Citizenship and local development for the participation and digital governance of public administration : Innovative experiences in Southern EU Member States

CITIZENSHIP AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT FOR THE PARTICIPATION AND DIGITAL GOVERNANCE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Innovative experiences in Southern EU Member States INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ELECTRONIC GOVERNANCE Special Edition “(Re)creating public sphere, civic culture and civic engagement : public service media vs. online social networks”. ABSTRACT Cyberspace has introduced new habits and relationships into traditional forms of social intercourse and modern symbolic practices and representations. The formation of a new telepolis constitutes the main challenge to be overcome by communication researchers. The breaking up of the internal and external boundaries of cities and territories, and the merging together and confusion of public and private spaces, which have always been traditionally separated in modern political discourse and communication, indicates not only new cultural trends in human organization and socialization, but also, through the various electronic forms of interaction and information exchange, the constitution of a new space for political identity and participation. Therefore, the dynamics of capitalist globalization have contributed to the creation of an urban spatiality depending on networks that have no defined territory, borders, or territorial locations with an intense concentration of resources. These dynamics, in fact, are not totally new. The difference today is, without doubt, the intensity, complexity and global reach of these networks, as well as their use and ownership by local governments, social movements and active citizenship. As a result, in the current process of capitalist globalization, the new configurations generated in the economic and technological sphere affect the political level and the issue of governance. In this context, information and communication technologies are presented as little explored tools of governance, and economic and cultural development, for the construction of new models of partnership and participatory citizenship. Concepts like digital governance refer to new ways of interaction between citizens and governments, and new concepts of urban policy using electronic means. As the main future challenge for the social and economic development of the common space of the European Union, this is how the European Commission identifies the articulation of participation-based local politics geared to a new governance that has a favourable impact on communitarian development processes, from a firm standpoint of participatory and plural democracy in the cultural era, as a resource that anticipates innovative ways of citizenship. The general aim is to study how these new cultural practices are materializing and the local development processes that define the current rationales of public space construction through new information and communication technologies. In this artcle, several innovative experiences in Southern EU Member States are analyzed, presenting the preliminary discussion about the conceptual basis of a new strategic vision for social movements that tries to explore new local forms of cultural autonomy for citizens through the appropriation of new information technologies, in a social research applied to ICTs and citizen participation. This study points to a more efficient use of this potential by social movements versus its underutilization by local administrations and third sector organizations. KEYWORDS Digital Citizenship/ Electronic Government/ Electronic Public Administration/Information Society/ Local Development/Cyberdemcracy in southern EU/Innovative experiences/ICT´s and citizen participation I. INTRODUCTION The intensive globalization processes of the last third of the 20th century have decisively affected the configuration of all that is local. This glocalization outlines a scenario in which the local is affected by global flow and concentration dynamics in which telecommunication networks play a decisive role. In the words of Saskia Sassen (2003), these dynamics have contributed to producing an urban spatiality depending on networks that have no defined territory, borders, or territorial locations with an intense concentration of resources. These dynamics are an exclusive feature of our historical period; since the encyclopedic work of Lewis Mumford (Technics and Civilization), the influence of techniques and machines on urban life has been analyzed. The current process’ new feature lies in the intensity, complexity and global reach of these networks, as well as their use and appropriation by broad sectors of civil society, which in other historical periods would have been excluded from the use of technology. In their studies on the new relationships between the local and the global, Jordi Borja and Manuel Castells (1997) suggested a double process of analysis. While cities position themselves in the global economy, at the same time they should integrate and structure their local society. This integration depends on the implementation of intensive processes of political democratization, administrative decentralization and citizen participation in municipal management. Using the terminology of these authors, it is necessary to interrelate the rationales of the space of flows with the corresponding rationales of the spaces of places; that is, accessing circuits of capital accumulation, market integration and reorganization of industrial production (space of flows), while at the same time designing new territorial forms of organizing citizens’ daily lives and experiences (space of places). In the same way as Michel de Certeau talked about the invention of daily life many decades ago, nowadays it is necessary to reinvent it, based on the same humanist interpretation, but in a new technological, economic and political context. The reconfigurations that take place in the economic and technological spheres affect, on a political level, the question of governance. In the 1970s, this term referred to the State’s role in matters such as administrative efficiency and, in a broad sense, to its management capacity. Nowadays, governance incorporates other variables, such as state interaction with civil society and the marketplace. It has been precisely the crisis of governance and confidence in municipalities and local administrations that has favoured the implementation of different participatory and democratic regeneration initiatives. In this context, information and communication technologies appear as (insufficiently explored) tools of governance, socio-economic and cultural development, and construction of new supportive and participatory citizenship models. Terms like citizen networks, electronic government and digital cities refer to new forms of interaction between citizens and local authorities, to new concepts of urban policy, using digital means. Along these lines, one of the central debates revolving around the European Information Society is the provisional function of social capital provided by the new media, as expounded by community informatics or studies on confidence and good government in the digital era. According to Van Bavel/Punie/Tuami, the new information and communication technologies (NICTs) play an increasingly more important role in local development because of their capacity to mobilize material resources, information and knowledge. If social capital, as stated by Putnam, can be defined as one of the characteristics of any social organization based on co-operation for mutual benefit, citizen confidence and participation, and rules of reciprocity, the problem of participation in new technologies is currently a strategic challenge that obliges social organizations to articulate alternative co-operation and collective action networks, transforming the disposition of social capital into “interconnected social capital” (Van Bavel, 2003). Nevertheless, even acknowledging some of the discoveries of Putnam concerning the problem being addressed here, above all for the study of processes of social change in the field of communication, this concept of social networks, forms of government and self-organization of local communities tends to consider power relationships apart, above all in the political and economic context, addressing all forms of exchange and association from a personal definition of the Neoclassical paradigm of Political Economy, which, in the manner of a black box, presides his analysis of social links. As Prof. Navarro has been right to criticize, the discourse on social capital tries, on principle, to replace the analysis of power between classes, races and sexes, and its consequences in terms of public policies, by an instrumental reading of social relations at a time when, as Yúdice has criticized, culture itself has become a resource for economic development. Along these lines, it is essential to shift from a “capitalized” appraisal of innovation processes to a structural vision of the process of social appropriation of new technologies, especially if the regions in question are peripheral or underdeveloped, as is the case of Andalusia in Southern Europe. II. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE INFORMATION SOCIETY IN ANDALUSIA Sectorial studies conducted in the most important region of Southern Europe and the Common Market confirm the existence of structural failures and problems of integration of new technologies that contradict the democratizing discourse of the Commission on the future of Europe and the integration in the Knowledge Society, from the standpoint of its contribution to regional and local development in favour of an Information Society for All. In the specific case of Andalusia, the distance with respect to national and European averages has widened over the last few years, reinforcing mechanisms and rationales of social and economic exclusion, both individually and territorially speaking, depicting a landscape of small technological and financial archipelagos and areas integrated into the global system in conditions of clear dependency and subordinate convergence, in accordance with transnational economic interests, which reproduces diffusionist political dynamics centred on the consumption of new information technologies (NICTs) and different forms of technological dissemination of knowledge. The dominance of this political-economic rationale results in mediation models that impede the exploration of creative and potentially liberating uses of digital networks, to the point of defining Andalusian citizens as clients or mere consumers of new technological devices and equipment, noting numerous contradictions between the public discourse and the effective reality as regards regional adaptation to the Information Society; like, for instance, the limited development of policies geared to boosting the use of free software, vindicating the creation of a dynamic corporate sector revolving around new technologies (Guadalinex project), or the appeal to the Third Sector and the scant or nonexistent participation of civil society in the definition of public policies addressing the matter in question (Andalucía Compromiso Digital), without mentioning the insufficient development of electronic administration from the standpoint of citizens’ rights and public government. From a number of analyses conducted on the structure of the information economy in Andalusia (Román/Bueno, 2004), it is possible to note, along the same lines, the persistence of delays, inequalities and considerable imbalances that tend to reinforce themselves as a result of the implementation of digital media application policies inspired by a traditional development model which currently – owing to the new capitalist crisis – also highlights the lack of relevancy of this public policy by reproducing an economic structure historically defined by: - low levels of production, employment and income; - the weak organization of the economic fabric because of productive specialization and concentration; - an insufficient growth rate; - an intensive exploitation of natural resources and deterioration of the regional environment; - a low-qualified workforce and an insufficient entrepreneurial culture; - and a strong economic dependence. In this framework, the regional bid for innovation and knowledge as pivotal points of the promotion of a new model of economic and social development in Andalusia is, at the very least, contradictory and inconvenient, since it follows principles and public strategies incompatible with the need for structuring and reinforcing autochthonous capital, in coherence – as would be expected – with the adverse conditions of integration in the Common Market. So, the Second Modernization of Andalusia points to the need for promoting the Information Society as the basis of regional development and economic progress by means of an implementation process of neoliberal policies that, since the 1990s, have been inspired by the spirit of the Bangemann Report, in accordance with a technocratic vision keyed to the privatization and commercial efficiency of new technologies, which, in the Andalusian institutional discourse, has resulted in a political and economic model that places the region in a subordinate position at the service of more developed centres, be they located in Spain or the EU. The bid for implementing new information technologies has contributed in this way to strengthening a regional development model that has nothing to do with the reality or economic structure of Andalusia and that ignores the position and structural problems of the process of economic integration within the EU. In addition, “what really characterizes the Second Modernization project is the indiscriminate borrowing of principles and objectives belonging to exogenous models, principally the North American Global Information Society and the European Information Society” (Moreno, 2008: 284), renouncing its own indicators and policies adapted to the real necessities of the population. I@landalus. Iniciativas estratégicas para el Desarrollo de la Sociedad de la Información en Andalucía (2002-2004) [1@landalus. Strategic initiatives for developing the Information Society in Andalusia (2002-2004)], the Plan de Innovación y Modernización de Andalucía (2005) [Andalusian Innovation and Modernization Plan (2205)], and the Plan Andalucía Sociedad de la Información (2006) [Andalusian Information Society Plan (2006)] all establish a future outlook of a clearly dependent and subordinate nature. So: “The strategy and the lines of action of the Andalusian Regional Government as regards the Second Modernization are more an imitation of state and European policies than an autonomous answer to the challenges and opportunities accompanying the revolution in information and communication technologies (…) On the other hand, this imitation also results in the assumption of the chief indicators established by official state or European instruments and in establishing as an objective the comparison of Andalusian statistics with the average figures of more advanced EU regions, with the consequent loss of autonomy due to the introduction of an exogenous modernization model” (Moreno, 2008: 9). Along these lines of progress, the latest report on the current state of affairs indicates the dominance of several trends and obstacles in the development of the Information Society in Andalusia: 1. the Andalusian NICTs market and the role of the companies in the industry are marginal, weak and dependent; 2. the low levels of income per capita limit access to digital networks, resulting in a structural barrier for the development of digital citizenship; 3. the implementation of NICTs in the corporate sector is low and limited; 4. the generation of Andalusian content is a lot lower than national and European averages; 5. the investment in R&D&i places the region in a position of dependency in the development of Information Society programmes, content and applications. Despite state processes of autonomy and political decentralization, as a result “Andalusia ends up by being a space of accommodation and co-ordination of the interests of supranational actors that control the process of elaborating and implementing public policies geared to the Information and Knowledge Society” (Moreno, 2008: 9). Through revealing data on the main national and EU indicators to this respect, Andalusia’s integration model shows that such a new technology incorporation process has been conducted in a subordinate and dependent way, generating growing divergences and asymmetries in the region’s hinterland. “The objectivised presentation of a developed and modernized Andalusia, on the same footing as the rest of the Spanish and European regions, and the designation of socio-cultural aspects as the main obstacle for completing the Second Modernization, is an attempt – expressed through the discourse – at resolving (silencing) one of the socio-political problems at the very root of the Second Modernization project: the structural deficiencies of the Andalusian reality” (Moreno, 2008: 279), and which, in some way, characterize the disparate development of the Information Society in Southern Europe. The bid for changing the mentality of the Andalusian population ends up being a sort of inverted mediation by which the structural or objective conditions – the chief obstacle in the process of modernization and territorial development – are indentified as a guarantee and factor of social change, while the subjective factor – traditional Andalusian culture – is shown as the cause of the underdevelopment of the Information Society. “With this panorama, the references that we find in this discourse both to citizen participation and to the consensus between the actors comprising Andalusian society, who will have to collaborate so as to reach the fixed objectives, begin to make sense (…) In this way, the idea is to reinforce the endangered consensus based on a new pact between citizens, enterprise and political powers, in addition to presenting the development of the Second Modernization as inevitable” (Moreno, 2008: 289). In this process of ideological inversion, the appeal for participatory democracy and an active role of citizens becomes a catch-word for justifying the failure of a policy that reproduces the historical imbalances and asymmetries of regional backwardness and underdevelopment. According to the researcher Francisco Javier Moreno, the future challenge would involve, however, reinforcing the role of Andalusian citizen and popular culture “on which reflection on Andalusian development would have to revolve – for this is very frequently the space from which the most productive and innovative proposals and organization dynamics emerge” (Moreno, 2008: 291) – which would facilitate the definition of new formulas based on the creativity and expression of citizens, capable of structuring endogenous dynamics that reverse or restrain the dominant adverse tendencies in regional development. Although, for the moment, this does not appear to be the specific integration approach of the new governance and democratization policies of digital culture neither in Andalusia nor in other Southern European regions, nor for that matter in the EU municipalities themselves. III. LOCAL EXPERIENCES 1. Citiz@move. The reality of the European map. When trying to describe the processes involved in the appropriation of new technologies, the conclusions of the CITIZ@MOVE project are similar to those of the aforementioned studies on Andalusia (Sierra, 2006b). In a detailed analysis of the forms of participatory democracy in 10 Spanish and European cities (Seville, Graz, Derry, Toledo, Cosenza, Misterbianco, Siracusa, Valencia, Pecs and ASDA-Athens), geared to identifying from 2004-2006 good practices and experiences that local authorities can capitalize on so as to move ahead in the development of cyberdemocracy, the study entitled, “New information technologies, citizen participation and local development (Let us all learn how to communicate better. Interactive Communication Programme designed by citizens, civil servants and public authorities)”, concludes by indicating the notorious absence of public policies addressing the Information Society and citizens’ rights at a municipal level. The most relevant data and conclusions of the set of results obtained in the Workshop on Diagnosis and Participatory Prospects, using the EASW methodology, indicate that the weaknesses and deficiencies outnumber any significant progress made by the local authorities. The group of civil servants and public authorities, citizens and representatives of social organizations highlighted the following in their diagnoses, using the SWOT analysis technique: STRENGTHS - The existence in the majority of the cities of institutional websites with information on public services and provision of equipment for designing units of free access to new technologies, such as libraries, cultural centres (Cosenza), youth centres, or city information centres (Graz). - The awareness of Public Administration and, in some cases, the existence of regulatory frameworks of obligatory enforcement that steer the actions of the local authorities towards implementing eGovernment and citizen participation models via new technologies. WEAKNESSES - The lack of infrastructures and provision of equipment and, as a consequence, the insufficient technological modernization of the municipalities. - The lack of training and the technological illiteracy among citizens. - The insufficient provision of financial resources for the “technological leap forward”. - The hierarchical and vertical communication, totally lacking in interactivity, between Local Administration and citizens. - The unequal and asymmetrical access of citizens to ICTs. - And the lack of knowledge of the participatory use of the new media. OPPORTUNITIES - The implementation of global processes of participation (participatory budgets in Seville) and experiences in the use of ICTs (Valencia, Graz). - The political will of the local authorities, the central government, and the EU itself since the Lisbon Summit. - The creation of citizen networks via the Internet. THREATS On the other hand, it has also been observed that, in the local experiences analyzed here, there is a certain dissoluteness in the political dimension of communication and technology directly related to the progressive commercialization of the public policies and social action of collective actors such as NGOs. For this reason, it is seemingly evident that, for implementing complex and advanced forms of participatory democracy via new information technologies, the contextualization of these social practices in the widest framework of communication and technological policies – which have been promoted in the European space and the rest of the world since the last third of the 20th century – takes on a strategic nature. Seen from this perspective, social participation in new technologies is neither a problem of method nor an instrumental one, but essentially an epistemological problem, or to be more precise a conceptual matter which has to be addressed as a conflict of the Right of Communication. The problem we come up against lies in the fact that, in the context of the dialectics of production and modification of the space, the growing and intensive accumulation and territorial concentration of capital, and the symbolic projection of the cultural field as a space of mediation and resolution of conflicts, as a resource of local development – and then as a privileged scope of appraisal, in accordance with Yúdice – the democratization and equalitarian social participation of local actors in new information technologies constitutes a simple instrument of extension of representative democracy and the rationales of conventional consensus and hegemony. So, the challenge facing local communication policies geared to developing active citizenship via new representation media, lies in evaluating and defining participation as a bid for a radical and pluralist democracy transcending the definition of culture as a resource that international development policies impress on the management, storage, distribution and organization of the access to symbolic goods, depending on the conditions of transnational circulation and development of capitalism. Overcoming this objective regulatory framework of cyber-democracy would call for a radical reformulation of the precepts of representative democracy, decentralizing public information and decision-making systems beyond the models of extension and organization based on efficient rationality typical of the informational paradigm. Insofar as cyber-democracy designs a new scenario or public space, new methods and democratic possibilities for active citizen participation, and above all a new concept of space and mediation with the active participation of the citizenry, public policies should try to respond intelligently to this new emerging reality, questioning the notion of citizenship itself and the legal framework of participation in the social rule of law within the framework of the evolution of the nation-state towards the mobile state foreshadowing Cognitive Capitalism (Sierra 2006a). In other words, nowadays citizen participation involves thinking about mediations and distances, cultural practices and cognitive frameworks of reflexivity and political imagination. The doors opened by new technologies for the collective building of local development necessarily involve citizen interaction with modern communication systems, the co-operation and organization of civic networks, and above all designing the organization of social change based on individual and group creativity. Civic networks, community telecentres, or public anti-globalization platforms are leading to innovative forms of appropriation and use of new media, revitalizing creative processes of organization and social development that ought to be explored and adopted conceptually (Sierra, 2006a, 276), since, according to Mattelart, these new social actors are addressing matters related to information, communication and culture with an increasingly greater degree of precision and systematicity. In Southern European cities belonging to regions such as Andalusia, or provinces of Italy, the proliferation of groups and collectives keyed to defending digital rights indicates a future field of action that public policies should take into account, if the idea is to empower and strengthen the cultural capital of historically dependent and subordinate regions so as to define other processes of mediation and balanced development. Faced with the technocratic project of the powers of the market, the critical networks of local empowerment thus set themselves the challenge of relating technological appropriation to social change, making the politicization of technological change in its design, development and application a reality, with respect to the complex array of potential interests, strategies and policies, as Imanol Zubero has suggested. The relationship between social movements and information, communication and ICTs reaches, therefore, way beyond the blinkered outlook of the instrumental perspective governing the majority of the experiences of introducing new media in local government and development. Since, as never before, nowadays it is the citizen who, from cultural consumer to creator, plays a principle role in the transformations of the new media ecosystem. As indicated by García Canclini, it is paradoxical at the very least that in the consumer era of the 21st century, Southern European municipalities and social organizations keep on imagining a political subject of the 18th century. The confirmation of this reality in regions such as Andalusia demands at the very least a radical shift in public policies related to the Information Society, starting with thinking from bottom up: making citizens talk. 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Retos políticos de la sociedad de la información”, Telos, nº 25. ONLINE RESOURCES ANDALUCIA COMPROMISO DIGITAL www.andaluciacompromisodigital.es CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS ANDALUCES http://www.centrodeestudiosandaluces.es/ CONSEJERÍA INNOVACIÓN, CIENCIA Y EMPRESA www.juntadeandalucia.es/innovacioncienciayempresa CONSEJO ECONÓMICO Y SOCIAL DE JEREZ http://www.cesjerez.es/ GUADALINEX www.guadalinex.org INSTITUTO DE LA JUVENTUD DE ANDALUCIA http://www.juntadeandalucia.es/institutodelajuventud/ INSTITUTO ESTADÍSTICO DE ANDALUCÍA www.juntadeandalucia.es/iea PATALATA (Herramienta autónoma de comunicación de los movimientos sociales de Jerez [autonomous communication tool of the social movements of Jerez]) http://patalata.net/