Players, interests and public policies in relation to tourist rental housing in Spain (2010-2019). Complexity and multiple conflicts

layers, interests and public P policies in relation to tourist rental housing in Spain (2010-2019). Complexity and multiple conflicts Auxiliadora Comendador-Sánchez, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Spain Enrique Santos-Pavón, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Spain Javier Hernández-Ramírez, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Spain Abstract Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the general scenario resulting from the emergence and expansion of tourist rental housing in Spain during the period 2010-2019. Design/methodology/approach: The approach adopted is qualitative and focusses on identifying the range of players involved in the phenomenon and their varying interests; it also analyses the differing roles played by public authorities through the adoption of regulatory tools and the responses to these. Results: This paper shows the existence of a diversity of positions among the various players involved in the phenomenon, as well as divergent responses from public authorities to their demands. This reveals the existence of a complex, heterogeneous scenario characterized by tension between the players; a situation that has not been satisfactorily resolved by the regulatory tools adopted, in the light of the conflicts observed. Originality/significance: The main significance of the work lies in its contribution to the general understanding of the phenomenon of dwellings for tourist use in Spain from a broad, nationwide perspective, which seeks to correct the usual local and partial approaches. Limitations of the research: The timescale of the study, the decade 2010-2019, delimits the theoretical framework, the analyses carried out and the conclusions obtained to this period. Keywords: Dwellings for tourist use, tourist rental housing, players involved, regulatory tools, multiple conflicts Paper type: Research paper Players, interests and public policies Received 13 May 2020 Revised 5August 2020 Accepted 3 September 2020 © Auxiliadora Comendador-Sánchez, Enrique Santos-Pavón and Javier Harnández-Ramírez. Published in Journal of Tourism Analysis: Revista de Análisis Turístico. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode Journal of Tourism Analysis: Revista de Análisis Turístico Vol. 28 No. 1, Año 2021 pp. 1-21 The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on JTA Insight at: https://analisis-turistico.aecit.org/index.php/AECIT/issue/view/32 1 2 1.I ntroduction: the touristification of housing in cities The phenomenon of the proliferation of tourist rental housing cannot be separated from the more general process of transition from Fordism to a regime of flexible accumulation (Lash and Urry, 1987; Ioannides and Debbage, 1997; Delgado, 1998). In the tourism sector, this transition has meant a shift from a vertically organised model in which large corporations and companies controlled most of the business, to one in which new players involved in the production and marketing of tourism goods and services have emerged and proliferated on a global scale (Shaw and Williams, 2004). The combination of two factors has been crucial to the success of this transition: the development of information technologies and the desire of tourists for new experiences (Richards, 2016). In just a few years, multiple digital platforms have burgeoned to compete with the business model of traditional companies and to act as intermediaries between consumers and tourism service providers within the, somewhat ambiguously named, collaborative economy (sharing economy or peer to peer) (Bakker and Twining- Ward, 2018). This new phenomenon of promoting and marketing goods and services between individuals through digital platforms - called uberization (Bani, 2017) or airbnbification (Richards, 2016) - is here to stay. Virtual intermediaries are intervening in practically all branches of tourism activity (transport, accommodation, activities, information), noticeably increasing competition and innovation by offering new services, such as the so-called "experiences" marketed by Airbnb. This dynamic is triggering a surge in new companies that are expanding the supply of complementary services aimed mainly at users of tourist accommodation (lockers, laundromats, car parks, bureaux de change, personalised tours, health care, courses and seminars on local customs and cultural practices, rental of electric and portable vehicles such as bicycles, mopeds, scooters, overboards, unicycles and an ever-increasing list.) (Moreno-Izquierdo et al., 2016). All of this favours the emergence of a new class of entrepreneur providing innovative tourism services, some of which could be classified as part of the so-called creative economy (Richards, 2018) and others considered ancillary tourism industries. Therefore, this transformation is not only quantitative but qualitative: digital platforms are changing the very nature of the tourism business, since they connect all manner of providers and entrepreneurs with tourists and consumers and encourage the development of new activities and services. In fact, one of the main keys to the success and growth of this new business model is its capacity to facilitate more direct access of the visitor to the socio-cultural reality of the destination he or she is visiting, since these new services are enlarging the field of tourist expenditure to more intimate, local and behind-the-scenes ambits (houses, parking lots, neighbourhoods, etc.). The possibility of closer contact with the destination immerses the visitor in its everyday life, allowing them to have an authentic experience, as if they were a local, thus satisfying one of the most sought-after objectives of many tourists (Urry, 1999; Wang, 1999; Judd, 2003; Richards, 2017). This is what Quaglieri and Russo (2010) cleverly denominate with the oxymoron: "extraordinary everydayness". Dwellings for tourist use are part of this general phenomenon. According to various studies (Cócola-Gant, 2016; Alfonso, 2016), their development would not have been the same without the intermediary role of digital platforms, which have substantially increased the number of beds available on demand and mobilized investors and entrepreneurs in the real estate and tourism businesses. Hand in hand with the Airbnb phenomenon and the enormous growth it has experienced since its beginnings in 2008 as a community-based collaboration (according to its own definition), other peer-to- peer platforms have been emerging onto the international market until, at the end of the last decade, they offered 22 million homes for tourist use (Transparent Media Consulting, 2018), enjoying continuous growth that has been evolving at a faster rate than traditional tourist accommodation (hotels and similar establishments). JTA 28.1 In Spain, the trend has also been towards growth until 2019, when a relative decline can be seen, which is attributed by the sector's entrepreneurs to greater regulation by the authorities (Graph 1). Graph 1. Number of tourist rental housing places in Spain (2009-2019) The growth in tourist rental housing in urban holiday destinations has directly affected the functioning of the sector, modifying business models, but it has also caused an abrupt disruption of the housing market. This is due to the emergence of new players who are profiting from this new form of temporary rental. This is because the profit margin they provide is higher than that generated by long term rentals and, furthermore, maintenance costs are lower than those of hotel accommodation (Exceltur, 2015). This new scenario is generating antagonism and various social conflicts, both with the traditional tourism industry, which is facing new competitors in a business that until recently was dominated by them, and with the residents of the areas where the phenomenon is taking place, who are affected by a reduction in the supply of housing for long-term rental and a corresponding increase in its price (Cócola-Gant, 2016; Jover et al., 2018; Cañada and Murray, 2019). The real estate market is undergoing a transformation, since the large profits generated by the tourist rental housing business have a direct impact on the areas where the homes are located. In these areas we are witnessing the development of competition and the transformation of the traditional residential function of housing - understood as an asset for long-term use and mainly oriented to the local population - into a different model in which housing is converted into a tourist commodity, with temporary accommodation for the visiting population taking precedent. This touristification of housing is also reorienting the functions and the socio-cultural character of urban space, since it reduces the availability of land and buildings for residential use, causing a general increase in the cost of housing. This process favours tourist gentrification, i.e. the transformation of the local neighbourhood into one of tourist use which, due to its transient and temporary nature, encourages only ephemeral and superficial contact - which, moreover, is usually only one-off - with the increasingly scarce local population. The result is that the social fabric of the neighbourhoods becomes frayed and they mutate into scenarios where, paradoxically, Players , interests and public policies 3 Source: Exceltur (2020). Compiled by authors JTA 28.1 4 local culture is displayed for tourist consumption (Cócola-Gant, 2016; Hernández-Ramírez, 2018). These developments and conflicts have increased due to the absence or laxity of public policies and legislation aimed at regulating the housing market and the use of dwellings (Rodríguez-Alonso, 2011; Leal and Martínez, 2017). However, in recent years public authorities at different levels have adopted legal provisions that seek to regulate this scenario of multiple conflicts, either by facilitating the expansion of housing for tourist use or, conversely, by trying to neutralize its negative effects on the most impacted social and business sectors. Such regulation is not exclusive to the situation in Spain, but has also been adopted in many of the most tourist-oriented cities in Europe, such as Milan, Amsterdam, Paris or London (Blanco et al., 2017). In short, the phenomenon of dwellings for tourist use is a complex scenario that poses many challenges for the future. The variety of players that intervene, the disparity of interests that come into play, the extent and scope of the conflicts generated by this activity and the varying roles played by public authorities create an unstable general framework of multiple conflicts. The noticeable impact on life in cities and the conflicting interests of the different players involved in this phenomenon have led to considerable public debate, as well as to an abundant production of literature that approaches this reality from different disciplines and scientific currents (Armas et al, 2014; Hiernaux and González, 2014; Cuscó and Font, 2015; Guillén, 2015; De la Encarnación, 2016; Miralles and Villar, 2016; González, 2017; Herrero, 2017; Roca, 2017; Fuentes-Lojo, 2018; Fuentes-Lojo et al.). This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon of tourist rental housing in Spain over the last decade, framing it in the general context of the global expansion of tourism within the post-Fordism accumulation regime. In contrast to the numerous approaches to the phenomenon from a local perspective undertaken to date, this work offers a nationwide overview. This broad angle makes it possible to overcome the limitations of very localised approaches and to understand the diversity of responses of the sectors involved, as well as to ascertain the similarities and differences in the various public authorities’ treatment of the phenomenon within their spheres of competence and geographic scope. This multiscale approach is complemented by a perspective that addresses tourist rental housing as a multi-pronged phenomenon. As a consequence of this, the analysis adopts a holistic view that stems from the observation of its complex, multi-sectoral and multi-conflict nature of actors competing in a shifting interplay of forces to reach a position of advantage within the tourism market. In accordance with this theoretical approach, this paper sets out three fundamental objectives: 1. To identify the players involved in the phenomenon of the expansion of the dwellings for tourist use, to highlight their different interests and to determine the particular problem that affects each one of them. 2. To recapitulate and compare the normative and regulatory tools adopted by regional and municipal authorities on the matter. 3. Analyse the reaction and response of the different players involved to the regulatory tools adopted. 2. Methodology and sources of information In accordance with its objectives, this paper analyses the phenomenon of housing for tourist use in Spain during the decade 2010-2019. The choice of this timeframe is warranted because it covers the period of greatest growth in the advent of this type of housing, as well as the period of greatest regulatory activity on this matter. Prior to these dates, dwellings for tourist use were predominantly located on the Spanish coast, in response to the demand for so-called residential tourism (Santos-Pavón and Fernández-Tabales, 2010). Since 2010 a new business model of tourist rental dwellings, which is the subject of this paper, has developed rapidly. This model displays three novel characteristics: firstly, the participation of digital intermediary platforms; secondly, the predominant location of dwellings in urban holiday destinations and, finally, their non-seasonal nature. The study adopts a qualitative methodology that takes four types of documents as sources of information: Firstly, a large number of scientific articles and technical documents which address the phenomenon of housing for tourist use from different perspectives and interests (social, territorial, cultural, legal and economic) have been reviewed. This has yielded a more in-depth understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon, its many ramifications and nuances, the various players involved, the problems and conflicts generated in the holiday destinations, etc. Secondly, a detailed review and comparative analysis has been carried out of the different regulatory tools, adopted by both regional and local authorities, to regulate dwellings for tourist use within their sphere of competence. This documentation has made it possible to determine to what extent a response is being given to the problems and complaints affecting each of the players. Thirdly, extensive and varied newspaper archive material has been gathered, providing very up-to-date information on facts, circumstances and vicissitudes that are not usually dealt with in scientific literature, but which provide very interesting information on the interests at stake, as well as on the tensions and alliances between the different players, from a diachronic perspective. Fourthly, a fundamental part of our research has been the analysis of the legal appeals filed up to 2019 by certain players against some of the regulatory tools adopted by the authorities and the judicial rulings these are receiving. This information is essential to better understand the interests and demands of the different sectors involved in the phenomenon of tourist rental housing. In view of the need to collate the large amount of information on the regulatory tools adopted and the legal actions taken against them, in a clear, orderly and succinct manner, a series of tables have been drawn up to facilitate understanding and comparison of all the documents analysed. At the same time, the underlying discourses -explicit and implicitin each of the documents have been compared and analysed, identifying and delving into the interests and objectives of the stakeholders who formulate them. 3. Analysis and results: the players involved in the phenomenon of tourist rental housing The arrival of tourist rental housing in urban holiday destinations is a relatively recent and complex phenomenon that clearly highlights two main issues that have diverse repercussions and offer different readings, depending on the interests of the various players involved (Román, 2018). These two main issues are: - The rapid and often uncontrolled growth in the number of tourist accommodation beds in certain areas of cities. Players, interests and public policies 5 JTA 28.1 6 - The change of a good number of dwellings from residential to tourist use, together with the transformation, in favour of tourism, of public space and the commercial fabric of the areas affected. These transformations, and their consequences, have been gradually addressed by the authorities through the development of specific regulation of the sector. For decades, tourist rental housing in Spain was legally covered by successive urban leasing laws, within the generic category of temporary rental. The situation changed in 2013 with the approval of the Law 4/2013, of 4 June: measures to promote and increase flexibility in the rental housing market, which considered temporary leasing for tourist purposes to be a tourist business activity and, therefore, within the ambit of the regulations of that sector adopted by the regional authorities. As a result, all of the regional authorities already have regulations governing dwellings for tourist use (Table 1), although their criteria differ in the aspects they regulate (Del Busto et al., 2019), specifically: the obligatory requirements of customer assistance and quality; the requirements of licensing the activity; decisions related to tourist inspection; and the sanctions for breach of obligations (commercial, social harmony or environmental). Additionally, in certain municipalities where the phenomenon has expanded substantially, various urban planning tools have been adopted to regulate tourist housing (revision of land-use plans, formulation of special plans, approval of municipal ordinances), further contributing to the complexity and diversity of the regulatory treatment of the phenomenon. Through the regulation of tourist rental housing, the authorities have sought to organize the sector and provide solutions to some of the issues caused by this activity, which impacts the diversity of players in different ways (Table 2). These stakeholders (Freeman, 1984) comprise a heterogeneous network of groups with specific and often conflicting interests that, to varying degrees, participate in the phenomenon of tourist rental housing, either by influencing its expansion, intervening in its regulation or being affected by its development. As a whole, this diversity of players constitutes a system that is dynamic and subject to tensions, conflicts, negotiations and alliances, since it is forged by the interdependence and interaction of each and every one of the interested parties. In the field of tourism, the specialized literature defines four groups of stakeholders: the public sector (organizations and authorities at all levels); the private sector (companies directly and indirectly involved in the activity); tourists (of different types); and the local neighbourhood (both residents in tourist areas and from other areas) (Jamal and Getz 1995; Sautter and Leisen, 1999; Liu, 2003; Bramwell, 2011; Gomez & Martín, 2015). For the analysis of the specific case of tourist rental housing, this study applies the theory of stakeholders (Presenza & Cipollina, 2010). This work identifies seven welldefined sectors, namely: digital intermediary platforms, owners of dwellings for tourist use, tourists who use this type of accommodation, residents of the areas affected by the phenomenon, the hotel sector, travel agencies and political players. Each of the players involved has their own peculiarities and there are also significant internal differences in terms of the degree of organization and structure. Some of them form real lobbies or pressure groups thanks to their considerable capacity to influence decision-making processes. However, other sectors are diffusely organized and achieve less impact and public notoriety, so their influence is more limited. These stakeholders are identified below in order to establish the position of each them with regard to the problems arising and to examine the impact of the regulations adopted, based on the analysis of their discourse, demands and behaviour. Players, interests and public policies 7 Table 1. Contents of the regional government legislation on dwellings for tourist use (2019). JTA 28.1 8 Table 2. Situation of the regulation of dwellings for tourist use at municipal level (2019). 3.1 Digital intermediary platforms Digital platforms that provide tourist accommodation in homes have played a decisive role in the enormous expansion of the phenomenon over the last decade (Oskam and Boswijk, 2016). Their arrival in the tourism sector has been a disruptive innovation (Díaz et al., 2014; Guttentag, 2015) that has transformed homeowners into hosts, temporary tenants into guests, dwellings into tourist accommodation and local residents into the permanent neighbours of new incidental neighbours. These platforms, together with the homeowners, have perhaps benefited the most from the emergence of this phenomenon, since in addition to obtaining financial profit as a result of their work as intermediaries, they benefit from specific tax conditions that significantly reduce their taxation (they pay taxes through their parent companies based in countries that grant them tax breaks, as is the case of Airbnb in Ireland) (Recio, 2016). This position of advantage is criticised by other players (travel agencies, for example), in view of the scant regulation of these platforms' activity in Spain, with the exception of the general legislation applicable to e-commerce and, more specifically, Royal Decree 1070/17, which obliges them to provide the details, for tax purposes (Agencia Tributaria, 2018), of the homeowners who use them. The platforms, as a response to the pressure exerted by other agents (hoteliers and, sometimes, the general public), are reacting by applying certain self-regulation measures, such as requiring that the tourist homes on offer display their official registration number (the case of Airbnb and HomeAway). Apart from the small number of provisions and measures mentioned, the intermediary platforms are the player which has profited considerably from the significant growth in the supply of this accommodation and is minimally affected by new regulations that practically ignore them while focusing their attention on other players and processes in the sector. 3.2 Users of tourist accommodation The growing number of travellers who have chosen to stay in tourist rental housing in the last decade has been a major driving force in the expansion of this type of accommodation in Spain. As a result, in 2018, there were nearly 8 million users of this type of accommodation, which is double the figure of a decade earlier (Esade, 2015; Instituto Multidisciplinar de la Empresa, 2019). According to data provided by Exceltur, based on a survey conducted in Spain among more than 2,200 users of tourist rental housing of four different nationalities, most users indicated that the price, independence and spaciousness of the accommodation were decisive factors when choosing. However, the results of the survey also indicated an interest among users in getting involved in the life of the local area, which is in keeping with the profile of a younger and more adventurous type of tourist, as opposed to those who choose hotel accommodation (Exceltur, 2015, pp. 31-32). Nonetheless, it should not be forgotten that tourists in general, including those staying in tourist rental housing, form a heterogeneous group characterised by a diversity of motivations and expectations, which explains why they do not constitute an organised group of stakeholders who collectively defend their common interests. When tourists give their views, complain or make demands, they generally do so in a personal capacity through opinions and evaluations on the platforms or through legal complaint procedures. Nevertheless, the Spanish Consumers and Users Organisation’s (OCU) declaration rejecting the tourist housing regulations of the City Council and the regional government of Madrid, should be highlighted as exceptional and significant. Players, interests and public policies 9 JTA 28.1 16  Those that promote regulation, either to guarantee the “right to the city” of residents of overcrowded tourist areas, or to ensure a better balance between the different players competing in the tourist accommodation business. Both neighbourhood associations and hotel establishments and travel agencies agree on the need for public regulation. The positioning of the political actors in power within the different geographical scopes under consideration (regional and local authorities) is clearly reflected in the regulations adopted in the planning of tourist rental housing. The wide variety of measures reveals the existence of various ideological patterns on the part of governments of different political persuasions (Tables 1 and 2). Thus, at the regional level, we find governments that are in favour of growth in provision and in minimizing the legal requirements within their regions; and opposing them, more restrictive governments that give priority to the residential use of housing stock and that establish stricter requirements for the business and heavier sanctions for infractions (Table 1). It can therefore be deduced that the repercussions of the regulation of tourist rental housing on the different players involved depends to a large extent on the region where the housing is located and on the ideological positioning of its government. Political differences can also be found between regional and municipal governments, which result in differences in the treatment of the phenomenon. Consequently, in many cases, local councils have opted to make use of urban planning instruments (general plans, special plans and municipal by-laws) to condition or restrict the tourist use of dwellings, further contributing to the complexity and diversity of the regulatory treatment of the phenomenon (Table 2). If we compare both levels of government (municipal and regional) and their creation of regulations in relation to dwellings for tourist use, we can see how municipal instruments address social and environmental issues such as safeguarding the residential use of the dwellings, the right to rest of the residents or the protection of the urban environment (Table 2); whilst regional measures almost completely abstain from addressing these issues, basically limiting themselves to regulating technical or administrative aspects (Table 1). 4. Discussion and conclusions This work has addressed the general scenario arising from the commencement and expansion of tourist rental housing in Spanish cities in the period 2010-2019. The study is based on the premise that the phenomenon occurs within the context of the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism in the tourist industry, which is strongly supported by the development of the digital economy and the proliferation of new businesses oriented to satisfy tourists’ demands for new products and experiences. Within this general context, tourist accommodation is one of the clearest expressions of the change in model mentioned, insofar as it represents not only a new form of accommodation, but also that its development has triggered a whole network of companies providing innovative services within the so-called creative economy, in addition to boosting ancillary tourist industries. The research has analysed the complex, variable scenario of multiple conflicts generated by tourist rental housing, and applies the stakeholders' theory, which focuses on the arguments, demands and strategies of the different players involved in the phenomenon. The fact is that the irruption of this new form of tourist accommodation has not only expanded the provision of accommodation in cities, but has also generated growing unease both in traditional business sectors and among residents of the affected areas, who are demanding greater control and regulation. The former consider tourist housing as a threat and unfair competition; the latter denounce that this activity directly affects the housing market, transforming it into a tourist commodity, which negatively impacts traditional neighbourhoods. In this context, public authorities are acting with initiatives of different kinds, either supporting the development of the phenomenon through liberalizing measures, or adopting regulatory instruments. The study reveals that the heterogeneous treatment given to tourist rental housing by the various regulatory measures adopted to date is due to the different ideological positioning in relation to the phenomenon by governments of different political persuasions. Technical and legal arguments are used to justify these public policies. Likewise, we have seen that the aspects regulated by the authorities vary depending on their geographical scope. In this sense, we have ascertained that municipal governments mainly focus their regulation on social and environmental problems, while regional measures usually deal with administrative and technical aspects. This shows a considerable divergence in the regulation of tourist rental housing by different regions and cities. A heterogeneity that generates ill feeling in the sectors involved, who demand nationwide uniformity of criteria. The research has also ascertained the close relationship between the tourist industry and the real estate business. The proliferation of tourist rental housing has led to the repurposing of a growing part of the housing stock towards holiday rentals, especially in the centres and the most attractive neighbourhoods of cities. This phenomenon has led to the emergence of small local owners offering their homes for this type of accommodation, while at the same time large investors and specialised companies have entered the sector, attracted by the high profitability of the activity, and have acquired many properties for tourist rental use. This trend shows that, under the guise of collaborative economy, which allegedly encourages the coming together of small local entrepreneurs and tourists, this activity constitutes a lucrative business that, as such, should be subject to comprehensive management that guarantees the rights and obligations of all the players involved. This has not been the case in Spain, in view of the shortcomings detected in many of the regulations adopted on the subject and the complaints made by different sectors. In short, the tourist rental housing scenario in Spain during the period under analysis has been characterised by the existence of conflict and tension between players, which has not been adequately resolved by the regulatory instruments adopted by the authorities. A panorama in which a clear distinction is made between the agents driving the activity: those who are opposed to or have little interest in regulating it (property owners and intermediary platforms) and the agents reacting to the phenomenon and demanding greater control of the activity and its negative impacts (mainly residents and hotel companies). This interplay of driving forces requires public authorities to guarantee greater balance, in order to ensure the sustainability of all aspects of urban tourist destinations. To conclude, we consider that this work provides an understanding of the players, their interests and their interactions, which may be useful for proper planning, management and regulation of dwellings used for tourist accommodation which fosters better integration of the activity in the areas and neighbourhoods where it has become established. 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(1999), “Rethinking authenticity in tourism experience”. Annals of Tourism Research, vol. 2, No. 26, pp. 349-370. National and regional legislation Ley 29/1994, de 24 de noviembre, de arrendamientos urbanos. Ley 4/2013, de 4 de junio, de medidas de flexibilización y fomento del mercado del alquiler de vivienda. Ley 6/2017, de 31 de julio, de modificación de la Ley 8/2012, de 19 de julio, del turismo de las Illes Balears. Ley 15/2018, 7 de junio, de turismo, ocio y hospitalidad de la Comunidad Valenciana. Real Decreto 1070/17, de 29 de diciembre, de regulación de plataformas digitales y viviendas de uso turístico. Real Decreto-ley 7/2019, de 1 de marzo, de medidas urgentes en materia de vivienda y alquiler. Decreto foral 230/2011, de 26 de octubre, de ordenación de los apartamentos turísticos en la Comunidad Foral de Navarra. Decreto 182/2012, de 7 de septiembre, de ordenación y clasificación de los apartamentos turísticos de la Comunidad Autónoma de Extremadura. Decreto 159/2012, de 20 de noviembre, de establecimientos de alojamiento turístico y de viviendas de uso turístico de Cataluña. Decreto 80/2015, de 5 de mayo, de viviendas de uso turístico de Aragón. Decreto 113/2015, de 22 de mayo, de viviendas vacacionales de la Comunidad Autónoma de Canarias. Decreto 28/2016, de 2 de febrero, de viviendas con fines turísticos y de modificación del Decreto 194/2010, de 20 de abril, de establecimientos de apartamentos turísticos de Andalucía. Decreto 48/2016, de 10 de agosto, de viviendas vacacionales y viviendas de uso turístico del Principado de Asturias. Decreto 12/2017, de 26 de enero, de apartamentos turísticos, viviendas turísticas y viviendas de uso turístico de Galicia. Decreto 3/2017, de 16 de febrero, de establecimientos de alojamiento en la modalidad de vivienda de uso turístico de Castilla y León. Decreto 36/2018, de 29 de mayo, de ordenación de los apartamentos turísticos y las viviendas de uso turístico en Castilla-La Mancha. Players, interests and public policies 21