Vol.:(0123456789) Journal of International Migration and Integration (2023) 24:1611–1634 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-023-01020-0 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research withAfrican Migrant Women Living inSpain AloeCubero1 · RocioGarrido2 Accepted: 18 February 2023 / Published online: 22 March 2023 © The Author(s) 2023 Abstract There is a growing trend towards a feminization of migration which calls for an urgent intersectional analysis in migration and integration research. Migrant women are exposed to numerous barriers that make difficult to participate in host communities due to the intersections between their gender, ethnicity, migratory status, etc. These barriers range from structural to daily discrimination in the shape of sexism and racism, particularly for women from regions further south of Africa. Undertaken in collaboration with a local NGO in Southern Spain, this study aims to approach African migrant women’s experiences and to promote agency and participation in host communities. It was framed in Feminist Participatory Action-Research (FPAR) based on photovoice. The participants (n = 15) generated and shared photo-narra- tives about their daily experiences during five sessions that were participatively analyzed, classified into four themes as follows: (1) migratory projects; (2) violence and discrimination; (3) health and social care; and (4) to be and resist as an African migrant woman. Photovoice was valued as a safe, non-hierarchical, and caring environment that promoted agency in participants and reflexivity in researchers. Our results highlight the importance and necessity on undertaking FPAR in collaboration with social organizations for emancipatory research praxis and put the emphasis on photovoice as a transformational method. Keywords African migrant women· Agency· Community participation· FPAR· Photovoice * Rocio Garrido [email protected] Aloe Cubero
[email protected] 1 Department ofPedagogy, College ofEducation Sciences andPsychology, Intercultural Education Research Group (GREDI), Rovira i Virgili University, Carretera de Valls, S/N 43007, Tarragona, Spain 2 Department ofSocial Psychology, College ofPsychology, CESPYD, University ofSeville, C/ Camilo José Cela, S/N. 41007, Sevilla, Spain
1612 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 Introduction Migration is one of the main causes of population change in the twenty-first century, which is increasingly characterized by a greater female presence, a phenomenon known as the “feminization of migrations” (Paiewonsky, 2007). According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2020), 48% of refugees and displaced persons are women, who are increasingly autonomous in their migratory processes. In this scenario, international agencies have alerted that women are impacted by discrimination and violence in all stages of migration because of their gender, ethnicity, or migratory status, among others (The UN Refugee Agency, n.d.). Once in host societies, discrimination is materialized at different levels: there is both structural and institutional (e.g., social stigmatization, difficulties in regularizing administrative status), and also in their daily interpersonal interactions (Babatunde- Sowole etal., 2016; García-Ramírez, etal., 2011; Gonçalves & Matos, 2016; Hourani etal., 2021; Moane, 2003). Social and community participation is an effective element that could counter these disadvantaged conditions (McNamara etal., 2013) and promote their wellbeing, agency, and integration (García-Ramírez etal., 2011; Taurini etal., 2017). The problem is that the social participation of migrants is very low in host societies, especially of women, due to numerous personal, family, work, and cultural factors (Ortensi & Riniolo, 2020; Taurini etal., 2017). Moreover, there are numerous sociopolitical barriers that limit the participation of migrant women in influencing policy-making spaces, and their “needs, priorities and voices are often missing from policies designed to protect and assist them” (UN Women, n.d.). Therefore, it is needed to introduce a gender perspective in approaching migration and integration research, as well as policy-making and social actions in host societies (International Organization for Migration, 2016; Nawyn, 2010). To address this challenge, the present study was commissioned by MAD Africa, a local NGO placed in Seville, which works with African populations. It arose from their interest of exploring the lives and experiences of African women in Andalusia (Southern Spain) to understand their low participation, contrasting with their increasing presence in host communities. To address this challenge, this research developed a Feminist Participatory Action-Research (FPAR, Reid & Frisby, 2008) based on photovoice. It aims to approach participants’ experiences at the intersections of being Africans, women and migrants from their own voices, as well as generate spaces in which these women can participate and promote their agency. Below, we contextualize the situation of African migrant women in Spain, describe the principles of FPAR and our photovoice project, as well as present and discuss our results and conclusions. African Migrant Women’s Experiences andCommunity Participation inSpain In the Spanish state, existing migration policies and legislation not only do not facilitate safe entry, but it also does not ensure migrants protection and rights once they are in the country (APDHA, 2021; www. mipex. eu/ spain). The organic law
1613 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… 4/2000 of January 11, on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain and their Social Integration, has significant impacts in terms of deprivation of basic human rights as decent employment, safe and appropriate housing, access to public health and social services, and participation in sociopolitical life (García-Ramírez, etal., 2011). Moreover, the scarcity of support networks face by migrants in host societies has been identified as a barrier to sociopolitical organization, and thus, to be able to promote social changes at structural level (García-Ramírez etal., 2011). In this regard, it also should be noted that 73% of migrants in Spain are not entitled to vote in state and regional elections (Gutierrez & Ordaz, 2019), to which must be added those who are in an irregular situation and are not counted in these statistics. Undocumented migrants live in extremely violent situations with the threat of being detained and deported, which hampers visibility and the possibility of influencing policy-making spaces (Nikunen & Valtonen, 2022). By and large, migrants suffer from institutional and daily racist violence, but migrant women’s experiences are also subjected to certain specificities. We recognize that migrant women are a diverse group, nevertheless, “they shared the common experience of being ‘gendered’ and racialized by colonization and capitalist expansion” (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2016, p. 14). For example, the employment opportunities that migrant women are able to access are used to be linked to exploitative working conditions, as domestic labor, itinerant trade, or agriculture (King & Zontini, 2000; Zaptsi etal., 2021). These working conditions are compounded often by the transnational care of their families, which continues to fall almost twice as heavily on women (Orozco, 2010). This can be translated into limited time for getting involved in social and political causes. On the other hand, migrant and racialized women are also exposed to different types of discrimination at the intersection of racism and sexism in interpersonal relationships, communities, and social movements (Babatunde-Sowole etal., 2016; García-Ramírez, etal., 2011; Gonçalves & Matos, 2016; Hourani etal., 2021; Moane, 2003), also in feminism. Despite the fact that the intersectional theory was elaborated decades ago, sexist oppression is still often privileged over other oppressions, falling into the logic that the end of patriarchy will mean the elimination of all systems of domination (hooks, 1984). Under this logic, this leads to a scarce incorporation (more or less consciously or explicitly) of the specific demands and needs of women located on the margins from other axes of their identity (Crenshaw, 1991; hooks, 1984). Furthermore, when included, migrant women or women from non-Western cultures have been constructed as victims and passive agents in need of being saved by the tools of white feminism (Bidaseca, 2011; Mohanty, 1988). Specifically, regarding African women, this homogenization implies the alliance of hegemonic feminist currents to “generate a control of knowledge about the totality of African women” (Nnaemeka, 2008,p.83), undervaluing their historical resistances and responses to the patriarchal, capitalist, and colonial order (Tamale, 1996). Thus, the lack of problematization of white, class, or geopolitical privilege is preventing feminism from becoming a truly liberating political project (Moon & Holling, 2020). All these experiences of symbolic and explicit violence seem to be related to women migrants’ choice to engage mostly with ethnic, cultural, or religious community organizations (Ireland, 1994; Kraal & Vertovec, 2004), reinforcing their
1614 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 cultural identities as a way of resisting systemic racism and sexism (Ali & Sonn, 2017). Based on existing literature, community participation has positive impacts in migrants’ psychological wellbeing, resilience, and agency (García-Ramírez etal., 2011; Taurini etal., 2017), as through the process one acquires the self-perception of being able to make changes in the oppressive conditions crossing their lives (Becker etal., 2002; Gilster, 2012). According to García-Ramírez etal. (2011), agency is a liberation journey that facilitates the inclusion and wellbeing of migrant people that consists of three phases as follows: (1) critical awareness, (2) gaining capacity to act, and (3) taking action to promote social justice. Therefore, participation and agency are the first steps in the process of producing changes at community and sociopolitical level (Taurini etal., 2017). However, research on the experiences of African migrant women and their community participation remains limited (Okeke-Ihejirika etal., 2016, 2022), especially in Spain (Minkette & Infantes, 2016), where research from feminist and participatory approaches are almost non-existent (Alhassan etal., 2016). In order to fill this gap, this research is framed in FPAR. Promoting Community Participation Through FPAR andPhotovoice According to Reid and Frisby (2008), to democratize action-research processes we need to focus on defying power structures—gendered, classed, racialized, etc.—giving importance to lived experiences of oppressed communities in order to assure the achievement of greater social justice. To do that, the authors propose FPAR (Reid & Frisby, 2008), which focuses on women’s diverse experiences, accounting for intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991) as a framework for understanding women’s realities. Following Byrne (2015), it stresses not only “the need to understand and analyze the mutually constitutive, intersecting axes of race, class and gender” (p.2), but also “how different models of social inequality and discrimination are related to each other” (p.8). Then, in our research, intersectionality offers a framework that allows us to conduct spatially and temporally sensitive research, identifying structural elements that perpetuate the oppressions exerted over African migrant women (Reid & Frisby, 2008). Also, honoring voices through participation is central in FPAR (Reid & Frisby, 2008). This involves generating opportunities for women to take part in all stages of the research as defining research questions or analyzing and disseminating results (Evans-Agnew & Rosemberg, 2016), creating inclusive and safe spaces where participants feel respected, comfortable and valued, and can develop partnerships with others. In this context, it is imperative to recognize communities as valid interlocutors in seeking the means through which they can raise their voices, promoting their agency. However, the lack of horizontality and cultural humility in researchers can affect participants’ agency (Miranda etal., 2021) and the generation of truly transformative processes. Researchers’ reflexivity, self-criticism, and transparency with participants are of great importance. In this line, feminist scholars have called into question the supposed objectivity of science and the probability of conducting value-free research
1615 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… (England, 1994). Haraway’s proposal of situated knowledges (1988) revealed that any analysis is always partial and influenced by the researcher’s biography and position within society. Power relations are always present within the research process, and it is not enough to use participative methodologies to decrease the possibility of exercising discursive colonization (Mohanty, 1988) on participants. In this research, we were white, middle-class European female researchers, and reflexivity implied to question our racial and geopolitical privilege throughout the process, analyzing its potential impacts in power dynamics within research. Hence, FPAR aims to be transformative not only for participants, but also for researchers since it is “both explicitly personal and political” (Campbell & Wasco, 2000, p. 788). Finally, co-producing knowledge with participants and communities and exploring innovative ways of doing science is crucial for FPAR because of the potential it has to promote social change (Mcdiarmid et al., 2021; Reid & Frisby, 2008). According to Suarez‐Balcazar (2020), co-producing knowledge and developing more creative ways of disseminating results broadens the potential impact of research, especially in communities. Thus, photovoice can be a participatory, innovative, and potential horizontal method of collecting, interpreting, evaluating, and communicating research findings (Cornell etal., 2019; Miranda etal., 2021). On the basis of these theoretical and methodological premises, we decided to use photovoice, as a FPAR, for our study (Cornell etal., 2019; Ponic & Jategaonkar, 2012). Photovoice is a form of visual ethnography (Delgado, 2015) that uses photography and narratives to express the values, feelings, and/or thoughts that a community has about its problems (Wang & Burris, 1997). It is an empowering process by which groups can express and make visible their real-life experiences and their perspectives on a topic (Garrido, in press). Photovoice can also be used for sociopolitical impact and opening up opportunities for the general public to get involved in the planning, development, and evaluation of community actions and services (Pedersen etal., 2021). Photovoice was influenced by feminist theory (e.g., Maguire, 1987), visual methodologies (e.g., Collier & Collier, 1986) and critical pedagogy (Freire, 1973). It provides participants with cameras to foster critical thinking, group dialogues, and visibility of community concerns (Suffla etal., 2014). Photovoice can be considered “one way to do feminism” (Latz, 2017, p. 59), and a decolonial feminist praxis while “participation must espouse an ongoing commitment to challenging these historical multiple and interconnected forms of power” (Cornell etal., 2019, p.62). Therefore, designed to promote agency in oppressed populations, it has frequently been used with migrant women (Chai, 2021; Chapman etal., 2013; Guariso etal., 2016; Pearce etal., 2017; Saksena & McMorrow, 2020). Nevertheless, photovoice also has limitations. First, there is a potential for the invasion of privacy and confidentiality, especially when the results are disseminated (Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). Therefore, it is very important to work on the ethical aspects of images and representation (Ponic & Jategaonkar, 2012). Second, photovoice can reproduce the typical power logics of research, by which researchers usually decide the agenda, the objectives, and the topics to be addressed. This reduces participants’ agency in knowledge production process (Ponic & Jategaonkar, 2012). Hence, it is necessary to continually ask oneself what the objectives of the research are, who defines them, and who the beneficiaries of its results and possible unexpected effects are.
1616 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 Finally, although photovoice aims for social justice, it may run the risk of reinforcing the status quo rather than questioning it (Sanon etal., 2014). Methods Context andParticipants The project was undertaken in Seville, the most important urban context for the settlement of migrants in Andalusia (Garrido etal., 2019). This southern region of Spain is one of the main gateways to Europe from Africa (“the Southern border”), where human rights are constantly violated (APDHA, 2021), and the migratory profile has seen a recent increase in the arrivals of women and children (Tyszler, 2019). According to the National Institute of Statistics (INE, 2019), 71,120 African women reside in Andalusia—excluding those who are not registered in the census because of irregular status or naturalizations. These are mainly young women from Nigeria and Senegal, who live in segregated areas and work in precarious jobs (INE, 2019). The participants were recruited by snowball or chain-referral sampling; the coordinating NGO publicized the project and its benefits among its users, local contacts, and social networks, asking for it to be disseminated. The selection of participants was intentional, after an interview, and the inclusion criteria were the following: (1) African women of different nationalities; (2) residents in Seville; (3) a minimum basic command of spoken Spanish; and (4) available and motivated for participation. The participants were 15 Black women from Nigeria (n = 7), Senegal (n = 4), Togo (n = 1), Kenya (n = 1), Guinea Conakry (n = 1), and Ivory Coast (n = 1). Their ages ranged from 30 to 41 years. All except one were married and were mothers. Their socioeconomic status also varied substantially; some of the women were employed in good working conditions and had average incomes, while others suffered from precarious employment and very low incomes. In terms of educational level, most of them had primary education and professional training. The participants were Christians (n = 6), Muslims (n = 8), or non-religious (n = 1). All participants were informed about the project and the conditions of participation and had to sign the informed consent form to authorize the use of their images and narratives for research purposes. They received economic compensation to ensure that they attended and to cover travel expenses. In addition, a toy library service was provided for the children of those participants who were mothers. Procedure This FPAR followed the usual procedures in photovoice projects, which are divided into five phases (Garrido, in press) as follows(Fig.1): (1) preparation, (2) individual phase, (3) group phase, (4) social phase, and (5) evaluation. Below, we describe how we carried out each of these phases in our project, which took place between September 2018 and January 2020.
1617 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… Before starting, we prepared the process. Participants were recruited. Then, the first session aimed to break the ice between participants, get to know each other, and create a WhatsApp group. They were also given instructions in photovoice methodology, the underlying ethical issues, and how to take photo-narratives. Participants decided to use their mobile phone cameras. The topics of the photo-narratives were based on the needs identified by the coordinating NGO, previous projects and participants’ interests, which were elicited in the pre-selection interviews. The chosen topics were the following: (1) migratory projects (2-3); being an African migrant woman (divided into “Violence and discrimination” and “Being and resist as African migrant women” in Results and Discussion); (4) health and social care; (4) to be and resist as an African migrant woman; and (5) sexuality and couple relationships [these results have not been included in this paper, out of respect for the privacy of the participants]. These topics guided the five photovoice sessions—combining individual and group phases. The specific questions to elicit the photo-narrative were agreed upon before the session, so that they would be of interest and understood by all. The participants individually reflected upon the selected topic and carried out their personal photo-narratives where and when they considered most appropriate. One week later, in the in-person group session, they shared their photo-narratives, discussing views and identifying common themes and possible community solutions. It should also be noted that a cultural mediator was required throughout the process, especially to encourage the women to participate at the beginning of the process, as she was a person of reference whom they knew, and to facilitate language in some cases. This person was selected and hired by the NGO. The photovoice process ended with an evaluation session in which women highlighted the strengths and weaknesses of the project and the methodology. The researchers facilitated this session through art; they impressed the photo-narratives produced during the project, as well as markers, scissors, glue, and a support where they could make a collage with the main contributions. Fig. 1 Photovoice’s process (adapted from Garrido, in press)
1618 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 The information was collected during the photovoice process as photo-narratives and feedback from participants. The photo-narratives were analyzed and classified by the participants in each session; the main themes were identified with help from the researchers, who used questions to encourage categorization and analysis: How do you think this picture relates to the others? Which themes have consistently come up in the photo-narratives and during the debate? How could we say that this picture is related to more than one theme? These themes were named by the participants, and the structure and words have been respected in the “Results and Discussion” section. Furthermore, all the sessions were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed through thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) based on participants’ categories. On the other hand, researchers took field notes with thoughts and feelings on power relations during the process. We discussed about them in 3 meetings. Furthermore, this reflexivity was present during the analysis, where we reflected on the potential influences in the interpretation from our privileged position (Haraway, 1988). Finally, the researchers and the NGO offered the participants the possibility of exhibiting their photo-narratives in community spaces and universities if they wanted to. The aim was to make their experiences more visible to promote social awareness of their realities and to advocate for their rights. All the participants wished to exhibit the results collectively, agreeing among themselves on the messages and the photos exhibited. Thus, the photo-narratives exhibited were freely chosen by the participants in terms of author, formats (A3/A4/A5), and numbers (n = 15). The anonymity and privacy of all participants were respected. Nine community exhibitions were held in five Andalusian universities and four social spaces between April 2019 and January 2020. These places were chosen on the basis of the NGO and researchers’ alliances. Participants (minimum 2) led all these events and established a critical dialogue with academic and community agents about their concerns and strengths. The online exhibition was discarded so that the photo-narratives could be subject to greater control. The exhibits were not evaluated. Results andDiscussion Exploring theExperiences andCommunity Participation ofAfrican Migrant Women Various themes emerged during the photovoice process, some of which were consistent. We divided these into four clusters as follows: (1) migratory projects; (2) violence and discrimination; (3) health and social care; and (4) to be and resist as an African migrant woman. The relation of the categories is represented in Fig.2. For each theme, examples of narratives are presented (from the photo-narratives and the group discussion), accompanied by a photo from the exhibition. These are also discussed in terms of their effects on women’s participation and agency, through the lens of intersectionality and in relation with previous literature.
1619 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… Migratory Projects During this session, participants reflected on their migration projects and the changes they had brought about in their lives. The themes that emerged were linked to motivations for migrating, which were diverse, in line with the complexity of migration today (International Organization for Migration, 2020). Some of these motives were as follows: (1) improving their living conditions; (2) family reunification, mainly with their parents or husbands; (3) family/cultural pressures; (4) stressful events; and (5) travelling and learning about other cultures(Fig.3). Some of participants stated that their main motivation for migrating was to improve their standard of living and increase their socio-economic status by continuing their studies or seeking new job opportunities. Changes in forms of production and lifestyles have increased the demand for female labor in recent decades (Campani, 2000). In Andalusia, African migrant women are engaged in a variety of work activities—usually temporary—that tend to involve exploitative working conditions (King & Zontini, 2000; Zaptsi etal., 2021), such as domestic labor, itinerant trade, health and home help services, hospitality industry, and agriculture (Suarez, 2020). In this respect, many participants said that their expectations regarding employment had not been met in the host society. Some of the participants stated that they had become the main breadwinners for family members back home. However, others reported the numerous constraints on employment in Spain, and that they could only find jobs in the caregiving sector or with irregular conditions, which often linked to lack social protection and stigmatization. Fig. 2 Relation of categories
1626 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 participation in social and community life. The only participant who did not have children looked back on this problem: “Racism is there. You’re telling me that you have friends because you have children, her too, her too... if there are no children, forget about it (P13).” Those who have adolescent children pointed out that this only happens when the children are “small chocolate bonbons”; when they grow up, they become “shitty niggers” for white people. Black African young males and men suffer a strong stigmatization, as they have been portrayed in the media as highly dangerous or violent; while kids are seeing as “poor innocents” from a white salvationist perspective, reinforced also in mass media through victimizing NGO advertisements (Rideout, 2011). In the face of this racist violence, it is important to highlight that black and migrant maternities are the first space of racial socialization and identity to provide their children with coping strategies to deal with it (Collins, 1994). It is important to note that the only participant who was not a mother had lived in Spain since she was a child. She questioned certain assumptions of identity associated with motherhood. If the composition of the group had been different, these assumptions would also have been different. Photovoice asanFPAR forPromoting Agency andCommunity Participation Our results reinforce the idea that photovoice is a FPAR that not only integrates the intersectional perspective to understand women’s experiences, but also generates inclusive and safe spaces that promote participation and agency in participants. Below, we discuss these points. Participants described the sessions as welcoming spaces where they could freely share their experiences and visions and where they felt that all the voices of the group were valuable and needed to be: “The photovoice sessions were about empathy and sisterhood, where I felt understood and my voice had value, as did those of my companions” (P04).In fact, there was very little absenteeism, and they were looking forward to the day of the week to meet and chat. In this regard, and in line with other studies (Cornell etal., 2019; Guariso etal., 2016; Mejia etal., 2013; Wang & Burris, 1997), photovoice was a safe space where women felt free to share their experiences, learn from each other, integrate different viewpoints, and create new support networks, as FPAR proposed (Campbell & Wasco, 2000; Reid & Frisby, 2008). This project generated processes to facilitate women’s participation and agency in the face of the inequalities they suffer as African migrants. They actively participated in all stages of the photovoice, from the selection of topics to the analysis phase and dissemination. This active role is absolutely necessary to promote socio-political incidence and to challenge power dynamics (Cornell et al, 2019). In accordance with the dimensions of agency proposed by García-Ramírez etal. (2011), throughout the sessions, participants were involved in an empowering process, which increased their critical awareness (e.g., enhanced understanding of some topics), gave them greater capacity to act (e.g., greater ability to make decisions), and enabled them to take action to promote social justice (e.g., promotion of feminist actions). Table1 illustrates each dimension.
1627 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… Table 1 Photovoice for promoting agency and community participation in participants Dimensions Evidence Increasing critical awareness Enhancement of the ways of understanding some topics (“I have loved the topic of sex… Sex is a free thing, when both of you feel like doing it, but when you don’t feel like doing it it is not to force, because if you do it by force it is an abuse, right?”; “There I have put the freedom to choose to be a mother or not… That is also a feminist struggle”) Rights awareness (“We have more knowledge, and knowledge gives you power. The more you know, the more you can fight for your rights, the more you can demand and also, even if you don’t fight, at least you know when your rights are being violated”) Certainty of their capacity to make decisions (“In our daily lives we must improve to have our own voice, both to be heard and to make decisions. The course has given us tools to be able to change our environment”) Commitment to rights advocacy (“That we also have the right to participate in the decisions of our neighborhood, there are many who did not do it, because we are just here to seek life… We also have to know the problems of our neighborhood, yes, we have to know, we have to integrate, we have our children there, who are growing up and who have to integrate… We have to know the laws of the country in which we live and demand our rights”) Gaining capacity to act Capacity to organize community exhibitions: collectively, they organized nine community exhibitions to expose the photonarratives and to promote a dialogue with other social groups in community and academic spaces Ability to speak in public and present the results of the project (“I am very proud of myself: I never thought I would be able to speak in front of so many people and here! Me at the university!”) Selfcare network: they continue the WhatsApp group and they eventually meet to talk about their issues and have their own space of “women only.” Greater autonomy in their homes (“After the course, at least in our house, in the 70m floor, at least we know how things are going. There we are going to be presidents of our house!”) Taking action to promote social change Promotion of feminist actions: They promoted the first black women group to participate in the feminist march, carrying a large banner with the slogan “Feminism will be anti-racist or won’t be”. Also, one of them, impulsed and lead the first afrofeminist cafe in Seville Promoting initiatives aimed at social justice: Some of them have been engaged on the design and implementation the second part of the NDER project that address racism in host societies, focusing on schools
1628 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 Community exhibitions led by participants were held in a variety of community and academic spaces, making their problems visible, amplifying networks, and advocating for their rights in various contexts. Then, photovoice offers a way to re-narrate the discriminatory daily experiences of oppressed people that usually internalize the stigma, thus promoting their agency and community participation (Merino etal., 2020; Saksena & McMorrow, 2020). Furthermore, after the process, many participants remain committed to their community and the NGO, participating, advocating for their rights, and even promoting their own actions. For example, many of them also participated in actions for social justice, such as the World March of Women, and others helped design and implement a second phase of the NDER project—focusing on racism in host societies. According to other studies (Pearce etal., 2017; Suffla etal., 2014), photovoice strengthens the capacity of oppressed people not only to choose their priorities, but also to construct knowledge and drive social changes. Limitations andFuture Research Lines This research has some limitations that should be taken into account. First, horizontality and the active participation of women in all phases of the research was not possible. A clear example is that participants did not take part in the process of writing this article. Reflections on the possibilities of co-authorship and revisiting participants’ discourses with them in the writing phase would be necessary, if we are to talking about a process of collective knowledge production in its entirety. Then, breaking the—patriarchal, capitalist and colonial—logics of power that still sustain our universities and the academic knowledge production is a challenge for feminist researchers. On the other hand, as far as the researchers are concerned, although our whiteness could unavoidably influence the research process and, therefore, be a limitation of this FPAR (Deliovsky, 2017), it has deepened our reflexivity. In Table2, we share some of those reflections about it, together with an excerpt from one of the participants, following the structure proposed by Cornell etal. (2019). Furthermore, photovoice evaluation processes should be strengthened in future research. For example, including pre-post tests that can verify the changes generated in participants, without losing the participatory and flexible essence of qualitative methodology. Then, mixed methods are required. Also, assessing possible impacts of the actions from the community phase (i.e., exhibitions) in local communities, as well as to follow up on participants’ agency and community participation, in the short, medium, and long term.
1629 1 3 “Ain’t I aWoman?”: Feminist Participatory Action‑Research… Table 2 Photovoice for promoting reflexivity Positions Evidence Reflection as a mentor-researcher As a white, middle-class, non-disabled, bisexual female born into a Spanish low-class family and brought up in an excluded neighborhood, I have experienced both privilege and oppression in many contexts. This has made me aware of how power relations influence my everyday experience. This project has made me continually question my position as a researcher and activist, rethinking the costs and benefits of FPAR. With this project, I had two goals. Firstly, to collaborate with African women in their process of raising their voices. Throughout the process, this challenged my privileges as a white academic female, which made horizontality impossible. But, at the same time, these privileges gave me opportunities to obtain resources for the project and expand the results in numerous contexts, including the academy. Moreover, listening to the participants, I identified common elements of oppression from my intersections. Secondly, I aimed to accompany my student/colleague in her FPAR learning process, from the perspective of sisterhood. This put a strain on my position as a teacher and on academic hierarchies. Undoubtedly, it has been a very enriching process, which has required time and commitment, which sometimes is not rewarded in university spheres, but it is rewarded on a personal and civic level. Today, I continue to collaborate with the NGO and many of the women involved, for achieving social justice Reflection as a student-researcher This project was my first job as a community psychologist when I was finishing my master’s degree. In this regard, it was a challenge to face the considerable difficulties of carrying out an FPAR with the little experience I already had as a young researcher. Through this project, I was able to continue deepening the reflections that I had already been making in spheres of activism and academia. This FPAR was the first time I realized that action research can be an essential space for activism that breaks away from the traditional extractivist logics of knowledge production. However, it was not exempt of internal conflicts because I questioned whether I was entitled to occupy the space. These conflicts revolved around my place of enunciation and the privileges and oppressions I was subject to. And how, in my case, privileges prevailed over oppressions: I had a racial and geopolitical privilege. I am white; I am European, and thus, I would never suffer the weight of this racist and colonial system on my back. On this premise, the sessions became a space for active listening to experiences, thoughts and feelings of women; a space in which we gradually built friendships among us, both participants and researchers. I strongly believe that this was one of the most important strengths of the project: power relations were present, but we built relationships of admiration and respect that allowed us to forge alliances that are still in place today. In FPAR we can build alliances between those of us who inhabit the margins in one way or another to break down oppressive social structures
1630 A.Cubero, R.Garrido 1 3 Conclusion This photovoice-based FPAR has helped to increase understanding of the oppressive conditions that African migrant women have to face in Southern Spain and how they try to overcome them through processes through agency and community participation. Following Campbell and Wasco (2000), this FPAR has been “transformative by creating settings for oppressed people to come together to examine their lives (…) FPAR can be and should be, a setting for consciousness raising and social change” (p. 788). We hope that our findings reinforce the use of participatory methods not only for research proposals, but also for action in order to promote agency and community participation. Then, we believe that they are also useful to practitioners and agencies when planning, developing, and implementing community-based interventions (Pedersen etal., 2021). We emphasize that boosting collaborating networks between academia and social organizations is a good way to address and challenge structural inequalities based on gender, race, and other intersected dimensions. Finally, we highlight FPAR as a powerful tool for undertaking truly anti-patriarchal and anticolonial research to make our diverse and complex societies more equitable. Acknowledgements We would like to thank all the women who participated in this action-research and MAD Africa for letting us be part of the project “NDER: Raising voices from African feminisms.” Author Contribution All the authors contributed to the study conception and design, as well as to data collection and analysis. The coordinator of the study was the second author. All the authors contributed to the writing of the paper. All the authors read and approved the final manuscript. Funding Funding for open access publishing: Universidad de Sevilla/CBUA The photovoice project was funded by a Mini-grant from the Society for Community Research and Action (SCRA) of the 27th division of the American Psychological Association (APA) and the Andalusian Agency of International Cooperation for Development (AACID). Also, the writing of this paper has been possible with the support of the Secretaria d’Universitats i Recerca del Departament d’Empresa i Coneixement de la Generalitat de Catalunya, the European Union (UE), and the European Social Fund (ESF) (RTI2018-093627- B-I0), with the Grants for the recruitment of new pre-doctoral research staff, through the first author who has been employed to develop her PhD thesis. Declarations Conflict of Interest The authors declare no competing interests. Table 2 (continued) Positions Evidence Reflections from a participant The white researchers in charge of implementing and developing the photovoice in this project, it seems to me, tried to carry out the method in the least hegemonic way possible, although it is clear to me that there is a long and rough road ahead in terms of visibility, representation, and whitesplaining. As an African woman and a militant feminist, I was very pleased that the researchers were militant and that they were not and did not remain oblivious to racial and gender issues in the streets. Racist and feminist struggles, like academic struggles, should and must be militant
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