Making the city uninhabitable. The impacts of touristification on the commercial environment

Making the city uninhabitable. The impacts of touristification on the commercial environment Andrea Ruiz Romera a,c,* , Arsenio Villar Lama a,c , María C. Puche Ruiz b,c , Alfonso Fern´ andez Tabales a,c a Department of Physical Geography and Regional Geographic Analysis, University of Seville, María de Padilla s/n, 41001 Seville, Spain b Department of Human Geography, University of Seville, María de Padilla s/n, 41001 Seville, Spain c Instituto Andaluz de Investigaci´ on e Innovaci´ on en Turismo (IATUR) ARTICLE INFO Keywords: Overtourism Foodification Urban landscape Commercial geography Google Street View Seville (Andalusia, Spain) ABSTRACT This article examines touristification’s impact on the commercial environment of urban centres, specifically on the reorientation of this environment towards the interests of visitors to the detriment of those of locals. It introduces and tests a new methodology for measuring tourism-related commercial transformations, using Seville (Andalusia, Spain) as a case study. This methodology classifies commercial activities based on their greater or lesser connection to tourist consumption and it uses Google Street View to learn about the commercial environment of previous periods (2008 and 2019, in this research) as points of comparison to the current situation (2023). The results show the growing functional specialisation of tourist activities align with a broader trend observed in European historical centres, which are gradually becoming monocultural tourist destinations. The article’s main contribution is a novel methodology that is replicable in other historical cities undergoing touristification. 1. Introduction This study forms part of the research on the impact of tourism on cities. This research has become more prominent due to the growing and global phenomenon of the intensification of tourism activity in urban spaces, which has led to a breakdown of the traditional balance between tourism activity and the city conceived as a space in which to reside, work and cohabit. This touristification of cities, which will be discussed in the section on the state of the question, is one of the issues that has been most analysed in the field of social sciences and is manifested in different contexts. The study focuses on one of these contexts, that is, the transformation of the commercial environment of historical districts, which is being redirected towards the interests and preferences of visitors to the detriment of the needs of local residents, a situation that will be addressed in the conclusions section. The primary objective of the study is to design and test a methodology for measuring commercial transformations related to tourism. Other complementary objectives include demonstrating the validity of accessible alternative and agile information sources for studying the phenomenon and analysing so-called commercial touristification in an important historical tourist city within the European context, using Seville (Andalusia, Spain) as a case study. In this way, it seeks to both analyse in depth the causal relationships between the intensification of tourism activity and transformations in the retail environment and offer a method that may be applied to other historical cities undergoing a process of touristification. 2. The state of the question The resurgence of urban tourism has been a topic of discussion since the 1990s (Calle Vaquero, 2019). However, in recent years this phenomenon has experienced unprecedented growth. Touristification is defined as the “process of the transformation of a place into an eminently tourist space and its associated effects [...] implies an adaptation of the place to the visitor” (Blanco Romero et al., 2021, p. 350). In other words, it involves functional alterations derived from the proliferation of activities directly or indirectly related to tourism consumption. According to Calle Vaquero (2019), it is a “process of change inherent in the birth and development of the tourism activity” (Calle Vaquero, 2019, p. 4; García-Hern´ andez et al., 2017). It is a territorial * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Ruiz Romera), [email protected] (A. Villar Lama), [email protected] (M.C. Puche Ruiz), [email protected] (A. Fern´ andez Tabales). Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Cities journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2025.106080 Received 18 June 2024; Received in revised form 23 April 2025; Accepted 20 May 2025 Cities 165 (2025) 106080 Available online 16 June 2025 0264-2751/© 2025 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ). transformation in accordance with the needs of the tourism sector that seeks to generate a favourable environment for tourists. Therefore, it gives rise to the conversion of infrastructures and spaces with a residential purpose into facilities and amenities for tourist use (Cocola-Gant, 2023; Hiernaux & Imelda Gonz´ alez, 2014). The most touristified spaces are becoming areas of tourist monopolisation and, according to Barrero & Jover, 2021, have negative effects on the territory’s economic, social and symbolic structure, as this process constitutes an appropriation of the territory by tourism. In this way, both the traditional retail and residential spaces are converted into entertainment and consumption centres for visitors (Gotham, 2005). Without going into too much depth, we can find the origins of touristification in the expansion of low-cost flights and cruise tourism, together with the proliferation of digital accommodation platforms listing residential housing for tourist use. These issues have been widely addressed in the scientific literature in recent years (Díaz-Parra & Sequera, 2021; Mordue, 2017; UNWTO, 2018). Some of the social implications of the intensification of tourism are related to those occurring with the well-known phenomenon of “gentrification”. According to Cocola-Gant (2018), the two processes of tourism and gentrification are directly related to one another and overlap in time and space. Furthermore, according to Jover and DíazParra (2019), touristification is a process that is complementary to that of gentrification. In both cases, a residential change takes place. In gentrification, residents of a lower socio-economic class are replaced by a population with higher purchasing power. This process has been identified and analysed for decades (Smith, 2002) and is a phenomenon that continues to arise in many environments (Lees et al., 2016). On the other hand, in touristification, the local community is displaced by short-stay and high-rotation visitors who also have higher purchasing power, namely tourists (Woo et al., 2022). This population replacement is referred to by academics as “tourism gentrification” (Gotham, 2005), alluding to the transformation of the neighbourhood to adapt to the needs of visitors and the resulting proliferation of tourism-related entertainment facilities. The debate on touristification and its effects has spread beyond the academic field and is particularly prevalent in the media. In previous years, the discourse on tourism was based on its benefits. Now, however, with an increase in the number of tourists, there is a more critical view. Today, the phenomenon of touristification is related to situations in which the effects of tourism are perceived as the cause of a deterioration in both the quality of life of a destination’s inhabitants and the experience of the visitor. The term “overtourism,” in other words, an excess of tourism (Goodwin, 2017; Koens et al., 2018) has been applied to these situations. The impacts of tourism are varied and affect many sectors. Calle Vaquero (2019) identifies five manifestations of touristification: the presence of visitors in central spaces, activities related to tourism consumption, the orientation of businesses towards foreign customers, the conversion of dwellings into tourist accommodation and the alteration of the landscape with tourism elements. The literature classifies these impacts into three main categories: a) the housing market, in which there is an adaptation of the purpose of rental properties from long-term tenancies to short-term stays, heavily influenced by the collaborative economy platforms (Benitez-Aurioles & Tussyadiah, 2020; Díaz Cuevas & Fern´ andez Tabales, 2023; Serrano et al., 2020); b) the functionality of the public space, specifically regarding the appropriation of parts of the city for tourism uses, with a dispossession of the space related to the high concentration of visitors and the resulting congestion, and the pedestrianisation of streets competing with an increase in the number of outdoor restaurant and caf´ e terraces, which limit the spatial extension of streets and squares (Elorrieta Sanz et al., 2021; ¨ Ozdemir & Selçuk, 2017; Wong et al., 2024); and c) the commercial environment, with businesses that serve local residents being replaced by new ones aimed at tourists (Bl´ azquez-Salom et al., 2019; Cheung & Yiu, 2023). With respect to the latter category, one of the sectors that has been most transformed by the increase in tourism and on which this study is based, is the retail trade. In spaces with a high level of tourism intensification, an overall redirection of retail establishments and restaurants is taking place towards visitor demand to the detriment of local customers. Not only are the types of business being replaced, but also the supply of the existing businesses is being adapted in terms of both aesthetics and price (Calle Vaquero, 2019; Cheung & Yiu, 2023). This transformation of commercial activity to satisfy the demand of a population with greater spending capacity has been extended in the literature through the concept of “commercial gentrification” (Hern´ andez Cordero, 2016). Other authors have focused more on the concept of “commercial touristification”, highlighting the role played by tourism in these transformations (Ruiz Romera et al., 2023). As a result of this adaptation of goods and services to the increase in visitors, local businesses are closing down or being transformed, which is negatively affecting the supply of daily needs to the resident population of these neighbourhoods (Kim & Holifield, 2022). In this respect, the present article focuses on traditional businesses, which are retail establishments with a neighbourhood identity and a differential treatment that even represent social spaces for the neighbours (Ruiz Romera et al., 2023). They are being replaced by businesses that cater to foreign demand with a more elegant and modern image—such as boutiques and gourmet restaurants—which stand out due to their high prices, or others that are not necessarily aimed at higher segments, but rather at large crowds of visitors who seek fast and easy consumption—such as fast food franchises and standardised souvenir shops—(Gravari-Barbas & Guinand, 2017; Zukin et al., 2009). The transformation processes of the commercial structure are mainly caused by tourism, although not only factors pertaining to this sector are involved. Other factors include a lack of generational replacement in traditional businesses, property speculation—aggravated in Spain by the passing of the new Urban Rental Law, which has put an end to the old fixed rent tenancies—the emergence and expansion of new sales channels on the Internet, the processes of pedestrianisation and competition from franchises and large shopping centres (Blanco Romero et al., 2021; Guimar˜ aes, 2021; Jover B´ aez, 2019; Nello-Deakin et al., 2024; Ruiz Romera et al., 2025). With respect to the effects of this transformation, the redirection of the commercial environment towards tourism has generated a deterioration or standardisation of the urban landscape and a simplification of its functions. The process of tourism specialisation is related to the broader concept of urbanalisation (Mu˜ noz, 2008), which is reflected in the creation of a monochrome tourism scenario lacking unique elements, recognisable in urban centres across the world. Some sources refer to them as clone towns, places in which variety in the retail offer has disappeared (¨ Ozdemir & Selçuk, 2017). In other words, the urban space is becoming homogenised with the standardisation of its retail establishments (Calle Vaquero, 2019; Fern´ andez Tabales & Santos Pav´ on, 2018; García-Hern´ andez et al., 2017). Jover and Barrero-Rescalvo, 2023 cite Phillips (2018), who associated four conceptualisations of landscape (material, social, symbolic and emotional) with the process of touristification. Thus, as well as having a visible impact on the physical and social space, these retail changes also contain a symbolic and emotional component, as they are related to the loss of the cultural identity and everyday life of a group. Barrero and Jover (2021, p. 19) conceive retail as a space for social interaction, that is, they understand shops to be points at which to meet other members of the community (Cocola-Gant, 2023). In relation to this view, there are authors who postulate that these changes confirm the priority of the “right to travel” over the “right to live” (Guimar˜ aes, 2021, p. 550) established by touristification. The importance of studying this change in business profile resides in the pressure that it places on the lives of the local population, as this process, according to Cocola-Gant (2015, p. 10) “destroys the stores and markets on which they rely for their daily survival” and they must adapt to the new consumption patterns imposed on their neighbourhoods. As a A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 2 result, many local residents decide to leave, either because they cannot afford the increased rent prices or because they feel displaced due to the neighbourhood having lost its identity, which some authors refer to as a ‘loss of the place’” (Cocola-Gant, 2015, p. 11; ¨ Ozdemir & Selçuk, 2017). We should also remember that the urban landscape of a neighbourhood reflects its evolution, and its character resides in its inhabitants and their activities over time (Barrero & Jover, 2021). Therefore, initiatives have arisen that recognise and support traditional businesses. This is the case for the tailors of Savile Row, London (Shih & Agrafiotis, 2020) and the creation of a catalogue of emblematic establishments to be protected in Barcelona (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2022). Studies on the topic of commercial gentrification and its consequences on the urban landscape have been carried out for different Spanish cities, such as Barcelona (Cocola-Gant, 2023; Hern´ andez Cordero, 2016), Valencia (Romero Renau & Lara Martín, 2015), Mallorca (Bl´ azquez-Salom et al., 2019; Gonz´ alez-P´ erez, 2020), San Sebasti´ an (Calle Vaquero et al., 2023; García-Hern´ andez et al., 2017), M´ alaga (Santos-Izquierdo et al., 2023) and Seville (Barrero & Jover, 2021; Jover B´ aez, 2019; Jover & Díaz-Parra, 2019), and other tourist destinations across the world, such as Lisbon (Guimar˜ aes, 2021, 2022), Paris (Bantman-Masum, 2020; Mermet, 2017), New York (Zukin et al., 2009) and Tehran (Forouhar et al., 2022). Furthermore, this phenomenon has been studied from different approaches, such as the scenario of traditional markets whose offer is becoming more sophisticated (Gonz´ alez & Waley, 2013; Guti´ errez-Arag´ on et al., 2022; Jim´ enez-Ar´ evalo & BarreraFern´ andez, 2024). The methodologies used to study this phenomenon are diverse and can be combined in various ways. They range from analysing official censuses (Ruiz Romera et al., 2023) and conducting surveys (Fernandes et al., 2024) to comparing photographic collections using visual grounded theory (Barrero & Jover, 2021; Bl´ azquez-Salom et al., 2019). Other methods include fieldwork that involves counting shops, creating inventories or databases (Berraquero-Díaz & Gonz´ alez, 2022; GarcíaHern´ andez et al., 2017; Guimar˜ aes, 2021), as well as qualitative approaches like interviews (Forouhar et al., 2022; Hern´ andez Cordero, 2016). However, many of these methods are not easily replicable. They often rely on sources that may not be available in all locations, or they involve directories that require time to update and may lack quality in certain years, making their analysis and replicability challenging. 3. Sources and methodology 3.1. Sources The principal sources for this research are the photographic archive of Google Street View in its 2008 and 2019 campaigns, and photographic field work conducted by the authors of the present article in 2023. The Google Street View repository has become a highly revealing data source for the collection of geospatial data and urban analysis, enabling the gathering of information and the support of research and management (Biljecki & Ito, 2021). To systematise retail activities, we have used the National Classification of Economic Activities (CNAE-2009), which is derived from the standardisation implemented by the Spanish National Statistics Institute to classify activities and improve the national statistics database. In addition, other secondary sources have been used to identify businesses, so as to interpret the results of the study and spatially relate them to other elements of the territory, that is, the location of hotels, apartments and other tourist accommodation (Registro de Turismo Andaluz), the level of influx or popularity of the places or monuments (InstaSights), and elements found in other business catalogues (the retail directories of the Yellow Pages, Google and TripAdvisor). 3.2. Methodology The methodology implemented can be structured into three stages. The first stage consists of selecting a representative study area. We have based this on our direct knowledge of the territory, previous studies and other support elements (see 3.3). There are also photographic campaigns available for the reference dates (Google Street View). It is worth noting that not all the city streets offer the same potential for analysis: there are certain areas with high tourism intensity or high commercial activity (such as Avenida de la Constituci´ on, Calle Sierpes and Calle Tetu´ an) that only began to be photographed from 2015, which is not long ago enough for the objectives proposed in this study to be fulfilled. The study period covers the years 2008–2023, in the context of the urban tourism boom (Bl´ azquez-Salom et al., 2019; García-Hern´ andez et al., 2017) and coinciding with the phase of greatest tourism growth in the city of Seville (2010–2019). The inclusion of 2019 as an intermediate year defines two sub-periods and allows the consequences of the COVID19 crisis to be analysed. After the study area had been selected, the routes were carried out virtually (Google Street View, 2008 and 2019) and on foot (2023). The information was systematised in a dataset, consisting primarily of a table with the following information for each establishment: •Location: street, number and cadastral reference. •Retail type, according to a classification created by the authors based on the National Classification of Economic Activities (CNAE-2009). •Intensity of the transformation in the period 2008–2023, and in the sub-periods 2008–2019 and 2019–2023. •Other information of interest: name of the business, known brand or franchise, functional and aesthetic elements (lettering, colours and other elements), and so on. Regarding the classification of activities (Table 1), eight CNAE-2009 categories were selected. These categories all have a strong presence in the historic city centre and are organised on a scale from the highest to the lowest tourist use. The first two are very closely related to tourism (accommodation, and food and beverages), the first being aimed exclusively at the visitor while the second is shared by tourists and residents. The following three (supermarkets; clothes and shoes; and specialised food establishments) are moderately related to tourism, based on their use by “platform/Airbnb tourists” or shopping tourists. Finally, there are three retail activities that are unrelated (or almost unrelated) to tourism and are clearly directed towards local residents (hairdresser’s and beauty salons; articles for domestic use; and medical activities). To these main categories, three more were added: Vacant, to identify unused establishments; others, which are useful for measuring the greater or lesser heterogeneity of the retail landscape; and non-commercial, which indicates (in very specific cases) a change from residential to retail or viceversa. With respect to the intensity of changes, four levels were established: local without transformation, only aesthetic changes, moderate change and extreme change. Moderate change refers to a variation in the business within the same type of activity (from a bar to a restaurant, from a bazaar to a supermarket, or from a clothes shop to a shoe shop, for example). Extreme change alludes to a transformation to another type of retail activity (from a restaurant to a clothes shop, or from a supermarket to a bar, for example). Finally, the third and definitive stage consisted of consulting the database to obtain and then present the main results in the present article. Consultations were made in two main directions: on the one hand, to determine the commercial landscape in each of the years of reference (see 4.1); and on the other hand, to analyse the intensity of the transformations in the period 2008–2023, and the sub-periods 2008–2019 and 2019–2023 (see 4.2). It was possible to conduct both these analyses on an individual street level (see 4.3). Finally, thanks to the information supplied in “Other information of interest” (see above), we were also able to analyse the changes in the commercial landscape from a qualitative perspective (see 4.4). Finally, another feature of the methodology should be highlighted. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 3 The present study includes ground-floor establishments with direct access from the street—that is, with doorways—and a cadastral reference. The database excludes certain businesses for different reasons: “invisible” businesses on higher floors, kiosks, roadside stalls, ATMs and food markets. In the latter case, despite the interest they arouse due to their apparent touristification (Bourlessas et al., 2021; Dimitrovski & Crespi Vallbona, 2017), they have not been photographed by Google Street View, so it is impossible to incorporate them into the analysis. 3.3. Study area The study area covers an expanse of almost four-square kilometres, from the beginning of Calle San Jacinto in the district of Triana, to the south, to the end of Calle Feria in the quarter of San Gil, to the north in Sevilla’s historic district (Fig. 1). We have differentiated 12 segments of streets and squares that cover a total of eight quarters/neighbourhoods: Triana Este, Triana Oeste, Triana Casco Antiguo (Triana’s historic part), Museo, Alfalfa, Encarnaci´ on, Feria and San Gil. The area selected is a representative space in terms of the landscape and tourist attractions. Around 30 % of the main monuments are located in an area of <300 square metres, calculated with a geographic information system (GIS) with respect to Cultural Interest Assets. If we observe the heat maps generated by InstaSights in 2023 (Avuxi Ltd.) that mark the most photographed areas, and the photos posted by users on Instagram, the area chosen covers a representative area in terms of the tourist attractions (sightseeing), coinciding at certain points with places with a high density of shops (shopping), restaurants (food) and/or nightlife (nightlife). The area is equally significant if we observe distribution maps of traditional local accommodation and tourist dwellings. They show that 34 % of hotels and 38 % of tourist apartments are located <300 m from the selected urban continuum (calculated with a GIS taking in the Hotel and the Tourist Apartment layers). The study area crosses two districts (Sevilla’s historic district and Triana’s district) that have a population of 57,068 and 46,926 respectively, according to the City Council data in 2023. These districts have 19,781 and 3760 beds, respectively, in tourist dwellings (Estivill et al., 2021), and it can be deduced that significant pressure is placed on these accommodation establishments. The abovementioned study establishes that there is high tourism pressure in both districts, this being particularly acute in the neighbourhoods of Alfalfa, Encarnaci´ on, Feria and San Gil, all of which are included in the present study’s selected area. Similarly, Navarro et al. (2020) find there is pressure on the conventional accommodation supply in the study area, particularly in the quarters of Triana, Museo and Encarnaci´ on, which are also crossed by the streets selected for the study area. Focusing on tourism density, an analysis of the area selected using the social network TripAdvisor reveals this density in terms of the number of restaurants and hotels located near Seville’s important tourist attractions, such as the historic part of Triana (Puente de Isabel II and Plaza del Altozano) and the Metropol Parasol space (the popular “Setas de Sevilla”, inaugurated in 2011, which has become an epitome of the city’s avant-garde architecture). When this analysis is complemented with other digital tools, such as the aforementioned online Yellow Pages or Google directories, we can clearly see the importance of the streets selected in the everyday lives of local residents and the tourist itineraries alike. 4. Results 4.1. The overall evolution of the commercial structure in the years of reference An analysis of the commercial structure in the years of reference reveals the following insights, based on the results obtained (Table 2 and Fig. 2): A. A significant growth of the categories most related to tourism, such as accommodation and food and beverage establishments, which together rose from occupying 17 % to 36 % of the commercial structure. The evolution of food and beverage establishments is particularly noteworthy, as the number of establishments increased from 76 to 158, which is an increase of 108 % in the whole study area. In fact, from being the second category after clothes and shoe shops, this latter category has come to clearly dominate the commercial landscape of the city. The figures for accommodation are much lower but there has also been a considerable increase (from 6 to 21). Both categories continued to grow at a good pace during the sub-period 2019–2023, which is consistent with the entire study period. B. A reduction in those categories most related to the local population, from 24 to 19 % of the total. This overall reduction was basically due to the collapse of articles for domestic use stores, which halved in number, from 83 to 43. The other two categories associated with local residents grew slightly, these being hairdresser’s and beauty salons, and medical activities. C. A reduction in those categories moderately related to tourists, which together fell from 35 to 31 % of the total. In a similar way to the previous categories, there was a contrast between the tentative growth of supermarkets (from 21 to 30) and specialised food establishments (from 35 to 38), and a sharp decline in the number of clothes and shoe shops (from 115 to 86). This latter category, which dominated the commercial structure of 2008, is now in second place, behind food and beverage establishments. D. A reduction in the others category, from 24 to 14 % of the total, which seems to indicate a loss of economic diversity in the Historic Table 1 Types of retail establishment (icons and abbreviations incorporated). Source: Own elaboration based on CNAE-2009, and field and clerical work. Type of activity Activity sub-type Tourist accommodation Abbr.: Accommodation Hotel establishment (hotel, hostel, guest house, youth hostel); Tourist apartment Food and beverage establishments Abbr.: Food and beverages Bar without food; Bar without a kitchen (cold tapas); Tapas bar; Restaurant; Burgers, Kebabs, Pizzeria, Churros, Fried fish; Caf´ e, Patisserie with a bar, Tea shop; Ice cream parlour; Yoghurt bar; Juice bar; Lounge bar; Others Supermarkets and bazaars Abbr.: Supermarkets Supermarket; Bazaar; Other nonspecialised retail establishments Clothes and shoe shops Abbr.: Clothes and shoes Clothes shop; Shoe shop; Jeweller’s shop; Watch store; Other worn articles Specialised food establishments Abbr.: Specialised food Fruit and vegetables; Meat and meat products; Fish and seafood; Bakery and patisserie; Tobacco; Ecological food products; International food products; Others Hairdresser’s and beauty salons Abbr.: Hairdresser’s and beauty Hairdresser’s salon; Other beauty treatments (nails, tanning); Tattoo parlour Articles for domestic use in specialised establishments Abbr.: Articles for domestic use Textiles (fabrics); Ironmonger’s shop, Paint and glass; Rugs, carpets, wall and floor coverings; Electrical appliances; Furniture, Light fittings; Others Medical and dental activities Abbr.: Medical activities General medical services (non-hospital); Specialist medical services; Dental services; Sale of health-related articles (pharmacy, optician’s shop, orthopaedics, hearing aids, others) Other businesses Abbr.: Others Florist’s shop, Newspapers and magazines, Stationer’s shop, Bookshop, Estate agency, Dry cleaning, Betting shop, Bank, Building society Vacant establishments Abbr.: Vacant Unused establishments A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 4 District in terms of establishment type. Together with clothes and shoe shops, this category dominated the commercial landscape of the study area in 2008. 4.2. The intensity of the changes An analysis of the intensity of the commercial transformations reveals the following three key ideas, based on the results obtained: E. A high degree of change is observed in general (Fig. 3): of the 563 establishments, 294 have undergone an extreme change of activity (52.2 %) and 78 a moderate change (13.8 %). In short, two out of every three establishments have altered their commercial orientation (66 %). At the other end of the scale, we can observe a resistance to change, that is, the percentage of establishments that remain the same (137 =24 %) or that have only suffered aesthetic changes (52 =9.3 %). If we observe the period 2019–2023 in detail, despite being the shortest, it registers a high degree of transformation, as 207 establishments (36.8 %) have undergone a moderate (9.4 %) or extreme (27.4 %) reorientation of their commercial activity. F. A polarisation between the establishments that remained intact and those that changed, once or even several times, in the study period, is noticeable. Resistance to change by category shows that accommodation and medical activities have a higher resistance of 60 %, food and beverage establishments one of 45 %, while clothes and shoe shops, articles for domestic use stores and the others category barely reach 30 %. In the case of food and beverage establishments, the most frequent result is a moderate change of activity (40 %), with variations within the same category (from a restaurant to an ice cream parlour, or from a traditional Fig. 1. Study area. (Segments’ length and number of premises). Source: Own elaboration. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 5 tapas bar to a modern gastrobar, for example). A similar situation has arisen with the supermarkets, where there has been a clear replacement of traditional stores with even more generic bazaars that include nonfood products. G. Finally, based on a more detailed examination of the database, other trends have been detected: first, the mass installation of food and beverage establishments at the expense of the others category (25 cases), clothes and shoe shops (22), articles for domestic use stores (19) and vacant establishments (15); second, the appearance of vacant establishments in 2023 derived from the closure of food and beverage establishments (13 cases), others (12) and articles for domestic use (10), clothes and shoe shops (10); and finally, the gradual installation of hotels and tourist apartments, replacing vacant establishments (4) and even using premises that were non-commercial at the start date (7). 4.3. Analysis by individual streets and squares Based on a detailed analysis of each of the segments of the study area (Fig. 4), we have identified three street models, according to the degree of tourist orientation of the streets’ or squares’ respective commercial landscapes. H. Model 1: Streets or squares where the activities most related to tourism represent more than half (50 %) of their commercial structure (San Jacinto II, Plaza del Altozano, Reyes Cat´ olicos, Plaza del Duque, Plaza de la Encarnaci´ on and Regina). Besides the opening of brand new tourist accommodation establishments, the most striking finding is the growth in the number of food and beverage establishments—in some segments, the supply of bars and restaurants has doubled, tripled or even multiplied five-fold in only 15 years. This growth is derived from the closure of clothes and shoe shops, particularly in segments such as San Jacinto (a decline from 41 to 18 %) and Plaza del Duque (from 33 to 6 %). Finally, these streets are characterised by a particularly strong loss of diversity, which is reflected in the others category—these establishments have fallen in number in all these streets or squares, even disappearing in Plaza de la Encarnaci´ on—and local businesses in many cases are in danger of closing. I. Model 2: Streets or squares where tourism-related businesses are dominant but less clearly so (30–50 %), with a certain balance between them and the more equidistant tourist–resident businesses (CampanaLara˜ na) or in the sum of these with local businesses (San Pablo, Feria I). The trends defined in the previous model remain the same but less pronounced. The number of food and beverage establishments has doubled (Campana-Lara˜ na) and tripled (Feria I), and that of local businesses and those in the others category has fallen drastically. J. Model 3: Streets or squares where accommodation and food and beverage establishments do not dominate the commercial landscape (<30 %), with a greater balance between the three large groups of activity and the others category having declined although still relevant (San Jacinto I, Feria II). San Jacinto I is the only street, of the whole study area, in which the number of tourism-related businesses has decreased. In this model, we can also find streets that still have a historical orientation that is highly biased towards a specific segment of businesses related to shopping in general and textile products in particular (O’Donnell). 4.4. The commercial landscape in detail: Qualitative aspects After conducting a detailed analysis of the changes experienced by the retail establishments in the study area, we can identify the following trends: K. An increase in the phenomenon of “aesthetisation” due to the global standardisation of businesses. We can observe a shift of retail establishments towards minimalism, using a more limited variety of Table 2 Evolution of the main types of activity, 2008–2019–2023. Source: Own elaboration. Type of activity 2008 2019 2023 Change 08/23 08/ 19 19/ 23 No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) % % % Accommodation 6 (1) 15 (3) 21 (4) 250,0 150,0 40,0 Food and beverages 76 (16) 149 (30) 158 (32) 107,9 96,1 6,0 Supermarkets 21 (4) 28 (6) 30 (6) 42,9 33,3 7,1 Clothes and shoes 115 (24) 93 (18) 86 (17) −25,2 −19,1 −7,5 Specialised food 35 (7) 38 (8) 38 (8) 8,6 8,6 0,0 Hairdresser’s and beauty 8 (2) 16 (3) 17 (4) 112,5 100,0 6,3 Articles for domestic use 83 (17) 47 (9) 43 (9) −48,2 −43,4 −8,5 Medical activities 26 (5) 27 (5) 30 (6) 15,4 3,8 11,1 Others 115 (24) 88 (18) 70 (14) −39,1 −23,5 −20,5 Vacant establishments 62 54 64 3,2 −12,9 18,5 Non-commercial 16 8 6 −62,5 −50,0 −25,0 Total 563 563 563 – – – Fig. 2. Evolution of the main types of activity, 2008–2019–2023. Source: Own elaboration. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 6 colours on their facades. The use of a black background with white lettering and vice-versa is frequent (Fig. 5), together with the modernisation of the establishments (as in the case of “Casa Oliva”, a local restaurant). This phenomenon goes hand in hand with the use of the English language in both the name of the establishment (“Lobby Club Rooms and Suites”, “D-U˜ nas Nail & Beauty” and “I am joy”) and the accompanying text (“Coffee Square Cake and Food”, “The Italian Pasta to Go” and “Valcarce Hair and Design Gallery”). Furthermore, an incessant opening of restaurant franchises can be observed (Taco Bell, Patio de San Eloy and 100 Montaditos), in addition to a large supply of international cuisine establishments (Miss Sushi, Jaipur and La Tradizionale). L. A progressive “elitisation”, with the opening of shops for a clientele with greater purchasing power (corresponding to tourists) and a possible over-qualification of the tourist accommodation offer (4-star and 5-star hotels). This is the case in San Jacinto II and Plaza de la Encarnaci´ on. Also related to tourism are the bazaars and chic souvenir shops that sell typical articles from Seville, such as fans and flamenco aprons (close to Plaza de la Encarnaci´ on and Reyes Cat´ olicos), while certain traditional food stores have redirected their supply towards restaurant services (Hornos La Parra and Portillo). In parallel, a gradual specialisation of the resident-related supply may be identified, targeting new and flourishing market niches: electronic cigarette stores (the corner of Magdalena and O’Donnell), tattoo parlours, an axe throwing range (Feria II), Argentine empanadas (pasties), ecological food products, charity shops, second hand and vintage shops, and gourmet products (Regina). M. The constant volatility of businesses and owners, visible in the number of changes experienced by certain establishments. There are examples of establishments whose activity changed in both the three periods of reference and the intermediate years (Plaza del Altozano, Reyes Cat´ olicos, the corner of Magdalena and O’Donnell, and Duque). On the other hand, we can observe the continuance of certain traditional businesses that have a long history in the city: Farmacia Santa Ana (established in 1913), Churrería San Pablo (1960) and Confitería La Campana (1855), among others. Some new businesses have transferred to the traditional headquarters of the old establishments, deciding to maintain the former aesthetics, which gives them a prestigious image. N. A sharp reduction in the number of banking entities in the study area after the economic crisis of 2008 (particularly in Plaza del Altozano and Reyes Cat´ olicos). This has been accompanied by the almost complete disappearance of travel agencies from the city centre. 5. Discussion A crucial aspect of analysing trade transformations is selecting a reproducible and accessible methodology that relies on widely available data, ensuring applicability. In this study, the proposed approach addresses certain gaps and limitations found in previously implemented methods. The authors previously tested the official Directory of Companies and Establishments with Economic Activity in Andalusia, produced by the Institute of Statistics and Cartography of Andalusia (IECA), as the primary source for measuring the evolution of commercial establishments in the region. However, this method has three major limitations: (I) there are weaknesses in diachronic analysis due to inconsistent data quality, with only the years 2011 and 2018 deemed reliable, and updates occurring at a slow pace of up to two years; (II) there are limitations for precise spatial analysis. The geographical references lack reliability, preventing detailed correlations; (III) there is an absence of qualitative data, which hinders the ability to identify internal transformations within businesses—an essential factor for analysing processes such as commercial gentrification. Due to these shortcomings, Google Street View, and the methodology employed in this article, emerge as more effective tools for analysing commercial transformations and their relationship with tourist activity, thanks to their homogeneity, high frequency of updates, and ability to identify internal changes in business types. Thus, recently, in a similar way, the authors Casado Buesa et al. (2025) have demonstrated the effectiveness of the Google Street View tool, in this case, for a commercial axis in the historic Fig. 3. Intensity of the 2008–2023 transformation by category. Source: Own elaboration. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 7 centre of Barcelona. The first notable finding of the research is the functional specialisation of the historical centre of Seville in the bar and restaurant group of activity. This is confirmed, on the one hand, by the increasingly overwhelming dominance of food and beverage establishments in the commercial landscape of the city (Results A, F, H and I)—evidence of the so-called “foodification” phenomenon—and, on the other hand, by the loss of diversity of other activities (D and F) (Bourlessas et al., 2021; Dimitrovski & Crespi Vallbona, 2017). We should also mention the growing supply of tourist accommodation (A), which, although lower in quantity than the above category, has undergone profound transformations in the urban space. This has sometimes led to an urban development that has been coordinated by the high-end hotels (Comendador-S´ anchez et al., 2024). The results indicate a significant increase in Hairdresser’s and beauty salons and a moderate growth in Supermarkets and bazaars (Results A, B and C). Regarding the former, can be attributed to the emergence and proliferation of new activities in the aesthetics sector, such as manicure and pedicure salons, tattoo parlours, or non-traditional hairdressing salons that cater to a younger and more cosmopolitan demand. These new businesses driven by gentrification processes and new generational trends, seem to replace traditional establishments that served the local population (Hern´ andez Cordero, 2016; Cocola-Gant, 2023). With regard to the latter, there has been an increase in small-scale supermarkets that offer more expensive products and extended opening hours, which are likely better suited to the growing number of users of short-term tourist accommodations. Additionally, bazaars—often run by the Chinese community—continue to thrive, remaining open for long hours and providing a wide variety of goods, including souvenirs, household items (e.g., tools), clothing and footwear, as well as specialised food products (e.g., bread, cold meats, ready-made meals, etc.). These observarions suggest that the influence of tourism on the moderately related Fig. 4. Range of activities by street from the highest to the lowest connection to tourism (2008 vs. 2023). Source: Own elaboration. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 8 categories becomes diluted depending on the reference year, due to a shift in the demand profile: most likely, the majority of supermarkets, clothing and food shops were not primarily catering to tourism in 2008. Since then, they were most likely replaced by stores from the same retail typology but that cater a different consumer, the tourists (Bl´ azquezSalom et al., 2019; Casado Buesa et al., 2025). The main debate lies in the causal relationships between this phenomenon and the growth of tourism in the city during the study period. One of the key aspects of the discussion is establishing the extent to which the transformations observed are due to the intensification of tourism or to other factors occurring in the same period. In fact, most certainly, we can refer not to a single process acting on the reality of the urban commercial environment, but to a combination of several factors. These include, as already indicated, commercial trends on a global scale, such as the spread of electronic commerce or the proliferation of large shopping centres on the outskirts of cities, both of which harm small traditional retailers. One specific factor in the case of Spain is an increase in commercial lease prices as a result of the new Urban Rental Law of 2014. However, we should also note the increasing desire of visitors to have a taste of the local experience (blending in with local residents), and the desire of local residents in other areas of the city to colonise public spaces other than those in the areas of their daily lives (the “touristization” of local residents) in their hedonistic search for new experiences. Therefore, the lines between these two groups are becoming increasingly blurred, this leading to the creation of liminal or transition spaces in the commercial centres of cities. This aspect of touristification should be taken into account in order to avoid simplistic interpretations of a complex phenomenon, although given its great complexity, with the currently available sources and information it is not possible to differentiate between the degree of incidence of each of the factors, which also varies between cities and the consumption cultures of each country, and even between different areas within the same city. In line with the previous paragraph, pedestrianisation seems to constitute a crucial factor in the commercial geography of the city. According to our results (H), the pedestrianised segments, in general, have a commercial structure that is particularly aimed at tourists, attracting accommodation businesses (in the Magdalena and Encarnaci´ on segments) and food and beverages establishments (in San Jacinto II and Regina). In these areas, there is a clear incidence of the aforementioned aesthetisation and elitisation of businesses (K and L), and a mass occupation of the public space by bars and restaurants (Elorrieta Sanz et al., 2021). The relationship between pedestrianisation and commercial gentrification is confirmed, coinciding with other studies analysing other cities such as Paris, Istanbul and Bangkok (Kumar & Ross, 2006; ¨ Ozdemir & Selçuk, 2017; Kirmizi, 2021). On the other hand, it should also be determined whether the tourist’s experience is harmed by the homogenisation of the commercial landscape (D and H) and the arrival of multinational brands or franchises (K) (Jover, 2019), or whether the tourist feels comfortable with the Fig. 5. Evidence of aestheticization and minimalism in the commercial landscape. (Top: María Trifulca Restaurant – left: 2008, right: 2023; Bottom: Casa Oliva Restaurant – left: 2008, right: 2023). Source: The authors and Google Street View. A. Ruiz Romera et al. Cities 165 (2025) 106080 9