According to Turkish Statistic Institute, the total population of Izmir is measured as 4.223.545 in 2016. Figure 5.2 presents the distribution of the population among the districts. Spatial distribution of the population and its changing over the years present differences among the districts as well as through the time periods as seen in Table 5.1. There are several striking points in the table, which are the subjects of more elaborated analysis, and discussion in the 124 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir following part of this chapter. For example, while some districts are growing in their population in a particular period such as Torbali and Menemen, some others are declining such as Bayindir and Karaburun etc. It is obvious that over the last 40 years, the population of the metropolitan core have been growing faster than the rest of the province. In addition to this, the share of the core population is still increasing (Figure 5.3 and Figure 5.4). Apart from the metropolitan core, as of 2014, the most populated districts is Torbali while the least populated district is Karaburun. Figure 5.2: Population of Izmir Figure 5.3 gives a general idea about the population change between 1975 and 2014 in basically three geographical levels, which are (1) metropolitan core consisting 11 central districts, (2) other districts which means the rest of the province; and total population of İzmir. It is clear that, there is a rapid population growth in metropolitan core during the period of 1975-1990 in parallel to the total population of İzmir 125 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Metropolitan City. During that period, İzmir, particularly its metropolitan core, was a subject to mass migration from other cities and from its rural surroundings. As a result of this, the total population in Izmir province increased almost four times from 985 thousand to 4 million within the 40 years, from 1975 to 2014. Table 5.1: Population changes between the periods of 1975, 1990, 2000 and 2014 Name of District 1975 Change % (75-90) 1990 Change % (90-00) 2000 Change % (00-14) 2014 Change % (75-14) Aliağa n.a. n.a. 42150 35,7% 57192 45,8% 83366 n.a Bayındır 45199 4,3% 47126 0,2% 47214 -14,6% 40310 -10,8 % Bergama 90591 12,0% 101421 5,0% 106536 -4,4% 101813 12,4 % Beydağ n.a. n.a. 14632 -3,3% 14147 -11,9% 12457 n.a Çeşme 11580 154,4% 29463 26,8% 37372 5,0% 39243 238,9 % Dikili 18842 23,2% 23219 29,7% 30115 39,5% 41999 122,9 % Foça 13185 91,3% 25222 43,2% 36107 -16,9% 30002 127,5 % Karaburun 6478 39,2% 9020 49,1% 13446 -29,7% 9456 46,0 % Kemalpaşa 38706 44,9% 56075 30,4% 73114 36,3% 99626 157,4 % Kınık 29129 29,1% 37617 -14,6% 32109 -12,6% 28072 -3,6 % Kiraz 34729 18,8% 41247 8,9% 44910 -2,1% 43971 26,6 % Menderes n.a. n.a. 53379 36,8% 73002 11,4% 81297 n.a Menemen 68476 11,1% 76043 50,5% 114457 29,9% 148662 117,1 % Ödemiş 123935 0,8% 124968 2,6% 128259 0,9% 129407 4,4 % Seferihisar 11022 94,2% 21406 62,4% 34761 3,4% 35960 226,3 % Selçuk 18998 44,0% 27353 22,8% 33594 5,0% 35281 85,7 % Tire 67651 14,3% 77314 1,7% 78658 3,4% 81315 20,2 % Torbalı 56122 26,8% 71172 31,0% 93216 61,1% 150127 167.5 % Urla 22774 55,7% 35467 38,9% 49269 20,1% 59166 159,8 % Metropolitan Core 326159 446,5% 1782466 27,7% 2275388 25,8% 2863556 778,0 % Noncore Districts (Total) 659392 39,0% 916284 20,0% 1099478 14,0% 1253544 90,1 % İzmir (Total) 985551 173,8% 2698750 25,1% 3374866 22,0% 4117100 317,7 % Source: Turkish Statistical Institute, population data for 1975, 1990, 2000, 2014. (n.a. the data is not available) 126 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir Figure 5.10: Structure plan of Izmir (1/25 000) Source: Izmir Metropolitan Municipality, 2016. According to Turkish Statistical Institute database, 28% of the total land of the province is currently designated as agricultural lands. There are three important agricultural plains, which are formed by the Bakircay, Gediz, and K. Menderes Rivers and their basins (Figure 5.11). Agricultural lands are under the pressure of the expansion of urban areas and are being polluted in some cases by the industrial activities (Izmir Development Agency, 2015) On the other hand, transportation sector has the highest proportion within the public investments (37%) in Izmir. During the last decade, important transportation projects have been finished within the metropolitan area. Particularly, the motorway and railway (Izban line) 133 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir investments have increased the accessibility and connectivity of the core city. Therefore, the number of core city commuters have increased in the surrounding cities (Izmir Development Agency, 2015). That means, improvements in transportation facilities had also affected the preferences of residents while they are selecting a location to live. Figure 5.11: River basins and agricultural lands Source: Izmir Development Agency, 2015, p:83. Regional Spatial Development Diagram (Figure 5.12) presents a comprehensive look to Izmir Metropolitan City, which was prepared by Izmir Development Agency (2015). The diagram emphasizes the important tourism destinations (Bergama, Cesme, Selcuk triangle), sensitive areas in terms of urban and industrial developments, main agriculture corridors, and environmentally protection zones. 134 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir Figure 5.12: Regional spatial development diagram Source: Izmir Development Agency, 2015; p: 191. 5.3.2. Periodical analysis of urban development in Izmir – change in built-up areas between 1975 and 2014 The brief introduction given above make easier to comprehend and evaluate the spatial development and urban expansion in Izmir. The expansion of built-up areas has been analyzed using the built-up data of GHSL (Global Human Settlement Layer) database, which have recently 135 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir produced, by the European Commission Joint Research Center (EC JRC) as mentioned before. The Figures and maps has been produced based on the GHSL built-up data and it shows the periodical development of builtup areas between the periods of 1) up-to-1975, 2) 1975-1990, 3) 1990- 2000 and 4) 2000-2014. As seen in Figure 5.13, which shows the change in the total built-up areas comparatively in metropolitan core and the rest of city, total amount of built-up areas had increased rapidly from 1975 to 2000, but then the rate has slowed down through to a stable stage. On the other hand, the line that shows the change in built-up areas of the non-core districts has been still growing linearly. That means, urban core has almost reached its limits on the one hand, and there have been growing development tendencies outside of the core districts on the other. Figure 5.13: Change in built-up areas in Izmir, between 1975 and 2014 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 30000 Year 1975 Builtup Areas ha Year 1990 Builtup Areas ha Year 2000 Builtup Areas ha Year 2014 Builtup Areas ha Total built-up areas (hectares) Noncore Districts (Total) Izmir Metropolitan Core 136 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir It is obvious from the Figure 5.14 and Figure 5.15, which demonstrates spatial development of built-areas in four periods from 1975 to2014, the core city, have been expanded like an oil drop. It has almost reached its physical limitations and capacity. The core city of Izmir is highly concentrated in terms of population and built-up areas, and the general tendencies for new developments have been expanding through the directions from core to the north, south, east and the west axes as seen in the Figure 5.14 and Figure 5.15. Figure 5.16 and Figure 5.17 show the results of a focused analysis of the non-core districts excluding the core city. In Figure 5.16, a ranking has applied from the largest district to smallest in terms of the current total built-up areas, while in Figure 5.17 the non-core districts have been ranked from most expanded to least according to their built-up areas from 1975 to 2014. This might help us better understanding the dynamics of urban development in the districts of Izmir. As indicated in Figure 5.16, the first three largest districts, Menemen, Aliaga, and Torbali are well-known and encouraged zones of Izmir in terms of industrial developments. They have been expanded (Figure 5.17) more than four times in their built-up areas from 1975 to 2014. Menemen distcrict is the largest one among them and has been expanded almost four times in built –up areas during the last 40 years. Its proximity to Izmir is the main factor behind this growth. Having high level accessibility and being located at one of the main urban development corridors of Izmir (northern development axis in the plans since 1973) are the main factors that has shaped the development in Menemen. 137 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Figure 5.14: Periodical development of built-up areas in Izmir metropolitan city (1975-1990-2000-2014) 138 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir Figure 5.15: Periodical development of built-up areas in Izmir metropolitan core and its surroundings (1975-1990-2000-2014) 139 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir Figure 5.16: Built-up areas of non-core districts Figure 5.17: Change in total built-up areas in noncore districts from 1975 to 2014 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 Total built-up areas (hectares) Built-up areas of noncore districts by years (ha) Year 1975 Builtup Areas ha Year 1990 Builtup Areas ha Year 2000 Builtup Areas ha Year 2014 Builtup Areas ha 8816 4117 3900 2137 2078 1763 1626 1247 711 684 559 531 495 407 407 373 317 299 243 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 9000 10000 Change in total built-up areas (%) Change from 1975 to 2014 % 140 | page E. I. Kompil Analysis of urban growth in developing countries and strategies for sprawl management: the case of Izmir Aliaga is the second largest district, and it has been expanded more than 5 times in its built-up areas during last 40 years. Economic activities in the district are the most important reason behind its growth. The economy of Aliağa, which was based on agriculture until early 60's, has gained an industrial character after 1970's as the town was declared as "heavy industrial zone" according to the state development plans in 1961. (Aliaga Chamber of Commerce, 2017). Torbali, as the third largest district of Izmir, was a small village during 1970s with only 150 hectares of built-up areas; however, it has reached 2640 hectares today by growing 18 times in the last 40 years. There are several reasons behind this rapid growth in Torbali, which are being close to the core city, and located on the main transportation axis (Izmir-Aydin Motorway), and having agriculturally productive lands (reason of the development of food industry). It should be noted that, Torbali is located in another important transportation axis, which has been proposed as “southern urban development axis” in the city plans since 1973. Figure 5.17 shows that the most dramatic expansion occurred in Kemalpasa District, it has expanded 88 times in its built-up areas during last 40 years. Until 1970s, Kemalpasa was a very small village, and the main economic sector was agriculture. Due to its location, at a 29 km distance to the core city, and close the Izmir- Ankara highway, Kemalpasa has become an attractive place in terms of industrial investors and housing developments. Today it is the seventh largest noncore district of Izmir (Figure 5.16). Figure 5.18 gives several views of partial strip industrial developments from these industrial districts located at the main transportation axes of Izmir. 141 | page Chapter 5 Empirical analysis of urban sprawl in Izmir Figure 5.18: Strip development of industry in the main axis of Izmir Menemen-Aliaga North road axes Gaziemir-Torbali south axes Kemalpasa east axes Source: Google Earth, 2017. Finally, the last six districts in the Figure 5.16, Kinik, Selcuk, Bayindir, Karaburun, Kiraz, and Beydag, are the smallest non-core districts of Izmir in terms of their built-up areas. Although these settlements are ranked as “smallest” according to their built-up areas, more or less, they have expanded spatially during last 40 years as well (Figure 5.17). These districts are located at the very edge of the Izmir province, which may be stated that out of the influence area of the core city. Furthermore, their economies have been still depending mostly on the agriculture and stock farming. For instance, urban core of Kiraz is surrounded by fruitful agricultural lands and its inhabitants are working in agriculture stock farming sector. Beydag is located on the K. Menderes River Basin on the southern east edge of Izmir Province. This is district 142 | page