Shellfish Purple Production in Iberia and the Balearic Islands in the Pre-Roman Period: Archaeological Evidence in its Mediterranean Context

29 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria AbstrAct: This paper tries to synthesize the archaeological evidence known to date regarding the production of purple dye in Phoenician and Punic Iberia from the very beginning of the Phoenician colonization (ninth century BC) until the Roman arrival in the region (by the end of the third century BC). This paper begins with a technological (including purple mollusc fishing methods), biochemical and archaeographic synthesis about purple dye production techniques in antiquity, before focusing on th Iberian evidence. In order to facilitate the techno-cultural and geographical background of the Iberian evidence, this paper discusses the most significant evidence known until now for the pre-Roman Mediterranean purple dye production sites and their industrial facilities. Key words: Purple Dye, Protohistory, Ars Purpuraria, Archaeology of Production, Ancient Technology. resumen: Este trabajo pretende sintetizar las evidencias arqueológicas conocidas hasta hoy sobre la producción de purpura marina en la Iberia fenicia y púnica desde los mismos inicios de la colonización fenicia (s. IX a. C.) hasta la presencia romana en la región (fines del s. III a. C.). Con carácter previo a la presentación y estudio de la evidencia arqueológica se realiza un estudio tecnológico (incluyendo métodos de pesca de los moluscos purpurígenos), bioquímico y arqueográfico acerca de la tecnología de la producción de púrpura en la Antigüedad. Igualmente, para facilitar la contextualización tecno-cultural y geográfica de la evidencia ibérica se presentan y describen brevemente los principales establecimientos conocidos de fabricación de tinte púrpura en el Mediterráneo prerromano y sus instalaciones industriales. Palabras clave: Púrpura, Protohistoria, Ars Purpuraria, Arqueología de la Producción, Tecnología de la Antigüedad. shEllfish PurPlE Production in iBEria and thE BalEaric islands in thE PrE-roman PEriod: archaEological EvidEncE in its mEditErranEan contExt Universidad de Sevilla. [email protected] ENRIQUE GARCÍA VARGAS 30 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria EnriquE garcía vargas INTRODUCTION Shellfish purple is the oldest natural, colourfast dye known to humans. It is produced from the secretions of marine molluscs, which are subject to a process that turns these secretions into a water-soluble dye that can effectively and permanently colour textile fibres. The chaîne opératoire involves the following steps: capturing the molluscs; extracting their hypobranchial gland; generation of the dye through fermentation; and, reduction and dyeing of fabrics. Archaeological evidence for the production of purple is scarce, apart from accumulations of shells which, if found broken in a certain way, may be an indication of dyeing. However, these shells were often reused for building or lime extraction (Alberti 2008), so their discovery can be used to argue for the presence of dye production somewhere near, but are not, strictly speaking, a direct evidence for purple production. Recent years have seen the excavation of a number of purple-making facilities dated to the pre-Roman and Roman periods. This new evidence has revealed important information concerning the purple-making process. At the same time, biochemical research has also contributed to increasing our understanding of what was in fact a relatively simple process (Koren 2005). As such, we are now in a much better position to detect and interpret artisanal facilities, which would otherwise go unnoticed, despite the presence of shell middens. This work presents archaeological evidence for the production of purple in the Iberian Peninsula and on Ibiza in the pre-Roman times. The period under consideration extends from the arrival of the Phoenicians, who were apparently responsible for bringing this technique to the West, to the effective Romanisation of Hispania, in the last quarter of the second century BC, during the Republican period. This evidence is presented within a predominantly Mediterranean setting (even if some of the evidence was found in Atlantic settings). Similar, and not necessarily well known, evidence from other Mediterranean regions is also presented. I do not aim to be exhaustive, but rather to select locations which best complement the Spanish evidence and which correspond well with the identification criteria outlined by Alberti (2008), Susmann (2011) and MacDonald (2017). Finally, the evidence is contextualised within the chaîne opératoire of purple dye (for purple dye productions infrastructures, see Macheboeuf 2008), starting from the capture of the molluscs and ending with the transformation of their secretions, which is now much better understood thanks to the application of biochemical research and experimental archaeology to past productive processes (Ruscillo 2005). The evidence is placed within a sequence of steps which, in my opinion, must be the key reference for the interpretation of evidence of purple-making in the Iberian Peninsula and the Balearics. THE CAPTURE OF PURPLE MOLLUSCS Different techniques can be used to capture purple molluscs, chiefly members of the Muricidae (Bolinus brandaris, Hexaplex trunculus) and Rapaninae (Stramonita haemastoma) families. B. brandaris and H. trunculus are adapted to sandy sea beds, while S. haemastoma thrives on rocky soils, which means that, while all species can be manually collected by divers, only B. brandaris and H. trunculus can be obtained by means of rakes and other trawling techniques. Purple molluscs, which are voracious predators, can also be attracted into fish traps by using other molluscs as bait. Ancient sources mention the use of fish traps for capturing Muricidae (cf. García Vargas 2004), but recent experimental studies (Ruscillo 2005; Alfaro and Mylona 2014) suggest that this technique would not provide shellfish in sufficient numbers unless it was complemented with the manual collection by divers of specimens congregated around, but not inside, the trap. In fact, rather than a trap as such, the device was conceived as a ‘meeting point.’ For this reason, the technique did not involve the use of closed traps, but could be carried out with a combination of open devices to which bait was affixed and close monitoring by expert divers. PURPLE DYE PRODUCTION: THE BIOCHEMICAL PROCESS Purple is obtained from the molluscs but is not itself present in their hypobranchial glands (Clark et al. 1993: 196). Contrary to common belief, the gland does not secrete the dye, but rather releases precursors, a series of organic substances that, after being chemically reduced in anaerobic conditions, turn into purple. The main component of purple is 6,6’-dibromoindigo, but it also 31 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria shEllfish PurPlE Production in iBEria and thE BalEaric islands in thE PrE-roman PEriod: archaEological EvidEncE in its mEditErranEan contExt comprises other components such as 6-monobromoindi- go, which is the main component in purple made from H. trunculus (infra). Mollusc-based purple production is a ‘lost craft’; that is to say, these processes have not been continued since Late Antiquity (Fernández Uriel 2010), thereby forcing us to enquire into the technical procedures and biochemical mechanisms (fig. 1) involved in purple production (vide recently Koren 2013 and Sukenik et al. 2017). Regarding the latter, although some details are uncertain, chemical and archaeological experimentation have gone a long way to clarify the process by which the precursors secreted by the hypobranchial glands of the molluscs are synthesised into the dye. The main precursor (fig. 2) in Bolinus brandaris is tyrindoxyl sulfate (Koren 2005), while Hexaplex trunculus contains four poorly defined precursors that result in blue (indoxyl sulphate) and purple compositions (Cooksey 2017). In the case of B. brandaris, for instance, the precursor reacts in the presence of certain enzymes such as purpurase, turning into tyrindoxyl which in turn dimerises into tyriverdin. The proteolysis of tyriverdin yields dibromoindigotin and dimethyl disulphide, which are responsible for the strong smell of the products. The oxidation of tyriverdin (through exposure to air and light) leads to the formation of the molecule 6,6’-di- bromoíndigo (DBI), the colour of which tends to be red. Non-dimerised indoxyls, that is, those which are not replaced in position 2 (Michel et al. 1992; Fernández Uriel 2010: 155) form indigotine (IND) and monobromoindigotin (MBI), which are the molecules responsible for bluish and purplish colours respectively (fig. 3). The presence of both IND and MBI is greater in H. trunculus, but they appear in different proportions within the same species. That is, some H. trunculus are richer in IND and Fig. 1: The chemical process of shellfish purple dye (Cooksey 2001: fig. 11, reproduced with permission). 32 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria EnriquE garcía vargas poorer in MBI, while for others the opposite is the case. IND is responsible for the blue colour and MBI for the purple colour (Koren 2008: 88). The proportion of MBI and IND in H. trunculus depends on a variety of factors: geographical provenance, age and sex of the animal, exposure to sunlight (males produce IND in dark conditions but females do not), the presence of contaminants and hygiene, etc. ‘Natural’ purple obtained by exposing the secretions to natural light, i. e., direct dying, can be used to dye fabrics, but this is only a superficial colour treatment, less intense and durable. In order to obtain a more penetrating dye the reaction must be controlled. PURPLE DYE PRODUCTION: THE TECHNICAL PROCESS The production of an intense and durable dye is a more complex process, chiefly known to us through an account by Pliny the Elder (Naturalis Historia 9.63). According to his description, the glands were kept in salt water for three days. Afterwards, they were heated in a lead container; the proportions of the solution were one hundred amphorae of water to five hundred pounds of glands, and the heat was moderate, constant and direct. Heating continued for seven days without interruption. Pliny the Elder’s ‘recipe’ is not entirely explicit and presents some translation problems, not only with regard to the proportions but also to other important technical details, such as the use of a plumbum container, which could refer to lead or tin (plumbum nigrum and plumbum album, respectively), and the apparent contradiction between the use of the verb fervere (to boil) and the need, verified experimentally, to keep temperature below 50ºC in order to obtain a bright colour (Koren 2008; MacDonald Fig. 2: Flow chart to demonstrate the chemical changes when the gland is punctured (MacDonald 2017: fig.9, reproduced with permission). Fig. 3: Colour ranges (see online version) created from the different indigoids (MacDonald 2017: fig.10, reproduced with permission). 33 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria shEllfish PurPlE Production in iBEria and thE BalEaric islands in thE PrE-roman PEriod: archaEological EvidEncE in its mEditErranEan contExt 2017: 27). Furthermore, some instructions are completely lacking, such as whether the water should be brine or not, and whether any other ingredients are to be added to the mixture. The latter issue is crucial, because the heating of the glands, previously soaked in salt water for three days, takes place in this heated solution, as Pliny clarifies. The three-day soaking period produces the necessary bacteria concentration to reduce the precursor in anaerobic conditions. The reduction prevents the immediate formation of the colouring agents, DBI, MBI and IND, which are reactivated later by exposing the compound to sunlight. Reduction to a leuco base (a colourless compound resulting from the reduction of a colourant, which can be turned back into a dye through oxidation), however, does not suffice to guarantee the quality of the dye, which must not only be durable, but also soluble in water to allow for the impregnation of the fabric. Solubility of the leuco base depends on the environment in which the dye is reduced at constant heat. The solution must be liquid and alkaline, with pH remaining below 9 (Koren 2005: 140-141). The heat must remain constant between 40-45ºC. Pliny the Elder’s use of the word fervere must be understood in this sense, but no mention of the alkaline environment is made in either the description in Naturalis Historia or similar ‘recipes’, such as that mentioned in the Talmud (Koren 2013). The use of salt water, for instance sea water, may Fig. 4: Colour samples (see online version) on wool and silk from the experimental series with purple snails Bolinus brandaris’ and Hexaplex trunculus’ made by F. Meiers (2013: fig. 9, reproduced with permission). 34 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria EnriquE garcía vargas be enough to keep a low pH (Koren 2013: 58; but see contra MacGovern and Mitchell 1990: 155; Macheboeuf 2007 for salted murex as food). In recent experiments, various alkaline substances have been tried, such as urine, natron, potash (calcium carbonate), wood ash and lime (Koren 2005: 145). Each of these generates a different reaction and, therefore, a different colour. The use of different containers can also have an effect on colour (Meiers 2013). Over the last two decades, significant progress has been made concerning the origin of shellfish-based dyes in the Mediterranean and in the determination of archaeological markers that suggest the presence of a purple dye workshop. Concerning the origins of the industry, evidence suggests that some of the earliest production centres were located in the Aegean, specifically on Crete. The production sites at Kouphonisi, Karoumes, Palaikastro, Chrysi and maybe Kommos are dated to the early second millennium (Middle Minoan, ca. 18th-17th centuries BC) (Alberti 2008: 76; Apostolakou et al. 2016). In nearly all of these sites, murex middens are associated with a variety of structures, so they can be included in Alberti’s group A1. Other Middle Bronze Age Aegean contexts, in which evidence for purple production has been found, are possibly at Kastri on Kythera in Greece, and at Tavşan Adaçi and Troy on the Turkish coast (Kremer 2017). ORIGINS OF THE PURPLE-DYE INDUSTRY IN THE AEGEAN AND THE LEVANT Tracing the origins of purple production on the Levantine coast, which was believed to be the region where this activity first emerged until the Cretan evidence was discovered, is trickier. The earliest evidence may be that of Minat-el-Beida, the harbour of Ras-Shamra in Syria, where shell middens have been found in association with various structures and ceramic containers stained with Fig. 5: Chryssi. Site plan of Building B1 (Apostolakou et al. 2016: fig. 5, reproduced with permission). 35 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria shEllfish PurPlE Production in iBEria and thE BalEaric islands in thE PrE-roman PEriod: archaEological EvidEncE in its mEditErranEan contExt purple dye (Kalaitzaki et al. 2017). These finds include the site in Alberti’s category A (supra). The evidence found in Sarepta (previously dated to the 13th century BC) has been recently argued to be coetaneous to that in Ras-Sha- mra; in this case, the evidence comprises shell middens (chiefly of H. trunculus) and fragments of stained pottery vessels, which themselves may be securely dated to the 13th century BC (Reese 2010). The 13th century BC is also the date assigned to the stained pottery fragments at Tel Akko in Israel, where all three mollusc species have been documented. At Tell Abu Hawam, also in Israel, which is roughly coetaneous with Tel Akko, a large quantity of shell remains has been found, which suggests the presence of a workshop – Alberti’s B group – while Tyre and Sidon have yielded similar evidence, including both B. brandaris and H. trunculus, with dates that cannot be earlier than the second half of the third millennium BC and which continue into the Roman imperial period and beyond (Kalaitzaki et al. 2017). For obvious historical and cultural reasons, the earliest evidence of purple production in the Phoenician colonies in the Central and Western Mediterranean – in sites such as Motya, Carthage, Ibiza and Cadiz – is linked to the Levantine production centres, although some Central Mediterranean workshops appear to have a connection with the Mycenaean world, for instance Coppa Nevigata in Italy (Cazzella et al. 2004; 2012). PRODUCTION TECHNOLOGY: ARCHAEOLOGICAL MARKERS Wherever direct archaeological evidence of purple extraction has been found (i.e. beyond mere coastal shell middens), the remains attests to an invariably simple technology. The infrastructure of purple production generally includes pits and hearths located in the vicinity of heaps of intentionally broken shells and purple-stained ceramic fragments. However, it is rare to find all these features in the same location. The simplest productive model is illustrated by the remains found on the island of Chryssi, off the coast of Crete, one of the earliest known workshops, dated to the 18th–17th centuries BC (Apostolakou et al. 2016). This site, which is well-preserved and has been extensively excavated, provides a good account of the spatial organisation of purple production and of the structures involved in the activity. The fact that the site does not appear to have been used also for dyeing fabrics (an activity which was carried out in Pefka, on the coast opposite Chryssi: Apostolakou 2008; Apostolakou et al. 2016) suggests an activity mostly related to dye extraction (Apostolakou et al. 2016). Building B1 at Chryssi (fig. 5) is divided into 11 rooms, the central four of which (rooms 1-4, of which Room 3 is in all likelihood a courtyard) seem to have been exclusively dedicated to the manufacture of purple dye, while the surrounding rooms appear to have had residential and other uses. Room 3 was covered in vegetal ash (almond and olive tree), while Rooms 2 and 3 were furnished with stone slabs, mills and stone hammers used to crush the shells. The excavation of Room 3 also yielded two hearths and the in situ remains of ceramic containers used to heat the dye (along with the leuco base), as well as stone hammers, a triton shell, and jars and cups, which could have been used to add liquid (basic solution) to the ingredients and, eventually, to scoop out the finished dye (fig. 6). The excavators suggest a chaîne opératoire that began with the crushing of the shells in Room 2 and ended with the heating of the purple dye in Room 3, where most of the evidence for combustion is found, although the excavation of the room also yielded stone hammers (Apostolakou et al. 2016: 203). Although Chryssi was exclusively dedicated to producing dye, the processing of shellfish and dyeing of fabric could also be done in the same place. Fig. 6: Chryssi. The hearths of the Building B1 (room 3: Apostolakou et al. 2016: fig. 6A, reproduced with permission). 36 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria EnriquE garcía vargas A similar case is presented by the Minoan site (MM II) of Pefka on Crete, which, despite having been recently interpreted as a fabric-dyeing establishment (Apostolakau et al. 2016), also seems to contain evidence for the production of dyes. This included not only H. trunculusbased purple, but also plant-based dyes, such as those obtained out of weld (Reseda luteola) and madder (Rubia sp.). The site has also yielded traces of lanolin, interpreted as evidence of the washing of wool (Koh et al. 2016). The site of Horbat Shim’on in Israel (fig. 7), dated to the eighth century BC, has yielded evidence of the entire process being carried out in one complex, the dyeing of the fabric occurring in a separate room (Room C), which contained mortars, pestles, stone hammers and stone containers (Dogan and Cassuto 2016). Other Mediterranean sites, such as Tel Dor and Tel Mor, in Israel, present similar facilities dated to the Iron Age (Kalaitzal et al. 2017), although the remains are not as well contextualised and characterised as in the previous examples. At least two, chronologically distinct, areas in the industrial quarters of Tel Dor have been related to purple dye production (Stern and Sharon 1986; Nitschke et al. 2011): - Area G includes a shell-filled pit found in association with ceramic containers and fragments of calcite, one of the ingredients potentially used in the production of the leuco base (supra), which is a likely indication of dye extraction. These structures, originally detected in 1986 (Stern and Sharon 1987) have not been excavated, or at least no publication yet exists following their discovery. - Area D1, later relabelled as Area D-5, was also detected in 1986, and has been excavated and published in some detail (Nitschke et al. 2011). The area includes at Fig. 8: Tell Dor. The southern pit looking west (Nitschke et al. 2011: fig. 7, reproduced with permission). Fig. 7: Horbat Shim’on. Plant of phase 1 (Dagan and Cassuto 2016: fig. 4A, reproduced with permission). 37 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria shEllfish PurPlE Production in iBEria and thE BalEaric islands in thE PrE-roman PEriod: archaEological EvidEncE in its mEditErranEan contExt least two circular pits, approximately 0.90 m in diameter and ca. 1 m deep, linked by a mortar-lined channel, inside which remains of calcite were found (Koren 2013: 57). The southern pit (fig. 8) was full of H. trunculus shells, and was attached to a small receptacle demarcated by clay slabs, which has been interpreted as the support for an anvil on which the shells were crushed. The pit, which is nearly 1 m deep, has been interpreted as a shell dump, but it is possible that the fill was deposited after the pit was no longer in use. Both the channel that links the pits and the fragments of calcite found within it are stained with purple, and it is therefore possible that the channel was a sort of drain that fed excess leuco base from the southern pit to the other one, where it was collected to be either reused or discarded, for neither pit is lined with hydraulic mortar (Nitschke et al. 2011). These structures are dated to the third century BC. Other than these sites, the evidence for purple extraction in the Eastern Mediterranean is very sporadic. The presence of shells crushed in a regular manner, in association with purple-stained ceramic fragments, is generally admitted as solid evidence for purple extraction fairly close by. This is the case with Tel Shiqmona in Israel (Iron Age II), for example, where heaps of broken shells (80% B. brandaris; 11% H. trunculus; and 9% S. haemastoma) were found in connection with rim and neck fragments of purple-stained ceramic containers (fig. 9; Sukenik et al. 2017). Gas chromatography tests performed on these ceramic fragments have revealed a high content of BMI and IND, and a low content of DBI, which agrees with the important proportion of H. trunculus in the middens. Tel Kabri in Israel has yielded similar evidence from the seventh century BC, especially concerning ceramic containers with purple staining on the inside and burn marks on the outside (fig. 10; Koren 2013). The interior marks are located on the upper neck, which indicates that this was the only area exposed to sunlight during the production of the purple, presumably because the lid had to be occasionally removed for stirring the liquid during heating (Koren 2013: 52). In summary, it appears that much progress has recently been made in the characterisation of purple workshops during the Middle-Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age in the Aegean and the Levant, although, paradoxically, more is known about the earliest periods than about later ones (Carannante 2014: 274). Fig. 10: Tell Kabri. Interior of a purple-stained potsherd, part of the upper mouth of a dye vat, dated in the seventh century BC (Koren 2013: fig. 5, reproduced with permission). Fig. 9: Tell Shikmona. Crushed shells (Sukenik et al. 2017: fig. 1, reproduced with permission). 44 Sagvntvm-Extra 20. BEatriz marín-aguilEra, margarita glEBa (EdS.): intErwEaving traditionS: clothing and tExtilES in BronzE and iron agE iBEria EnriquE garcía vargas Cádiz. Crushed shells make up the basis of an enormous dump similar to that of Calle Luis Milena and consisting of waste from halieutic workshops and ceramic manufacturing situated in the surrounding areas and dated from the end of first century BC to the middle of the first century AD. Again, we guess a similar scenario for all the important Punic cities of the period in Spain, like Malaka or Abdera, in Almeria, but we do not have enough data for now to prove it. That is, we do not know if it corresponds to a landscape of large (public) factories or scattered small and medium-size workshops managed by private individuals. That will be a challenge for the future. Not only to define and to discover new archaeological sites producing purple dye in the towns of Phoenician and Punic coast in the western extreme of the oecumene, but also to try and define models of production according to theoretical considerations regarding purple dye uses from protohistoric to Roman times in the western Phoenician-Punic world (see García Vargas 2010). NOTE 1. Alberti (2008: 75-81) gives a table (Table 2) of six archaeological indicators that characterize production sites and divide these production sites into three groups according with the class of the indicators present at each site: - Group A includes sites with purple stained vats, containers with crushed murex shells, burnt organic ashes and traces of burning mixed with crushed murex shells, heaps of crushed murex shells near the installations, and working equipment. These sites are interpreted as «purple industry plants». - Group B includes heaps of crushed murex shells on the coast that may indicate «industry plants which were probably located inside or near the settlement». - Group C sites show heaps of crushed murex shells in settlement or house strata, crushed or calcined murex shells in plasters, lumps of purple dye stuff and purple pigment in frescoes. This evidence points to «purple-dye processing activities located within the settlement or some other site». ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks to D. S. Reese for sending me his bibliography and a fantastic and unpublished catalogue of purple dye production sites; to Y. Sharom and Y. Shalev for their kind information about Tel Dor; to J. Mª Gener for the photographs of Teatro Comico; to G. Tyndale for his taxonomic identification; and to D. Govantes Edwards for the English translation of the Spanish text. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALBERTI, M. E. 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