Travel Writing and Cultural Images: A Critical Edition of Jean Gailhard's The Character of Spain (1671)

FACULTAD DE FILOLOGÍA. Universidad de Sevilla. C/ Palos de la Frontera s/n 41004 DOBLE MÁSTER UNIVERSITARIO EN Profesorado de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria, Bachillerato, Formación Profesional y Enseñanza de Idiomas y en Estudios Lingüísticos, Literarios y Culturales TÍTULO DEL TRABAJO DE FIN DE MÁSTER Travel Writing and Cultural Images: A Critical Edition of Jean Gailhard’s The Character of Spain (1671) AUTOR DEL TFM Nº DNI o pasaporte Correo-e Con su firma, el estudiante SOLICITA, DECLARA y AUTORIZA lo siguiente: SOLICITUD DE DEPÓSITO (ANEXO IV) SOLICITO que sea aceptado el Trabajo de Fin de Máster arriba reseñado en calidad de DEPÓSITO, con objeto de poner en marcha los trámites de defensa en los plazos que correspondan. DECLARACIÓN DE ORIGINALIDAD (ANEXO I) (NRTFE: Art. 8.1) DECLARO 1. que el presente Trabajo de Fin de Máster es original e indito y está libre de plagios; 2. que ha citado adecuadamente los textos y ejemplos tomados de otros autores; 3. que es consciente de las consecuencias acadmicas y/o disciplinarias derivadas del incumplimiento de las dos declaraciones anteriores, en aplicación de las normas vigentes de la Universidad de Sevilla. AUTORIZACIÓN DE CONSULTAS (ANEXO V) AUTORIZO/NO AUTORIZO que el Trabajo de Fin de Máster se incorpore al repositorio de la Universidad de Sevilla para que se ponga a disposición y consulta para potenciales interesados. Márquese una opción: AUTORIZO NO AUTORIZO Firmado: _Romualdo Llamas Granado________________ DECLARACIÓN DE CONFORMIDAD DEL TUTOR/A (ANEXO I) El profesor/a D./Dña. María Jos Mora Sena, del Departamento de Literatura Inglesa y Norteamericana, tutor/a del estudiante autor/a de este Trabajo de Fin de Máster, EXPRESA su conformidad con su contenido y con su forma, y autoriza los trámites administrativos para su depósito y defensa. Igualmente EXPRESA no ser consciente ni responsable de posibles plagios ni del uso indebido de textos o ideas de otros autores. Firmado: ____________________________________ (el Tutor /a) ANEXO ÚNICO PORTADA Y DECLARACIONES del TFM CURSO 2023/2024 FECHA: 14 OCTUBRE 2024 Llamas Granado, Romualdo 30219135X [email protected] ABSTRACT: This master thesis presents a critical edition of Jean Gailhard’s The Character of Spain (1671) and a discussion on the cultural images presented by the author. To place the text in context, the concepts of travel writing, the Grand Tour, imagology and the Black Legend have been examined, as has the figure of the author, Jean Gailhard, a French Huguenot exiled in England in the second part of the 17th century. The critical edition and the analysis of the text show an image of Spain that attacks the lifestyle of Spaniards, making a discourse based on stereotypes that was justified using anecdotes and Spanish proverbs he explains in English. The author concludes that even though there are some places worth visiting in Spain, the inhospitality among other qualities among Spaniards and of Spanish climate make it impossible to enjoy a pleasant journey. Consequently, this text serves as a discouragement to those Englishmen desiring to travel to Spain because of the vogue for Spanish literature. The discussion approaches the text from a critical scope and tries to show the reader the reasons the author has for criticising Spain. KEY WORDS: Imagology, Spain, travel writing, education, Grand Tour, Jean Gailhard TABLE OF CONTENTS. ABBREVIATIONS. .................................................................................................................. 1 1. INTRODUCTION. ............................................................................................................ 2 2. TRAVEL WRITING. ........................................................................................................ 3 2.1. FOREIGN TRAVEL: EDUCATIONAL IMPLICATIONS. ................................. 7 2.2. TRAVEL WRITING AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL IMAGES. ................................................................................................................. 11 2.3. THE CASE OF SPAIN. .......................................................................................... 16 3. THE AUTHOR: JEAN GAILHARD............................................................................. 21 4. THE TEXT: EDITORIAL POLICY. ............................................................................. 24 5. THE EDITION ................................................................................................................ 26 6. TRAVEL, EDUCATION AND CULTURAL IMAGES IN THE CHARACTER OF SPAIN. .............................................................................................................................. 44 7. CONCLUSION. ............................................................................................................... 49 8. WORKS CITED. ............................................................................................................. 50 Llamas-Granado 1 ABBREVIATIONS. adj. adjective adv. adverb Br. Brother D duodecimo d. deceased DLE Diccionario de la lengua española EEBO Early English Books Online et al. et alii fl. flourished Fr. Father It. Italian l. line Lat. Latin lit. literal n. noun ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography OED Oxford English Dictionary p. page sic. sic erat scriptum Spa. Spanish v. verb Llamas-Granado 2 1. INTRODUCTION. This master thesis seeks to present a critical edition and analysis of the text entitled The Character of Spain (1671). Its author, Jean Gailhard, included it as an addition to his book The present state of the princes and republicks of Italy, with observations on them, which had been first published in 1668. It is therefore set in the late 17th century, once the Spanish Monarchy had lost its political hegemony in Europe and its cultural apogee —the Spanish Golden Age— had come to an end, a period, thus, of change and decline. In contrast, England was swept by winds of change but, fortunately, associated with growth. The Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 after two Civil Wars made the ascension of Charles II to the throne a turning point for the country. Nevertheless, there was still a division among the English people, since the king’s libertine lifestyle was not to the taste of the most conservative wing. The Plague (1664–1666) and, immediately afterwards, The Great Fire of London (1666) were interpreted by those against the new monarch as God’s punishment on the English nation for the court’s prurient behaviour. The way in which Spain was viewed 17th century England was conditioned by this differing sociopolitical context in each country. The memory of conflicts between both —such as the launching of the Spanish Armada in 1588— also played a crucial part, as did the fact that English national identity had been built since the reign of Elizabeth on the notion of a Protestant people, whereas the Catholic Counterreformation was incarnated in the Spanish Crown and the Society of Jesus. This made of the Spaniards, under the reign of the last Habsburgian Charles II, an element of internal polarization among the English. Spain was thus seen as an enemy of the nation, especially among the emerging Country faction. The text, written by a French Huguenot living in England, Jean Gailhard, mirrors this situation. He represents the Spaniards as an inhospitable, proud, lustful and lazy people, whose behaviour is inconsistent with their alleged faith. Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from praising the magnificence of some of the monuments and landscapes he had visited. This master thesis will offer a critical edition and discussion of The Character of Spain, by Jean Gailhard. To place this text in context, first, its genre will be defined: travel writing. After that broad approach, the educational implications of travel writing together with its contribution to the transmission of cultural images will be addressed. Then, an outline of the image of Spain in the context of production of the text will be provided and a brief profile of the author. The edition of the text will be preceded by a brief discussion of the editorial policy. It will be followed by an analysis of the cultural image Gailhard presents of Spain, which is chiefly negative and clearly influenced by the Black Legend. Llamas-Granado 3 2. TRAVEL WRITING. Travel writing is a blend of textual genres. It includes both literary and non-literary texts in which the author conveys different aims, such as to describe, to narrate, to provide advice, to assess, to analyse or to communicate. It can even teach readers images —more explicitly thanks to illustrations that may accompany the text— that are influenced by the sociopolitical context, as will be seen later in this section. Textual genres that could be considered within travel writing comprehend travel guides, travel accounts, travelogues, letters, reports and travel memoirs among others. Some literary genres can also be inspired by travel or follow the structure of a journey: poems, autobiographies, science fiction, adventure narratives, epic and novels (Beller and Leerssen, 446). Travel literature is, hence, “a genre of genres” (Rubis, 6). In these texts, the author or the narrative voice is therefore somebody that must either have been abroad or visited a region that is on average unknown to the general audience and, more specifically, to the target reader. Their role consists, thus, in being facilitators of an Otherness. This fact obliges us to be cautious and aware of the bias that the perspective adopted by the author may contain, whatever the nature or the verisimilitude of the text. As the Spanish proverb states: Lo que Juan dice de Pedro, habla más de Juan que de Pedro 1 . This means that most of the times a particular people or nation are defined by their opposition to another (Rubis, 8). It is due to this fact that some of the foundational works of national literary canons could be considered as fictional travel literature (Beller and Leerssen, 446). Among them, epic poems, romances and chivalry novels, for instance, The Song of Roland, Yvain, the Knight of the Lion, Tristam and Iseult, King Arthur, The Cid or Amadis of Gaul and Don Quixote include a journey to the unknown in which the knight is initiated as such and is finally married to a woman who is amazed at his exploits (Rubis, 7). Travel writing, thus, is not just a description of a journey, but can also be used as metaphor: a vital journey, a journey of personal growth, a rite of passage. It is in this way that memoirs, biographies, autobiographies, epic poems and even religious texts could also be regarded as part of this category. The wide range of possibilities offered by travel writing explains the appeal of this genre. The authors’ interest responds to the following question: who travels and why? Typically, merchants and court ambassadors, aristocrats and members of the army, who had to travel regularly because of their office or occupation. Most of them were men and only a few were women (Lady Anne Fanshawe, for instance) who very rarely went alone as Mme d’Aulnoy did 1 ‘Whatever John says about Peter talks more about John than it does about Peter.’ Llamas-Granado 4 and even more rarely would leave a written testimony of their travel experience. The general public could not afford a journey just for the pleasure to ‘scape the ordinary’ (Foubert, 5) or for curiosity (Foubert, 11). Some of the reasons before the Early Modern Period could be due to a war, to go on a pilgrimage to a religious shrine —for instance, Compostela in Spain—, to visit relatives and friends, to witness a specific event, to seek medical aid, to solve legal issues or to work. Therefore, they were not tourists, but visitors in the sense that they travelled just to accomplish a very specific task and, as it was expensive, it was usual that in the same journey several objectives merged (Foubert, 6). This is crucial to understand the system of production of verisimilar texts and how much ‘historical truth’ can be found in them (Campbell). Two main forms can be found and a third that could be understood as a combination of the former two. The first could be defined as keeping a travel diary. In this case, every day the author would reflect on their diary on the main events and feelings of the day, writing in this way a narrative of the travel experience. The second way consists of just living the experience and doing the writing work once back at home. This second method involves reflection and recollection and, therefore, focuses more on the essential aspects but also runs the risk of losing accuracy, since the author is relying on memory. Additionally, as the way the journey ends is already known by the author, the facts that happen after a given event could condition the interpretation of the former and prompt the inclusion of additional material that was not originally part of the writer’s experience. The third method that combines these two is, thus, a travel log in which every day the author will take notes of their experiences but will wait until the journey has finished to start writing. This way the possibility of bias is notably reduced. Travel literature could be assimilated in this process of writing experiences abroad to writing a memoir in which there is a narrative in which the self is constructed through the act of writing. Therefore, travel writing involves a narrative text in which the author cannot give a universal, totally objective record of the journey, but a report of a personal experience conditioned, influenced by their perception of the facts. Then, another aspect that must be taken into account is the consideration of literary texts that are written following pre-established textual conventions and are being addressed to an audience or readership (Rubis, 11). This means that a text conveys also a function, an objective, and the truth may be embellished or adapted so that the audience is satisfied and will be willing to continue reading and censorship is avoided (Rubis, 11). A consequence of this is that author and traveller must be distinguished. Llamas-Granado 5 Even if the text is based on a personal experience of the author that can be verified, the traveller will always be a narrative construction, a persona in a literary text (Rubis, 20). This persona can play different roles in the narration. Rubis (21) talks about different roles, especially in the travel writing produced in the 16th and 17th centuries. These roles are four: the adventurer, the pilgrim, the missionary and the merchant. The first is described as a lay, secularised person that approaches the journey as a critical observer armed with common sense. This is normally a self that comes from a western culture and that goes toward an Otherness that they try to describe. The description normally makes sense from the point of view of European culture. It is sometimes exaggerated to give more emotion to the narration and to gain fame (Rubis, 20). It is a first-person, self-centred narrative written in everyday language that combines empirical observation contrasted with knowledge that comes from alternative sources (Rubis, 20). The second, the pilgrim, is a Catholic persona who walks to a shrine. In his or her way, the pilgrim describes the experience adopting a spiritual stand. The third type is the missionary. Rubis (22) states that most missionaries, since they are so focused in announcing the Word of God, were not good observers. Yet, the author makes two remarkable exceptions: Ramon Llull, a Majorcan lay missionary who learnt Arabic, preached and advocated for the intercultural understanding of the three cultures in the Middle Ages; and the Jesuits, whose letters showed a systematic observation of the Otherness they worked in and served as propaganda for the Counter-Reformation (Rubis, 23). Finally, the merchant and the political ambassador. Both will give a description from a secular approach, centred on social, economic, political and cultural aspects of the Otherness they encountered in their journeys. In this way, the merchant’s practical guide would typically focus on powerful nations not far off —for instance, the Turks— and could include, in turn, a variety of genres: advice on behaviour to adopt, a description of the social customs of each people and mercantile data either from a personal perspective or a more objective scope. It is due to this that Rubis describes it as an ‘open genre’ in the 16th century (23). During the 16th and 17th centuries, geographical discovery and exploration generated a rising interest in travel literature. It is in this period that the largest amount of original works in this genre were written. The rupture with the previous age, the Middle Ages, was marked by three main occurrences in the western world: the invention of the printing press by Johannes Gutenberg (1440), the Fall of the Western Roman Empire (1453) and the ‘discovery’ of the ‘New World’ by Christopher Colombus (1492), mark a new vision of the world under the leadership of humanists, whose motto was Docet omnia, ‘all things are taught.’ Humanist comes Llamas-Granado 6 from Lat. humanista and means a classical scholar (OED n., 1a). This period known as ‘Renaissance,’ at the beginning of the Modern Age, is not about a discovery of the classical literary texts —already studied in the Middle Ages—, but a rediscovery that implies a new approach to them. Among the major works in Greek literature can be found the Odyssey. This masterpiece sets a model for travel writing in what concerns the structure as an epic text (Beller and Leerssen, 447). Nevertheless, this is not an isolated case in classical literature: the Greeks Herodotus and Strabo and the Roman Tacitus did also write on travel, giving detailed descriptions that relied on faithful travel accounts (Rubis, 7). As Foubert mentions in her article (7), there were many more travels in antiquity and medieval Europe than might be generally thought at first sight, especially, in the case of women. Moreover, it is true that, in most cases, travel provided the lens through which the different peoples in Europe looked at their neighbours, but also at themselves. The humanist movement together with the Reformation in Western-European Christianity and the ‘discovery’ of the ‘New World’ put the focus on the Otherness. Therefore, as can be inferred from these premises, the interest and the content of travel writing is influenced by the sociopolitical context. Travelling, though, was not a necessary requisite to write about travel. John Mandeville in late-medieval Europe is an example of what has come to be named an imaginary ‘traveller’ (Rubis, 13). The different and innovative approaches from which this alleged author narrated his journey into the orient had an influence in the whole Europe because it was translated into several languages and largely distributed. Mandeville’s Travels (14th century) is a compilation of previous texts to which the author had access but giving it a new scope, mostly critical of Catholicism, to make of it a coherent text that seems to be original. It reflects, thus, the importance of religious pilgrimage to holy places and shrines no matter if Mandeville actually existed or was just a persona. Pilgrims, together with merchants from the late Middle Ages prompted the scope that modern authors had as background to narrate their experiences (Rubis, 19). Authors such as James Howell, Richard Hakluyt, Samuel Purchas, Thomas Coryat, Sir Walter Raleigh, William Lithgow, Michel de Montaigne, François Bernier and Jean de Lry depicted the world beyond their own country for most of the population who, as indicated above, just went on journeys to fulfil real and practical needs. What can be concluded at this point is the definition of travel writing as a “varied body of writing which, whether its principal purpose is practical or fictional, takes travel as an essential condition for its production” Llamas-Granado 7 (Rubis, 6). Once travel writing has been introduced and defined, this master’s thesis will address its importance in education, imagology and, more specifically, the image of Spain. 2.1. FOREIGN TRAVEL: EDUCATIONAL IMPLICATIONS. As discussed in the previous section in broad terms, travelling abroad in Early Modern times was not usually a matter of pleasure, but an opportunity to accomplish a very specific task, such as to acquire an education not constrained by the limits of one’s country. This vision was closely linked to both Humanism and the Reformation. Travelling, observing other realities, learning about different customs and engaging in friendships with people from other cultures were a manner to both gain experiential knowledge and influence not only in one’s country, but also in the neighbouring ones. Nevertheless, the Grand Tour was not properly established as a social ritual in Europe until the 19th century. The late 17th century, though, witnesses the initiation of this custom and there was a growing debate upon its utility in the formation of gentlemen — obviously, not women yet. This section will, therefore, try to explain the educational implications of travelling abroad. The Reformation and Humanism are the response to the educational system and the philosophical movement established in the Middle Ages. Scholasticism, whose motto is ‘As far as you are able, join faith with reason’ (Boethius cited by Pieper), was accused by Humanists of being doctrinal and relying on bookish knowledge, never contrasting it with the reality, but just building on the doctrines of either Aristotle or the fathers of the Church —St. Augustine among them. These claims are inexact, for St. Albertus Magnus, whose pupil was Thomas Aquinas, travelled through Europe and set methodological principles like “in such matters only experience can provide certainty” (Pieper). However, they have led to a rather depreciative nuance of the term (OED, n. 2), especially when linked to education or teaching methods, associated with traditionalism, lectures and learning by rote without understanding. Humanists propose a rediscovery of Antiquity, a reading of the Classics and the learning of classical Latin and Greek. The book Gargantua, by the French author Rabelais, contains a critique to scholastic education. The main character is a giant who had several tutors, the first two —Holofernes and Jobelin Brid— were clerics who used medieval methods, and the result of their educational methods was that Gargantua was just able to repeat some phrases in Latin, but not to observe the reality critically. Additionally, his habits were not healthy since his routine was rather sedentary. Once these tutors were proved unreliable by his father, Ponocrates was named Gargantua’s new tutor. He had a humanist education, so he taught about everything: Sciences, Arts, Philosophy and Foreign Languages. Gargantua was, thus, learning what today Llamas-Granado 14 Roman Empire could be reestablished (Suranyi, 22). In contrast, the Turks, who could at first sight seem more prone to be colonised, in the Early Modern Era were regarded as colonisers and admired in several aspects. This, as Suranyi suggests, is a staple in travel writing, which moves between admiration and rejection. Western authors would admire their military organization and their civility in comparison with the Arabs, but also reject the tyranny of the Sultan. This will be clearly reflected in other literary genres as well, as is the case of The Thousand and One Nights, rewritten in French by Antoine Galland at the beginning of the 18th century. In them, Shahrazad, the vizir’s daughter deals with the king so that he stops killing all his wives after the first one had been unfaithful to him with a eunuch. She does that by telling every night a tale and, at the end, she achieves her goal: the king abandons his macabre plan (Britannica, The Thousand and One Nights). Cultural images and national identities could thus be understood as two faces of the same coin since they are the result of the repetition of certain traits about an Otherness that normally in the Early Modern Period is not known first-hand, but through texts. Additionally, the issue of nation-states model that came up from the Peace of Westphalia (1648) demanded the formation of new strong identities (Feinstein). To that end, texts would praise elements they have in common with other nations or denigrate their character in what they differ. This is an ethnocentric approach that entails self-definition, since the criterion depends on the values from which the difference towards the Otherness is established. As Beller and Leerssen put it: “national identities are a matter of political-intellectual projection” (12). Indeed, they are a type of self-image (Beller and Leerssen, 343). It is due to this that national identities are also part of the object of study of imagology, the discipline that examines the origins and function of the literary discourse on other countries and peoples, especially in essays, poems, plays and travel books (Beller and Leerssen, 7). In imagology, according to Rühling’s approach, the smallest unity of analysis is the stereotype (Beller and Leerssen, 13). Stereotypes, like single stories, simplify a complex reality. Cognitive psychology calls it selective attention: to understand reality and to live in society, the human brain needs to simplify complexity (Amossy and Herschberg-Pierrot, 27). Stereotypes are, thus, single but true stories that do not apply to everybody in a group like a country, not even to the majority (Díez-Nicolás, 244). Nevertheless, it must be considered that they are also social constructs, co-determined by historical and cultural factors subjectively selected. Indeed, once a national literary canon is established, there is constant feedback between the perception of the traveller, full of stereotypes, and literary travel writing. Travellers start to see the Llamas-Granado 15 landscapes and characters of a nation expecting them to resemble those in Shakespeare’s plays or in Cervantes’ Don Quixote. These stereotypes are, according to Leerssen, more prone to appear in what Forster (103) defines as flat characters: those that are not as developed as the round ones, minor or secondary characters that do not change throughout the narration. Flat characters allow authors to use a sort of semiotic shorthand (Beller and Leerssen, 289), making it easier to recall familiar ‘types’ that come to the reader’s mind thanks to intertextuality. Stereotypes do entail a reflection on reality that clichs avoid. A clich is an empty argument that is used when no better ideas can be found, and is repeated once and again, and that is sometimes expressed when anything better is found to be said (Beller and Leerssen, 297). Clichs are sometimes a list of adjectives that become associated with a collective, for instance, a nation. In this sense, the Spanish philosopher Feijoo (Feijoo and Stiffoni, 198) includes in his book chapter Mapa intelectual y cotejo de naciones a table that can be found in Johann Zahn’s Speculae Physico-Matematico-Historica. This late 17th century book bestows on every nation a list of adjectives in different topics: manners, religion, faithfulness, women and the body among others. For instance, Germans are said to be inebriated at the table, faithful, their women are jewels at home and their most common illness is gout. This table forces thus the author to have a different adjective in each topic for each nationality, highlighting what separates, what makes each nation different and genuine while erasing what makes them similar. The method is perfectly suited to the sociopolitical context of the rise of the European nation-states. Prejudices, in turn, go beyond clichs and stereotypes. They imply, as the word itself suggests, a moral judgement, a moral attitude towards the Otherness (Beller and Leerssen, 404). Together with stereotypes and clichs, prejudices are always present in travel literature, especially in those literary texts whose authors have not actually visited those places or tend to exaggerate some traits to pique the readers’ interest, like Lok, for instance. This gaze exoticises these peoples, turning them into an Otherness and perpetuating prejudice. Prejudice is, thus, impossible to avoid. Like stereotypes, it is inextricably woven with our way of understanding reality. Travel writing must be thus analysed critically keeping in mind this bias. In conclusion, this section has analysed how travel writing, especially using flat characters, helped develop stereotypes, clichs and prejudices. Like single stories, they are true generalizations that do not, however, hold true for the majority of individuals. They are prompted by historical, cultural and sociopolitical factors subjectively selected, and are formed by a process of repetition in which literary works play a crucial role. Not just due to their contribution to their fixation, but also due to the “importance of questions of national, religious Llamas-Granado 16 and other cultural identities” (Rubis, 7). It is therefore a central concern of imagology to study the accumulation of inconsistent cultural images through the analysis of literary texts and, more specifically, travel writing. Whereas this section has offered a general overview of the way in which different nations and identities have been represented in travel writing, in the following section the focus will be narrowed down to the different cultural images of Spain through history, but especially in the 16th and 17th centuries. 2.3. THE CASE OF SPAIN. The cultural image of Spain in the Early Modern Period was, to a large extent, conditioned by the development of the so-called Black Legend, a negative portrayal of Spain which built on anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish propaganda and emphasised bigotry, intolerance and cruelty as defining traits of the national character. The term was popularised by Julian de Juderías in his book La leyenda negra y la verdad histórica (1914), which denounced the negative bias of (chiefly) Protestant historiography on Spain dating back to the 16th century. Spain was an Empire with a hegemony in Europe and with colonies in America that roused the envy and criticism of rival countries. Nevertheless, Spanish historian García-Cárcel states that contrary to what was defended by Juderías, this phenomenon is not exclusive to Spain but has happened to most nations at some point in their history. To demonstrate that there has not always been a negative view on Spain he coined two other terms: Leyenda Rosa, which emerged during the Counterreformation and presented Spain as a great and united Empire that defended Catholicism, and Leyenda Amarilla, associated with the Romantic exoticised gaze on Spain and the Hispanic people (García-Cárcel, 46). He concluded that the Leyenda Negra is not the fruit of an alleged conspiracy against Spain, but of the tensions between national identities that are usual in neighbouring countries. Religious factors played a central part, but it was not just a matter of religion. Even Italians, who were Catholics, had a negative conception of Spain due to, among other affairs, experience of Spanish rule over part of its territory and especially the sack of Rome in 1527 by the troops of Charles I (Hillgarth, 290). According to Julián de Juderías, the three pillars on which the Black Legend was articulated are three, which will be developed in the following paragraphs. The first one was the repression in the Low Countries, that materialised during the Eighty Years’ War (1568–1648). It started, thus in the reign of Philip II of Spain, but specially during the Council of Troubles (1567–1574), a special court that was established a year before and organised by the Spanish governor, the duke of Alba. During his rule in the Low Countries, insurrections were quelled and thousands Llamas-Granado 17 were either executed or imprisoned without due process (Britannica, Council of Troubles), charged with either rebellion or heresy. Its main aim was, thus, of a triple nature: religious, political and economic. First, to convert that growing minority of Calvinists to Catholicism. Second, to gain in uniformity among the territories under Philip II. And third, to impose the Tenth Penny —a tax that entailed 10% of sales were to be issued to the central government in Madrid— on the local and provincial governments of the Low Countries (Britannica, Council of Troubles). The king, conscious of the disaffection these measures had provoked in the Low Countries, relieved the duke of his position in 1573 and put an end to the Council of Troubles a year after. Nevertheless, this was not the end, since during the Eighty Years’ War, on November 4th 1576 Antwerp lived a massacre in which 7,000 people were killed by Spanish troops in an attempt to invade it. This came to be known as the “Spanish Fury” (Kooijmans, van de Kieft and Blockmans). When the war came to an end with the Peace of Westphalia (1648), the Northern Netherlands, led by Prince William of Orange, became independent due to a counteroffensive that had the support of England and France, which opened armed warfare with the Hispanic Monarchy. The Southern Netherlands —today Belgium— were reconquered by the future duke of Parma, Alessandro Farnesse (Britannica, Eighty Years’ War). Spain had thus lost its hegemony in Europe. As for the second, the atrocities committed by the Spaniards in the West Indies became also one of the pillars upon which the Black Legend was built. The “discovery” of America had as consequence the colonisation of this land that was already inhabited by indigenous peoples, who were victims of violent attacks of European conquerors, among them, Spaniards. Among the much talked-about episodes, Hernan Cortes and Francisco Pizarro have the leading role. The first of them happened during the conquest of the Aztec Empire in the city of Cholula. There, Hernan Cortes and the Spanish troops killed thousands of unarmed indigenes in October 1519 (Hudson). The second took place in 1533, when Francisco Pizarro executed Atahualpa, the 13th Emperor of the Incas even though he had paid a ramson for his liberation: 24 tons of gold and silver. Before him, Spaniards arrived with horses, unknown to indigenous people, fired cannons and slaughtered thousands of them. This was done because he did not accept the Christian faith and the sovereignty of Charles I of Spain (Britannica, Atahuallpa). All this, together with slavery, forced work and the impact of European illnesses impoverished and lessened the number of indigenes. In other words, colonisation was lethal to the indigenous Empires and cultures. In his The Only Way (1537), Friar Bartolome de las Casas outlines the main ways to evangelise indigenous peoples. He was a Spanish historian, writer and Dominican Llamas-Granado 18 friar. Among his works, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, written in 1542 provides a theologian interpretation to the succession of facts. According to Bartolome de las Casas, it was the sin of greed that was moving Spaniards to overexploit and kill Native Americans. His posthumous masterpiece Historia de las Indias prophesises the decline of Spain due to God’s punishment. Bartolome de las Casas had a great influence on Charles’ I court and his work in 1542 prompted the promulgation of the first law that protected Native peoples: the New Laws. According to them, indigenous slaves must be set free after the span of a single generation. His influence materialised in the fact that he was thus appointed bishop of Chiapas in 1544. This way, de las Casas ensured his doctrine would not remain empty promises (Dussel). The third pillar concerns the Spanish Inquisition. It was the symbol of religious intolerance among Spaniards. Established in Seville during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs of Spain in 1478, the Inquisition had as main aim to combat heresy. It banned first Judaism (1469), then Islam (1614) —together with all those that converted to Catholicism from these religions— and then focused on Protestants and some Roman Catholics, a relevant case among them being that of St. Ignatius of Loyola, who was imprisoned several times. The judgement procedures — notorious for their brutality and extreme violence— included torturing the accused. The penalties involved dispossession of goods and death penalty, which implied burning at the stake in most cases. In order to strike terror, sentences were expressed in public events, the auto-da- fé that congregated people from all social positions, royalty included, in what could be described as “ritualized almost festive proceedings” (Ryan). The grand inquisitor Torquemada and Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros were designated by the civil power, as this authority had been delegated by the Vatican. Especially during the Torquemada’s tenure, Protestant critics —who feared to come to Spain— exaggerated the quantity of executions, that nowadays has been estimated around two thousand (Ryan). Among the Spaniards that offered a critical view on their own nation, a remarkable case was that of Antonio Prez, former Secretary to Philip II who, having fled Spain, sold state secrets to interested European countries and published in England a book called Relaciones in which he contributed to the rage against his own country (Beller and Leerssen, 244), even though one of his mains aims for its writing was to exonerate himself of the accusation of being a traitor. The Aragonese Jesuit Baltasar Gracián was also critical, among other national identities, of the Spaniards, but in a different way from Prez’s, adopting a satirical approach: he published the book El Criticón, an anthology of bon mots, jokes about national identities. In its chapter XII: Llamas-Granado 19 “La feria de todo el mundo,” Gracián highlighted pride and gravity as the main sins among Spaniards (López de Abiada and López-Bernasocchi, 31). In general terms, the negative image of Spain prevailing in Early Modern England can be defined by the following list of nouns: honor and gravity (associated with the Spaniards’ sense of their own self-importance), refusal to work, depopulation, lack of learning, superficial judgement, lack of interest in science and vilification (Hillgarth, 532). This enumeration, which tries to justify the fall of Spain and its loss of hegemony in the European context, articulated the way that the different European authors approached the country: through the lenses of a stereotype which was popularised not only in travel narratives, but also in other genres. To name an example, Early Modern English drama also contributed to the development of these clichs, representing the Spaniards as villainous, bloodthirsty and brutal, as in A Larum for London, or The Siege of Antwerp (1602), which dramatizes the repression in the Netherlands (Clark, 133- 134); or grave and proud, too full of themselves, like don Adriano Armado in Shakespeare’s Love’s Labour’s Lost who has been alleged to correspond to Antonio Prez (López de Abiada and López-Bernasocchi, 146). Another important factor was the triumph of literary works from the Spanish Siglo de Oro, like Don Quixote or Lazarillo de Tormes. Travellers expected to see the windmills and corroborate the descriptions of the Spanish people found in those books. For instance, in the Lazarillo —which was translated into English in 1586, 1596 and 1624 just when the relations between England and Spain were going through a critical point (López de Abiada and López-Bernasocchi, 150)— the character of the hidalgo, who wanted to maintain his social status but who refused to work because he thought it was shameful is reflected with the figure of beggars who want to be addressed as “Señor” in Barclay’s Icon animorum (Barclay, 7: 231), as will be explained in section six. It is this refusal to work that is usually singled out as the main cause of the decline of the country (Hillgarth, 534). In contrast, Spanish women are portrayed as hard-working. An example can be found in the account of Sir Richard Wynn, a member of the retinue of Prince Charles in his journey to Spain in 1623. When he disembarked in Santander, he noted that men treated their wives as slaves: Spanish women not only farmed the land, but also loaded their luggage (Shaw Fairman, 157). Thus, not only travel writing, but literature in general became sources of dissemination of cultural images of Spain. In turn, these stereotypes influenced the scope from which travellers to Spain approached reality when visiting the country, sometimes to the point of seeming to see nothing but through it. Most English travellers to Spain in the 16th and 17th centuries were part of an elite well educated in the aversion to the country itself and to Catholicism. England had Llamas-Granado 20 defined its identity in the Elizabethan period as a Protestant nation, united against the threat of Spain and the Catholic Counterreformation. The contrast between both nations is always foremost in the travellers’ mind. Once in Spain, the first aspect that travellers noticed was the lack of precipitation and the high temperature gradient. Nevertheless, the short stay of most of them did not allow them to go beyond this negative official version due to sociopolitical context of both countries (López de Abiada and López-Bernasocchi, 172). However, there were also a few English authors who showed a favourable view of Spain, James Howell for instance. In his Instructions for Foreign Travel, he defines Spaniards in contrast with the French, using the structure: “the one x, the other y,” for instance “the one [the French] weares long haire, the other [the Spaniard] short” (Howell, 31). It is also the case of Lady Anne Fanshawe, Sir Richard Fanshawe’s wife who travelled to Spain with her family. She, together with Howell, while remaining a Protestant, had a positive opinion of the Spanish culture, gastronomy, of the Spaniards and of Spain as a political power. In contrast, Lord Roos and Tobie Mathew together with former ambassadors Cottington and Godolphin did convert to Catholicism (Hillgarth, 291). In the first pages of her book España vista por los ingleses del siglo XVII, Patricia Shaw Faiman offers a list of British authors wrote about Spain, together with brief biographies and descriptions of their approach. She differentiates between those who had actually visited the country and those who gave second-hand accounts, building on their readings or on the experience of others. Among those who travelled to Spain, Shaw Fairman (11-20) mentions Lord Roos, who visited most of the country in 1610 and wrote a letter presenting a favourable view of Spain and justifying the educational value of this voyage. William Lithgow, a Scot who did the Grand Tour, travelling around Europe during nineteen years; in 1620 he visited Spain and was imprisoned by the Inquisition in Malaga. James Howell, a Welsh author who wrote letters on his journeys to France, Italy and Spain; he was passionate about linguistics and ended up as royal historiographer. William Edgeman, the secretary of Edward Hyde, a famous politician with whom he came to Spain in 1649. Robert Bargrave, a merchant who went to Spain in 1654. Francis Willughby, naturalist and member of the Royal Society, who toured Spain in 1664. Sir Richard Fanshawe, who served as ambassador in Madrid in the 1660s, and his wife Lady Anne. William Bromley, a Protestant nobleman who engaged in the Grand Tour (1693- 94) and ended as politician and Secretary of State. Other remarkable authors mentioned by Shaw Fairman are Peter Mundy, Alexander Stanhope, Robert Treswell, Ellis Veryard and Thomas Williams. As can be seen, many of them from a high social class and visited Spain and Llamas-Granado 21 for a variety of reasons, some as ambassadors or as members of the diplomatic entourage, some for educational purposes, others for their scientific work as humanist and naturalist and others as travellers. Their writings include travel accounts, travel guides, memoirs, journals, letters and narrations. All of them offer, in contrast to those who did not know Spain firsthand, an exhaustive description and opinion of the people, traditions, festivals, gastronomy, apparel, monuments, accommodation, politics, economics, the climate, the landscape and the cities they visit. It is self-perception. What they recount builds on their own experience, filtered through the foundations of their education, normally in either Oxford or Cambridge, and the lenses of their culture, language, religion and their position in the English society. Those authors who did not travel to Spain, have an even more superficial and stereotyped, ethnocentric view of the Spanish culture, but for that very reason they serve as good witnesses of the cultural image of Spain current in 17th century Britain. Among those, Shaw Fairman (21-23) includes scholars who attempted to describe the nation, like Peter Heylin, but also other personalities who included references to Spain in their writings, like John Aubrey or John Evelyn. In conclusion, all that has been written about Spain during the 16th and 17th centuries is influenced by the sociopolitical context. The Black Legend about Spain, built up upon the three pillars of the repression in the Low Countries, the extreme violence exercised by Spaniards during colonization against Native peoples and the role of the Spanish Inquisition, remains part of both the autoimage and the heteroimage and therefore, of the imageme. It is during this period that Anglo-hispanic relationships go through a crisis and this makes the image of Spain reflected in works by English authors more distorted, especially in the case of authors who have never travelled to this country. The vogue for Spanish literature, together with the presence of Spanish secondary characters mainly in plays together with the aversion to Catholics are a way of dissemination of a negative image of Spain. 3. THE AUTHOR: JEAN GAILHARD. Jean Gailhard (fl.1659–d.1708) was a Calvinist pedagogue, writer, divine and “religious controversialist” from France who was exiled from his home country probably due to the tensions that led to the Edict of Fontainebleau (1685), which made France under the reign of Louis XIV a Catholic nation, banning all other religious practices. He might have migrated to England in 1660, when his first book was published there. His best-known work is The Compleat Gentleman (1678), which contains two educational treatises. The first one addresses the education of young men to help them become scholars in their home country. The second, Llamas-Granado 22 entitled Of the Education of Young Gentlemen Abroad, could be classified as a travel manual in which Jean Gailhard explains his approach to the Grand Tour, understood as a final polishing of the young man from high social status. It is due to the heterogeneity of both treatises that The Compleat Gentleman (1678) can be conceived as a “generic hybrid” containing traits belonging both to the travel guide and to the conduct book (Budakov, 28). Jean Gailhard, together with Richard Lassels, was thus among the authors that theorised on the educational implications of tourism (Budakov, 26), at a time when the Grand Tour was getting established as a regular practice. Gailhard was, therefore, part of one of those pedagogues who insisted on the necessity of a differentiated education according to the social class to which the young man belonged. In this way, his educational proposal was in accordance with the Royalist model, as opposed to that defended by the Puritan Reformers, whose centre of attention was on the education of poor children (Moumouni et al.). Among the goals of Gailhard’s educational approach is to help young men from the ruling classes to acquire the good manners and civility proper of their social class by bringing them in touch with scholars and cultivated manners from other countries (Moumouni et al.). The Grand Tour was, in this sense, understood as the means to accomplish the final stage of schooling of an English gentleman (Budakov, 34). Nevertheless, it must be considered that Gailhard, as a Calvinist Reformist, did not understand that social class should play any decisive role in determining human worth. On the contrary, he thought that those privileges that individuals belonging to the upper-social stratum enjoyed were gifts of God that must be brought into play at the service of the nation, contributing thus more to the common good. Moreover, it goes without saying that Gailhard explicitly states in his work the need to show respect and generous love to those that belong to the lower stratums of society (First 56–57, cited by Budakov, 29). In The Compleat Gentleman, Gailhard had advanced the Aristotelian principle of seeing the child as “a tabula rasa on which anything can be written” (Goldie). He was thus ahead of Locke’s empiricism in Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693). According to Locke, education consists in the imitation of a series of conducts taught by tutors. Gailhard, in this sense, proposes to teach first the virtue, that is, the finest attributes of a member of the upper class: character, manners, disposition and civility; and after all this, erudition. To teach this, the author proposes doing sports such as riding, fencing and dancing, to acquire some physical s strength since he is not keen on the so-called ‘effeminacy’ of the age (Goldie). He also recommends drawing, reading Latin and Greek texts and learning languages, to play an instrument, oratory and how to behave (Goldie). After this, Gailhard’s work approaches the Llamas-Granado 23 Grand Tour and attempts to define an itinerary. If the tour were to be a three-year one, it should include, according to him, a year and a half in France —of which nine or ten months should be in Angers—, one and a half months in Geneva, nine months in Italy, five in Germany and the Low Countries and should have as culmination four months in Paris (Goldie). According to Budakov (28), Gailhard does not oppose nor privilege education abroad to education at home. Indeed, he insists on the importance of teaching a solid national integrity at home. Even though he defends the necessity of a Grand Tour for the education of the young nobleman, he can recognise the possible drawbacks of travelling abroad for a long period, far away from the home country and from parental vigilance (Budakov, 27). In his book The Compleat Gentleman, Gailhard explains this through a variety of tales on vices and virtues (Goldie). Moreover, he warns on the vices of specific European cities that must be avoided by travellers (Budakov, 28). Nevertheless, he defends the necessity of travelling abroad since it is through “conversation with the living” that its essential benefit is acquired by the young man, who happens to be “a sociable creature” who “ought to seek for company to enjoy the benefit of society” (2: 72). This view contrasts clearly with that of those for whom the Grand Tour consisted in going to visit the main places of the Antiquity associated with Latin literary texts. Among the experiences narrated by Jean Gailhard as a tutor, there are two that deserve to be remarked. During the first one, he was the tutor of Sir Thomas Grosvenor (Goldie). Held between 1671 to 1675, the tour comprehended not just France, Italy, Switzerland and Germany —an itinerary that eventually became conventional for the Grand Tour— but also Hungary and Bohemia. As for the second, Jean Gailhard accompanied Sir Philip Percival in 1676 (Goldie). The experience could be summarised as follows: a trip to West England and a tour to the Percival seats in Ireland. Finally, they went to Angers, a French city where the pupil was supposed to study Law (Goldie). The main aim of this tour was to cultivate the practice of moral and Christian virtues (Goldie). In order to achieve that, the proposed course of studies consisted in reading both the Classics, such as Livy and Suetonius in Latin; and the gazettes for information on contemporary affairs and international politics. Moreover, this adds a nuance to what was said about the importance of the ‘conversation with the living’: it is relevant, but just insomuch as it complements reading. However, Gailhard was disappointed by Sir Philip’s preference for sports, dancing and drinking together with his lack of interest in books. To face this problem, Gailhard assessed his charge’s character and aptitudes to identify those aspects that needed to be polished, others that were already levelled and, finally, some others that must be rooted out. Thus, Jean Gailhard was able to rectify the possible deviant conducts of his pupil. Llamas-Granado 30 But after all, the worst is that one hath no accommodation by the way. For sometimes, you shall 60 ride thirty miles and not see a house, nor meet with a man, so that in some places one must carry for himself something to eat, and oats for the mule, and so lie sometimes under a tree. How uncomfortable this is in winter and the heat of summer, I leave everyone to judge. And the misery is that, when one comes to an inn, he is hardly the better for't. For excepting some alcoves 35 , which are used only by persons of quality, all the bed you can get is some 65 forms or few boards laid close, with straw or wool at the most within a mattress upon't 36 , without bedsteads or curtains, for they know not what such things mean. And, if one will have clean sheets, the surest way is to carry some along with him. Yet this is but beginning of trouble, for these inns (if I may so call it) afford nothing to eat, and if you will have bread, you must send for't out of the house into one place, for wine into another, 70 for meat into another. For one can hardly find two such different things in one place. After all, if you will have it well dressed, I advise you to have a cook of your own. Now, see whether or not I have reason to wish myself out of this country, but I must go throughout, seeing I am so far engaged in't, and give some observations I made of their nature and of some manners and customs of theirs. 75 Though the Spaniard be not very sociable, yet 'tis easy for a man to know his natural genius and inclination as to the generality. I confess amongst the true Castilians 37 some generous and gallant men are to be found. But these are so scarce that we may say of it, as of bread, the country affords it very good, but so little of it, that though the country (Catalonia excepted) be very void of inhabitants, there is hardly enough of it to serve three months in the year. So, of 80 ten thousand men, hardly one will be found to have a right principle of honesty. If at any time a man hath offended them, though it be an offence taken rather than given, they will seem not to take notice of it, but they will watch one so long and so well that at last he must fall into their clutches. Then, they give no quarter but, one night or other, as a man is 35 alcoves Parts of a room separated off from the main part of it, especially for a bed in a bedroom (OED, n. 1a). 36 few boards…upon’t This description of the bed matches the one in Cervantes’ Don Quixote: “Don Quixote's consisted simply of four rough boards on two not very even trestles, a mattress, that for thinness might have passed for a quilt, full of pellets which, were they not seen through the rents to be wool, would to the touch have seemed pebbles in hardness, two sheets made of buckler leather, and a coverlet the threads of which anyone that chose might have counted without missing one in the reckoning” (Cervantes, Chapter XVI). 37 Castilians Castillans (D). Llamas-Granado 31 going to his lodging, they will shoot him dead in a treacherous way and when he is not aware 85 of them. Their pride is known by the contempt they have for all other nations. Therefore, they say their king alone is “El rey de los hombres 38 .” The same they affirm of their language, but most of all 'tis known by their carriage. They have an affected gravity which goes beyond the natural and make themselves valiant 39 with ostentation. 90 They walk up and down the streets like peacocks and turkeys 40 with a great deal of pride, staring upon others and looking on themselves from top to toe with a lofty, scornful and braving countenance. And yet, when there is occasion to go to it, except there be three or four against one, Toman las calzas 41 de Villadiego 42 , as they say, that is, in plain English, they run away, till they have an opportunity of being avenged. And this is most of all practised in Valenza, 95 Aragon 43 , Catalonia, etc. in Castilla, and some other places there being more generosity than in others. In summer, they wear long cloaks of black London serge, specially those who are of any fashion, but I have seen some of cloth and very heavy, for they say that which keeps from cold, preserves also from the heat. Their shoes for the most part have no heel, or a very little one. 100 The clock 44 of their stockings comes up to the fat of their leg. It were needless for me to make an exact description of their clothes, seeing they often have been seen in England, specially in 88 45 . I shall not dispute whether they are becoming or not, much of it depending upon custom and fancy, yet they are so taken with it, that still they keep to their fashion in most countries where they live, and very hardly can resolve upon changing 105 in some courts where they have ambassadors. For else, they have so good opinion of their countries that they scorn almost all others, and account them not worthy to be seen, except the 38 El rey de los hombres El Roy de los hombres (D) Spa. ‘The king of mankind.’ 39 valiant Worthy (OED, adj. 2.a). 40 like peacocks and turkeys The association between peacocks and pride can be traced back to Pliny’s Natural History 10.22. The idea was also expressed by the Spanish verb pavonear, ‘to display one’s finery and, by extension, to show off, walking around public places in order to be seen or admired’ (Covarrubias, 581v). 41 calzas culcas (D). 42 Villadiego villa diego (D). 43 Aragon Arragona (D). 44 clock A narrow, wedge-shaped insert in the side of a stocking for ankle shaping, extending from the sole to taper at the leg (OED, n2 2). 45 88 A reference to 1588, the year when Philip II sent the Spanish Armada to invade England (Britannica, Spanish Armada). Llamas-Granado 32 Low Countries, Naples, Sicily, Milan, the West Indies 46 , etc. where they go to feather their nest and to grow rich, and often they take such courses as makes them speed 47 well in't in a very short time. 110 They use to wear sword and dagger and, though their cloak be new, very often they make a hole in it that the dagger may be seen. The lowest sort of tradesmen, as carpenters, shoemakers, etc. never sit at their work without a dagger by their sides 48 . Thus, the commonalty is possessed with pride, witness the story of the woman who, being a beggar, yet would not have her son to serve an ambassador 49 . “I will not” — said she, being spoken to about it — “undervalue my 115 son so much. Who knows whether one day he shall not be king of Spain.” Hence it is that we do not see Spaniards to be servants of men of other nations, nor to travel but upon the account of necessity. Now this vanity follows them to their grave, as we hear of the cobbler who, being upon his deathbed, having called his children to him, said to them: “Take heed you do nothing to disparage 50 yourselves, or to dishonour your family.” 51 120 To see the meanest of them in their clothes and to act their gravity is a thing to make any stranger mistake their quality, insomuch 52 that one day in their late king’s time 53 a foreign minister, being private in his lodging, took one of them for a grandee 54 , who (as he thought) came to give him a visit incognito, as 'tis usual in those parts, and received him with a great civility. But, at last, this proved to be a glazier, who went to mend a window. And they so much 125 affect gravity in their march, that one of them being once whipped at Paris (you may conceive not for any good he had done), and being told by some spectators who pitied him to mend his pace, that he might sooner come out of his pains, he turned about and, with much gravity, told 46 Low Countries … West Indies Spanish possessions, including both European territories that were under the rule of the Spanish Habsburgs until the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) and colonies in America, known at the time as the West Indies (Britannica, War of the Spanish Succession). 47 speed Prosper (OED, v. 1a). 48 The lowest sort … their sides The author expects this custom to surprise an English reader, who would be familiar with the Statutes of Apparel established in the Elizabethan period, in effect until they were abolished by King James I in 1604. These laws regulated clothing depending on social class. For instance, swords and daggers gilt or damasked with gold or silver were not allowed but for knights and captains (Baldwin, 293). 49 the story … ambassador A story narrated by John Barclay (1582–1621) in his Icon animorum (1631), illustrating Spanish pride and refusal to work (Barclay, 7: 230-232). 50 disparage To lower in social position or dignity (OED, v. 3a). 51 Now … family Another story about Spanish pride, also collected in Barclay’s Icon animorum (7: 230). 52 insomuch To such an extent or degree (OED, adv. 1). 53 their late king’s time The reign of Philip IV (1605–1665). He was succeeded by his son Charles II, the king of Spain when this text was published in 1671 (Britannica, Philip IV). 54 grandee A nobleman of the highest rank from Spain or Portugal (OED, n. 1). Llamas-Granado 33 them that he would not go an inch the faster, though all the hangmen of France were at his heels. 130 But to go on in telling of their good qualities, I must not omit to say that idleness and laziness are some of those which most of all they are subject to. I cannot tell whether it be merely an effect of their natural disposition, or a trust they put to the harvest they receive from the Indies; or, as I believe, of both. But the matter is such that their land, which in many places is good and could be made fruitful, not only in fruits and good wines but also in other necessaries, for 135 want of being manured is barren and useless. Now the ground doth not produce without the care of man. At present, God doth not show us such miracles, as he hath done sometimes in the days of old. If tradesmen amongst them do work two or three hours in the day, they will think themselves the greatest workmen in the world; and they who set them at work must pay as dear as if they 140 had been a whole day at it. When this is done, they go to play or sport themselves one way or other, but those that live in sea towns never fail to walk by the seaside, to see ships coming in, to enquire what parts of the world they come from, and what news they bring. And here passengers do find some Office of the Inquisition 55 summoning them to go and give an account of their faith to the Office. But their chief end is to get a piece of money and then, they let 145 people alone. Others there are in these sea towns, who drive another sort of trade. They come aboard and offer to passengers wine and other provisions at a very low rate, only to oblige them to go to their houses, where they show them Spanish flesh rather than victuals. No nation hath more ceremony and less reality than the Spanish. When they think to cut one's 150 throat, then they make the greatest protestations of love and friendship. They stand so much upon titles and places that, as Boccalini 56 saith, it is a particular custom of Spaniards to visit others more to affront than to honour them. Complements 57 also are so mixed with their ordinary discourses, that they wholly take away the pleasure of society and banish liberty, 55 Office of the Inquisition The Spanish Inquisition, a judicial institution that fought heresy in Spain. It suffered a reorganization during the reign of Philip II that meant that those offices were filled in agreement between the government and its head, the grand inquisitor, who was named by the Vatican (Ryan). 56 Boccalini Traiano Boccalini (1556–1613), an Italian prose satirist and anti-Spanish political writer. His major works, Reports from Parnassus and Political Touchstones, published in 1612 and 1614 respectively, were translated into many languages and influenced, among other writers, Cervantes. The latter, posthumously published, denounces the Spanish domination in Europe (Britannica, Traiano Boccalini). 57 Complements Ceremonies of civility and politeness (OED, n. 9). Llamas-Granado 34 wherein doth consist the sweetness of conversation 58 . An English nobleman, having often been 155 troubled at Madrid with such a way of dealing by one of their great men, resolved one day to be avenged on him. Therefore once, when the other was come to him, he caused a great fire to be made, and both being drawn near to it, with their backs towards the chimney, the nobleman engaged the Spaniard in discourses of civility, who many times bowed towards the fire, which he did so often that at last, feeling the heat, he clapped his hand upon the back side and found 160 the fire had burned part of it. He was as amazed, as the other who sitting by a fire, and feeling the heat thorough his boots, said: “I am afraid of burning my boots,” when another who stood by answered: “Sir, do not mind your boots, for already they are gone, only look to the spurs.” They profess a new divinity: to allow of a certain evil, that an uncertain may be avoided thereby. That is, to practice a peccadillo —as they call it, a little sin— to avoid falling into a greater; 165 and for fear of sodomy, to indulge themselves in their lechery, a thing so generally used amongst them that he who hath not his love in that kind is accounted a man without wit and merit; and the generality of them goes as openly and freely into such places, as here one will go to a tavern or an alehouse. They consuetudo peccandi tollit sensum peccati, the custom of sinning takes away the sense of sin. Their proverb is: “El fatigado con cosas deveres, recreese 170 con donayres 59 ,” he who is a weary of serious things must betake himself to his pleasures; of which, as of wines, they allow themselves a calabriada 60 , a mixture and variety, wherein they so much indulge themselves, that rather than be deprived of the least, they will lose anything; whereupon they use to say: Siempre en las tardanças hay peligro 61 y Vale mas paxaro en mano que buitre 62 volando. A bird in hand is better than two in the bush; which they mean of their 175 pleasures. Sometimes, I have seen some of their priests come to strangers’ lodgings (provided they be acquainted with the landlord) to play with them, in a disguise. Not out of any shame, but only to have more liberty with those who know them not, except a landlord or somebody else tells them what they are. 180 There be also some priests and friars carrying up and down the streets the image of one or other Nuestra Señora 63 , as they call it, for whom they beg. And yet the poor Lady is never the better 58 conversation The action of having dealings with others; commerce; intercourse; society (OED, n. 2). 59 donayres donagres (D). 60 calabriada calabrada (D). Spa. A mixture of wines, especially of white and red wine (Covarrubias, 172r). 61 Siempre en las tardanças hay peligro Siempre en las tardangas a’y peligro (D). 62 buitre buy tre (D). 63 Nuestra Señora Nuestia Sennora (D). Spa. ‘Our Lady.’ Llamas-Granado 35 for it, for most part of the time what they have gotten they bestow upon their own pleasures, and other uses. And once I saw at Alicant one of them who played at cards what monies he had then about him and lost it to an English master of a ship, whereby we see how 64 ready they are 185 to sacrifice their show and pretence of devotion to their pleasure or covetousness. And sometimes they dispose of it another way, which is, to make a mock at what they call piety themselves and which we, with a more proper word, do name superstition. Many of these secular 65 and regular priests 66 are very offensive to the laity, by reason of the great power the clergy hath in those parts, who assert their privileges with a great severity by 190 the means of the Inquisition, which is formidable to the greatest men in the land as to the lowest, so that under this shelter they commit many unjust and unlawful things. But, in general, to return to the nation, they are very singular in their diet, still making good the proverb which says: “A Spaniard is not sober when he lives at the costs of others.” But else they are very sparing and I am very much of the opinion of one who thinks that in London there 195 is more meat eaten in one month than in whole Spain in one year. They do not roast whole capons and pullets, but legs and wings by themselves, and then spread the feathers before their doors to make others think that good cheer is made in that house. A crust of bread rubbed with garlic or an onion is an ordinary and a good diet for them, which, if a stranger sees them to eat, they presently fall upon commending of sobriety and how wholesome a thing it is. Many a time 200 I have seen numbers of them dine so, close by a wall, to enjoy the heat of the sun, which is their ordinary fire in those parts, so saving they endeavour to be in everything. Yet, if anyone will have the pleasure, how well they can eat or rather devour, let him treat them at his own charges. For certain, flesh is very nourishing there, but this is not the only reason of their sobriety. 'Tis 205 also dear, in part, because 'tis scarce and also by reason of a great tax laid upon butchers 67 . Fruits, herbs and roots are things which they feed upon most of all and, in everything almost, they use much pimiento, a kind of red pepper which grows in the country; but they are not used 64 how now (D). 65 secular Priests under the jurisdiction of a bishop, incardinated in a diocese, that do not belong to a religious order and, therefore, do not profess vows (OED, adj. 1a). 66 regular priests Priests that profess vows of poverty, chastity and obedience in a religious order, under the jurisdiction of a superior (OED, adj. 1a). 67 A great tax … butchers A reference to the servicio de millones, a tax established by Philip II in 1590 to defray the disaster of the Spanish Armada. It levied both wine and meat. From 1657 to 1685 a pound of meat was levied with eight maravedis and the head of livestock with eight reals (Ucendo, 54). Llamas-Granado 36 to see any quantity of meat upon a table. This is the reason why Gondomar 68 being gone back into Spain from his embassy in England and being asked by his master about several fashions 210 used here in the court, amongst the rest, being very inquisitive to know what ceremonies were used here when the king was at table, he answered for his part he could not well tell, though he had been in the dining room when his Majesty was at dinner, because, said he, he was hidden from him by a great piece of beef which was laid upon the table. They allow not their wives to sit at table with them. Those persons of quality are private in a 215 chamber and by themselves, but others of the common sort of people do usually keep in the same chamber where their husbands dine, at a table with their children, or else there is a place raised half a foot or thereabouts above the floor, with a carpet 69 laid over it. Thereupon the wife and children either kneel or sit without chairs, and eat what the husband is pleased to send them from his table. So that, to speak the truth, they are deprived of their liberty and kept in great 220 subjection, little different from slavery. Which hard usage they are sensible of, upon occasion doing them all the turns of unfaithfulness which they are able, being naturally by the influences of the climate, the hot things they eat and drink, and out of a desire of the liberty they see themselves abridged of, much inclined to luxury 70 . They take care to curl their hair, keep their breast naked, yet not so low as the 225 shoulders, they paint much with red their lips and cheeks, a custom so general amongst them that they hide it not one from another. They wear above their waist a farthingale, or guardainfante 71 , as they call it, which is like a circle of a good breadth, and very fit to hide a big belly; when they go thorough a narrow door they must strike it down of one side. Those of an inferior quality, when they are abroad, do usually wear a black hood which falls lower than 230 their breast and shoulders, and hides the whole face except one eye, which is all one is able to see of it; whereby they are so hard to be known, that towards evening a husband going by his wife shall have much ado to know her, though they be more civil to those strangers or others whom they intend to favour, by uncovering the whole face when they come nigh 72 to them. 68 Gondomar Gondomour (D). Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, count de Gondomar (1567–1626), Spanish ambassador in the court of James I of England who gained great influence and whose first mission was to persuade him to abandon his alliance with France and the Protestant European countries and to establish it with Catholic Spain. In 1622 he was appointed a member of the Spanish Council of State (Britannica, Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, count de Gondomar). 69 carpet A thick fabric made of wool used as tablecloth (OED, n. 1a). 70 luxury Lust (OED, n. 1). 71 guardainfante Guarda infanta (D). Spa. A kind of round, very hollow, small round pannier, made of wires with ribbons, which women used to wear around their waists under their overskirt (DLE, n.). 72 nigh Near (OED, adv. 5c). Llamas-Granado 37 They improve the few moments they have of liberty and they endeavour to hacer su agosto 73 , 235 to speak in their own words, or as we say: “make hay whilst the sun shines,” and they do it de la buena gana, with a good will. Men there are extraordinarily careful of their beards, which are black and thick with mustachios or tusks 74 . To save them at night, they have los bigotes 75 , that is a kind of a waxed case which they lay upon it and which, to one who knows not what it is, seems very strange in a morning 240 when they appear with it at a window. They also make a beard so essential to a man, that if he be altogether shaven, as now we are in England, they will doubt whether or not he be an eunuch. And in the streets of Madrid, I have seen an outlandish man of about thirty years of age taken by the arm by a woman who never saw him before and asked him very boldly: “¿Tiene los cojones usted 76 ?” — “Sir, are you a whole man?”— because he was wholly shaven. 245 A thing which most of all seemed strange to me in Spain is the custom of some to walk in the streets with spectacles on their noses, which with a little thread they tie to both ears, and there is a twofold reason for it. The one is the scorching heat of the sun, which heats so much the ground that the reverberation of it is hurtful to the eye, but as in winter the sun is not so hot as in summer, so methinks the use of these spectacles should cease. Therefore, besides the former 250 there is an inward reason arising from the immoderate luxury 77 which they are given to, for by reason of the strict communication there is between those parts and the head, specially the optics, the organ is much offended, and consequently weakened, so that this people becomes short-sighted. And I think that the fresh waters with ice, which they so much drink of in summer, are used to cool their lust more than to quench their thirst. 255 The extraordinary 78 long swords they have must needs be very inconvenient, specially by reason of the long cloaks they wear them under, insomuch that most part of time they must turn up their cloaks of one side when they walk, and the other hand they must lay upon the hilt of the sword, that thereby the point of it be lifted up. Otherwise, it would constantly trail upon the 73 hacer su agosto As Covarrubias explains, “Regularmente en el mes de Agosto coge el labrador el trabajo de todo el año y … de aquí por alusión decimos al que ha recogido mucha hazienda, mal, o bien, que ha hecho su Agosto” (20v). 74 tusks Tufts of hair (OED n.2). 75 las bigotes Usually bigoteras in Spanish, a strip of chamois, hairnet or other material with which, in private, the moustaches were covered to prevent them from decaying (DLE, n.). 76 ¿Tiene los cojones usted? Tien los Cojones voste (D). 77 luxury See note 70. 78 extraordinary extraordinry (D). Extraordinarily (OED adv. a). Llamas-Granado 38 ground and often the crosse above the hilt, being of one side turned upwards and downwards 260 on the other, seems at the same time threatening heaven and earth. Formerly they used to wear ruffs 79 about their necks, which were forbidden 80 because in Aragon a great man was strangled with it, so that since that time they have been looked upon as a halter about one’s neck and, instead of it, they use a little band stretched and stiffened with a little wire. 265 In their discourses they would be taken for senators, for upon every occasion they play the statesmen: they dispose of crowns, sceptres and kingdoms, just as if they were of God’s council. They decide the fortune of princes, censure the actions and carriage of ministers of state and, when they are three or four together, one would think that like so many gods they sit in council to resolve upon the fate and dispose of all states and empires of the world, and this not by 270 conjectures, but out of a certain and infallible knowledge. And whilst they fancy mountains of gold and think how to dispossess other nations of their country, they take no notice how void of people their own is, by reason of their driving the Moors out of Granada 81 , of their plantations in the Indies, their wars in Flanders and Italy 82 , and of the many garrisons they must keep in sundry places. Thus, they make good their proverb, cada loco con su tema, “every fool 275 hath his fancies.” Benefit and pleasure are the two great ends of travellers, but in Spain neither is to be had, the people of it not being sociable, and there is hardly anything worthy of a man’s curiosity, or at least the pains to go to see it. All Spain doth not afford one noble and stately city. Pamplona in Navarra is noted for the Citadel 83 in't, Burgos, the metropolis of Castilla the old, for the great 280 79 ruffs Neckwear made of starched linen, commonly used from the mid-16th to the mid-17th century (OED, n.3 2a). 80 ruffs … forbidden The Proclamation of January 1623 through which ruffs were forbidden by king Philip IV to control the excessive rise of luxury and expenses in ornaments and garments (Buelga-Añibarro, 6; González- Cañal, 72). 81 their driving Moors out of Granada A reference to the Expulsion of the Moriscos (1609–1614) that took place during the reign of Philip III and the ascendancy of the duke de Lerma. Moriscos were Spanish Muslims or their descendants, who stayed on after the Reconquista and became baptised Christians. The expulsion of about 350,000 of them created a demographic and economic problem mainly in the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and in Andalusia (Britannica, Morisco). 82 their wars in Flanders and Italy Through the 16th and 17th centuries Spanish armies were often deployed in Europe. The series of violent wars fought chiefly between France and Spain (1494–1559) for control of the Italian territories ended with the Spanish Habsburgs dominating Italy in the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis. In the Spanish Netherlands, the conflicts (1567–1609, 1621–1648) finished with the peace of Westphalia and the loss of some northern territories. (Britannica, Italian Wars; Spanish Netherlands). 83 Citadel The fort built by Philip II of Spain in 1571, which made Pamplona the most strongly protected city of Northern Spain (Britannica, Pamplona). Llamas-Granado 39 church 84 , and an inconsiderable castle 85 ; Valladolid, where formerly the court hath resided for a considerable time 86 , is a proverb: Villa por villa, Valladolid en Castilla, but there are not so much as walls about it 87 . Salamanca hath the famous university of Spain 88 , there is the bridge 89 built by the Romans, and the bull at one end of it; Segovia hath without the monastery, called Parral 90 , the Mint 91 , a palace 92 and the aqueducts 93 , and the fine cloth made there. Toledo, the 285 chief archbishopric of Spain, hath a great church 94 and a thing called “the Treasure” 95 within it, and waterworks 96 . So at Granada is the Palace of 97 the kings of the Moors, the Alhambra 98 ; Cordova hath the Mosque or church of the Moors 99 , Saragossa is a good place and, to be short, their Seville, the chief of Andalusia, of which their proverb says: “El que non ha visto Sevilla, 84 the great church The Metropolitan Cathedral of Our Lady of Burgos, in florid Gothic style, founded by king Ferdinand III and the English bishop Maurice of Burgos in 1222 (Britannica, Burgos). 85 an inconsiderable castle The Castle of Burgos, which crowns the hill overlooking the city. It was built during the Reconquista in 884 by Diego Porcelos (Britannica, Burgos; Sáenz-Ridruejo and García-Castillo, 787). 86 the court … considerable time The court resided in Valladolid from the reign of Alfonso VII (12th century) to that of Philip II and six more years under Philip III (1600–1606) (Britannica, Valladolid). 87 there are not … as walls about it A reference to the fact that an enlargement of the wall was built at the emergence of a plague in 1619, in order to defend some suburbs of the city (MacKay, 84). 88 the famous university The University of Salamanca, founded in 1218 by Alfonso IX. Until the end of the 16th century, it was one of the leading centers of higher education in Europe (Britannica, University of Salamanca). 89 the bridge The Roman bridge of Salamanca that crosses river Tormes. At one side of it a stone bull called verraco can be found and it is referenced in the first treatise of El Lazarillo de Tormes. It was destroyed by a flood in 1626 and had to be rebuilt (Menéndez, 196). 90 Parral The Monastery of Our Lady of El Parral, founded in 1454 by Henry IV of Castille and inhabited by the Hieronymite Order (Florez de la Colina, 640). 91 the Mint The Segovia Royal Mint Factory founded in 1583 by King Philip II in which the machinery worked thanks to the power from Eresma River, next to it (Florez de la Colina, 640; Murray, 227). 92 a palace The Alcazar of Segovia, which has been attested in documents from the 12th century (Merino de Cáceres, 23). 93 aqueducts A reference to the Segovia aqueduct, a water-conveyance structure built under the Roman Emperor Trajan (reigned 98–117 CE) that supplies water to the city from the Frio River (Britannica, Segovia aqueduct). 94 a great church The Primate Cathedral of Our Lady in her Assumption to Heaven in Toledo. Its construction began in 1226 in the reign of Ferdinand III of Spain and is considered the most Hispanic of Spanish Gothic cathedrals (Britannica, Toledo). 95 the Treasure A collection of precious objects belonging to the Cathedral among which are a processional monstrance by Arfe and a collection of paintings by El Greco, Sir Anthony Van Dyck and Luis de Morales (Britannica, Toledo). 96 waterworks Juanelo’s Artifice, an engineering device built by Juanelo Turriano in the 16th century in order to supply the Alcazar with water from the Tagus River that washes Toledo in three of its sides (Crespo et al., 42). 97 the Palace of The Palace of the Palace of (D). 98 Alhambra Altrambra (D) The palace and fortress of the Moorish monarchs of Granada, built between 1238 and 1358 in the reigns of Ibn al-Ahmar and his successors. After the expulsion of the Moors in 1492, much of the interior decorations and furniture disappeared. Some parts of it were rebuilt during the reign of Charles I of Spain in the Renaissance style and part of it was destroyed to build an Italianate palace (Britannica, Alhambra). 99 Mosque or church of the Moors The Mosque-Cathedral of Cordoba, formerly an Islamic Mosque transformed into a Christian cathedral in the 13th century. Originally built during the rule of ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān I (784–786), it was one of the largest mosques in the Islamic world, whose ground plan measures little less than the St. Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican (Britannica, Mosque-Cathedral of Cordoba). Llamas-Granado 46 when analysing the references to the Inquisition in the text). Thus, he constructs an image of what the Spaniard is like. Gailhard describes Spain as an underpopulated place, where food is scarce, where people are vengeful, proud of their nation, and look down on others. After that, he begins to describe the apparel of Spanish gentlemen and their customs: to amble, wearing winter clothes in summer, keeping their fashion when they live abroad, their parsimony when walking, which is linked by the author to their laziness. According to Gailhard, gentlemen are also double-faced, heavy drinkers, miserly, and treat their wives as if they were their slaves. Moreover, the author continues after having described married women’s apparel both abroad and in Spain, turning to that of gentlemen, who wear beards to reaffirm their masculinity, glasses because they are losing eyesight due to their lust and spend a lot of time chatting in their delusions of grandeur (ll. 266-275). In this second section the author links the appearance, the attitudes he may have witnessed and some anecdotes to justify the stereotypes he presents of Spanish clergy and gentlemen. Moreover, it is significant that the categories Gailhard deals with match the ones proposed by Johann Zahn in his Speculae Physico-Matematico-Historica (see above, p. 15), which indicates that he is working with cultural clichs that circulated in 17th century Europe. As for the third part (l. 276-369), it constitutes a travelogue in which he gives an outlook on the main monuments he may have either found during his journey or read about in other travel accounts and—as could be expected—he continues his line of argument by claiming that the pleasure of watching these monuments and landscapes does not compensate for the difficulties described in section one. Moreover, he adds one more drawback: the haughtiness and unfriendliness witnessed in the members of police forces. Gailhard concludes with a long account of Madrid, describing the behaviour of both noblemen and noblewomen either at the court or while riding in coaches. Then, he addresses one more time the negative sides of the city: prostitution, bullfighting —which Gailhard compares with Roman gladiators’ fights— dirt in winter and dust in summer, and faeces in the streets at night due to the lack of toilets. The only positive aspect he emphasises is the absence of the plague. In conclusion, this analysis of The Character of Spain can be summarised as the compound of three different subgenres inside travel writing: a kind of letter in which the author addresses a disclaimer to his readership, an ethnographic study of Spanish manners, mores and behaviour; and a description of Madrid, the court and nobility. The negative cultural image presented in The Character of Spain results not only from the description of the country given in the text but also —as argued in section 2.2— from the superior image that is implicitly projected of the other side of the mirror: 17th century England. Llamas-Granado 47 As Gailhard puts it: “things [are] better judged of by their contraries” (l. 20). The climate theory is clearly present since the text alludes explicitly to the geographical situation of the Iberian Peninsula taking as reference both the Earth and Europe. Though Gailhard includes it in the latter, he specifies that it lies in the south-west (l. 1), marking in this way a distance with it, probably because both his native France and the country where he lives —17th century England— belonged to what according to this theory was the centre. Moreover, the author makes explicit mention of the influence of climate, in this case, of heat, in human behaviour: “Which hard usage they are sensible of […] being naturally by the influences of the climate, the hot things they eat and drink, and out of a desire of the liberty they see themselves abridged of, much inclined to luxury” (ll. 222-225). The text deals with the cultural image that the Black Legend had sown in 17th century Europe. This image is actualised in the garments, the behaviour and the infrastructure of Spain and its inhabitants. According to Gailhard, both its past and its present make of Spain a place not worth visiting. The Black Legend of Spain is built chiefly upon a person and his reign: Philip II, and it is with him Gailhard begins his account of Spain: “For so, Philip II called himself Rex Hispaniarum after the acquisition he made of Portugal in the year 1580” (ll. 2-3). This Spanish king is later mentioned towards the end of the text, when the author praises the Escorial (l. 299). It serves, though, as an occasion to allude to his military defeats: “to conquer England, uphold the league in France and to recover the Low Countries” (l. 300). In this sense, the three pillars upon which this Black Legend was built are present throughout the text. Together with the repression in the Low Countries, the exploitation of American territories is mentioned several times. The author criticises Spaniards for their sloth, observing that they take advantage of the harvest they obtain from their American possessions (ll. 131-133). In this way, Spaniards, according to the author, live without farming crops. He points to the plantations in the West Indies as one of the causes why the Iberian Peninsula was underpopulated and makes a reference to the plunders to which native peoples were victims of during the conquest: “[Spaniards] fancy mountains of gold and think how to dispossess other nations of their country” (l. 271). All in all, even though the conquest of the Indies is not mentioned, the plantations and the benefits of colonisation are. As for the Inquisition, Jean Gailhard explains it is an expression of the excessive power the Catholic Church has in Spain (l. 190). He denounces that the Spanish clergy abuse the trust of the faithful and criticises their greed, claiming that they do not think much of stealing the alms or spending those received during a procession of Our Lady in gambling (ll. 181-186), as well as their lechery (ll. 177-180). The Llamas-Granado 48 Inquisition is, according to him, just an institution that commits crime, injustice, such as the expulsion of the Moors of Granada (l. 273), and usury on travellers. The fierce criticism Gailhard makes in The Character of Spain contrasts, thus, with his educational principles, as he defended not to make any comparison (see above, p. 24), nor evaluating the culture and traditions of the Others taking one’s own as a point of reference. He justified this recommendation arguing that this position of superiority and intolerance, that he also attributes to the Spaniards in the text, would make the young gentleman less willing to learn and prevent him from seeing the Others as they really are. Gailhard’s attitude in the text is thus contradictory to that a good tutor should have when introducing their pupils to a new country. This attitude could be due to the fact that he did not feel welcomed in Charles II’s Spain, where the Inquisition played an important role. He might have feared being imprisoned, and this might have brought the Black Legend to his mind when thinking about Spaniards, making him unable to sympathise with them. In this way, Jean Gailhard, as a refugee in England, does not see Spain as a safe space for either himself or his pupils that may also be Christians but not Roman Catholics. Therefore, it is in The Character of Spain that the limits of the educational principles formulated by Gailhard in The Compleat Gentleman can be seen, since his fear and prejudice are going to be transmitted in one way or another to his charges. In conclusion, even though at the beginning of the text the author tries to conceal the fact that he has read much more on Spain than he acknowledges —literary texts which speak of “an extraordinary land peopled with none but heroes” (l. 15)— the references to Philip II, colonisation and the repression of Low Countries reveal that this image was not true. Indeed, some descriptions might easily have been drawn from literary works as that of an inn in Don Quixote and some anecdotes are already contained in Barclay’s Icon animorum. Other than Madrid, most cities are scarcely described and there is a line of argumentation that seeks to perpetuate and justify stereotypes by linking anecdotes with attitudes probably perceived in some gentlemen. Since he only addresses Spaniards, he is implicitly saying what his moral standards are and by omitting what other nations or his own are alike, Gailhard assumes their superiority over the one he is criticising. For instance, when he explains that there is a lack of inns, that implies that in England and France there are more and better lodgings than in Spain; and if he states that Spaniards walk slowly and are lazy, it is because he walks more briskly and considers himself hard-working. Therefore, the omnipresence of the Black Legend makes of this text a piece of ethnographic writing. Llamas-Granado 49 7. CONCLUSION. This master thesis offers a critical edition and analysis of Jean Gailhard’s The Character of Spain, seeking to make it accessible to undergraduates majoring in English Studies and readers interested in the English vision of Spain in the Early Modern period. The text, conceived in the broad category of travel writing, was a disclaimer to English citizens desiring travelling to late 17th century Spain. As a result of the analysis made, the main conclusions that can be extracted from the different points addressed through the different sections will be outlined below. To begin with, The Character of Spain implies that there are nations that, according to the author, are worth visiting for educational purposes and others that are not. Gailhard approaches his description holding a prejudiced opinion of Spain as a backward country, so obviously, it will not meet his standards on accommodation and civility. The second is that travel writing is an important means of dissemination of cultural images: the Black Legend of Spain in this case, as the second part of this work shows clearly. The third is that literary texts also have an important influence on education, contributing to the formation of cultural images. This can be also one of the reasons why reading books and not just experiential knowledge was pursued as paramount during the Grand Tour. Finally, the stereotypes of Spaniards shown in The Character of Spain are a simplification of the late 17th century Spanish population, that was much wider and culturally diverse than the text shows. This simplification of reality is conditioned by the fears of an Otherness that Gailhard, being a refugee, must have carried with him. The values that this text teaches justify intolerance toward Spain because Spaniards, with their behaviour, have deserved it, even though the author seems to recommend an open-minded attitude: “In this world one must see not only good but evil also, things better judged of by their contraries” (l. 20). Pedagogical choices and warnings, as seen in the text, entail thus not only an expression of a cultural image of Spain as the Other, but also of the self. In this case, even in his delicate position as a refugee in late-17th century English society, the author clearly thinks of himself superior in almost every aspect to Spaniards. He sees them, thus, as rude and barbarous (l. 42), slow (l. 128), lazy (l. 131), miserly (l. 194) and lustful (l. 251). 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