American historiographic metafiction and European tradition: the case of Marlowe´s the memoirs of Christopher Columbus

Rt'l'isw de Estudios Norteamerirnnos. 11.ª 7 (2000). pp. 103 -113 AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHIC METAFICTION AND EUROPEAN TRADITION: THE CASE OF MARLOWE'S THE MEMOIRS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS * FRANCISCO COLLADO RODRÍGUEZ Universidad de Zaragoza Traditionally history and the novel haw been nmning along parallel paths. a fact that has usually huppcned out of sheer neccssity bccausc historical rcsearch cornmonly mani fested itself in nan«ttil'l' hisloriography and no veis rrequently presented stories that took place in settings -and timesthat can be qualified as bcing «h i stor ical.» Dcspite the cmphas is traditional historiograpbers put on thc jlctimwl compone n! of t he novel to differentiate it from their own morefaitlzf11/ reports of past events. in later years co n tcmporary crit i cs have been highlighting more the coincidences than the differences between thcs e two cultural manifcstations (cf LaCapra 1985: 115-34), a shift th at somehow has also coincided with a reviva] of hisrorical issues in novels wr itten in thc 1980s in many parts of the Western world. ln a survey of the ltalian fiction published in th is recent period. Michael Caesar points out the importancc that history has again acquired in t hc tiction of his co untry and offers as proof of it well-known ti tics su ch as Umb er to Eco 's The Nmne of the Rose (1983) or Roberto Paai's La Principessa e il drago (1986). But Caesar also arnr ms that in this new reviva] of historical fiction « lhe rcader is nol allowed to take the authenticity and authority of the historical material for granted» ( 1991: 85). a feature that somchow seems to cont rast with the older historical novel. As the readcr may know. similar characteristics also appcar in the contemporary Spanish novel. To such a * The r~scarch carricd out for lhc wri1 111g uf thís paper ha~ becn tinanccd by the Spanhh Minístry of Educatínn <DGICYT: Progrnma Scc1 or ial de Promoción General dd Co n ocim icn 10 . PS94 - 0057 a nd PB97 -1022). 104 Francisco Collado Rodrígue z degree Spanis h readers seem to be intercs ted in historical issues that even the powerful publishing house Editorial Planeta started sorne years ago a series entitled «Memoria de la Historia» where, as happens in the case of Italy, the hi storical material cannot be taken for grantcd: what seems to be peculiar in the stories published so far in this series is the fact that many of them are accounts of th e lives of famou s historical pcrsonages with their own -newly inventcd-voices nan-ating thcir old deeds and glories, a characteristic of overt fictionality dealing with historical issues that may also be re cognized in othcr best-selling contemporary novels ranging from Torrente Ballester's El Re y Pasmado (1989) to Pérez-Revert e's La Tabla de Flandes (1990) or El Club Dumas ( 1993 ). ' This peculiar combination of fiction and historicist re sea rch can also be recognized in recent British novels, especially sincc the l 980s. Cases such as Peter Ackroyd's Hawksmoor ( 1985), Charles Pal!iser's The Quincunx (1989). or Lawrence Durrell 's The Avignon Q11intet (1974-85) have bccome th e center of attention also among Spanish critics (Onega 1992, Plo 1992) precisely because thesc novels overtly expuse this mixture of fictionality and historicity above mcntioned. a combination usually enhanccd by narratoria] self-consciousness that had already becn perceived by Linda Hutcheon in h er book A Poetics of Postmodernísm ( 1988), where she used the by now well-known phrase of «historiographic metafict ion» to refer to a group of popular. rcccnt «novels which are both intensely self-reílexive and yct paradoxically also lay claim to lústorical events and personages» (Hutcheon 1988: 5). Already in this book Hutcheon suggested tbe poststructuralist undcrpinnings existing in thi s partic ular type of novels, being «narra tive repres enta tion» her key notion to understand not only the similaritics cxisting between thc novel ami historiography but also the meaos to undenninc thc impression of authenticity apparent in scientijic historiographic analysis. One yca.r latcr, in The Politics of Postmodernism Hutcheon extended her study to o th er postmodernist manif'estatíons but insisting again on the socially subversive capacity that seems to exist in the books that she has qualified as «historiographic metafiction.» ln our contemporary society there is a cultural tension -Hutcheon suggests in The Politics of Postmodernism-between traditional humanist values and the most recent theories of cultural analysis. Thc cquivalent on the literary scenc has been lhe hostile response of sorne critics to the mixing of historical and fictive representation in historiographic metafiction. Tt is not that the fact of the mi xing is new: the historical novel, not to mention the epic, should have habituated readers to that. The problem seems to reside in its manner, in the self-consciousness of the fictionality, the lack of the familiar pretense of transparency, and the calling in to question of the factual grounding of hist01y-writing. The self-ref1cxivity of postmodem fiction does indeed foreground many of the usually unacknowledged and naturalized implications of narrative representation. ( 1989: 35) J. I have dcall with this issue in more dctail in Collado 1997 and l 998. American Historiographic Metafiction and European Traditi011 105 In 1991, being already a well -established critic, Hutcheon furthered h er analysis on this type of fictional narrative that calls into question «the factual grounding of history-writing» reaffinning its -intentional or unintentional?- attack on humanist values and its foregrounding of the ideological component that mediates all human discursive practices. However, this time -paranoia or textual mistake?- she extended her concept of «historiographic metafiction» to virtually ali postmodern fictíon (1991: 106). Certainly, historical issues were becoming important in sorne of the fictions writtcn in English if we are to believe Hutcheon, and certainly she was not alone when affirming the irnpo11ant role played by ideology in contemporary historiographic studies. It is already a well-known facl that the 1960s signaled a profound disrespect for the dominan! capitalist values of the ti me , a disrespect that became clearly manifested in a number of remarkable events such as the university revolts in the USA, espccially in Berkeley, or in similar rcvolts in France, and in the hipp ies' movement. But t he 1960s also signaled lhe beginning of poststructuralist the01ies that soon eithcr suxgested the ideological as inseparable from ali discursive hum an practices (Berger and Luckmann 1966) or clearly pointed it out (Derrida 1967 a. l 967b ). The ir theoretical notions originated within a social context characterized by the attack against traditional idcological values or , more specifically, against the existent master namitives that have controlled our perception and understanding of re ali ly for several hundred years (scc Lyotard 1984 ). This cultural revolution, currently manifested in the gradual importance of class, gender, and mee issues. also carne to the grounds of historiography evcn if its arrival was not so quick as one could have expected. Following the radical observations of young Derrida. which he presentcd to thc American public in the Johns Hopkins symposium «The Languages of Criticism and the Sciences of Man» (O ctober 1966). carne th e development of American Deconstruction and the progressive collapse of Structuralism wilh the subsequent emergence of a post-structuralist assault on traditional discursive manifestations. Howevcr, in the first dcconstructi ve studies (perhaps best represented in the activities of the Yale School of Criticism) «History» was still deferred asan object of analysis. Th e first deconstructive critics did not pay much attenlion to the hislorical rcfcrent, but a few years later an early metahistorical criticism bcgan, at last, to he produced. Historians and cultural cri ti cs like Hayden White gradually becamc aware that cven thc historiographer is trnpped inside his or her own discourse, unable to achieve unmediated conlact with an objective historical referent. With no transcending master codc for the writing of history, the historian also becomes a metahistorian, a writer about writing: and narrative discourse, Wbitc affinm, far from being a neutral medium for the re pr esenlation of historical events and processes. is the very stuff of a mythical view of realily, a conceptual or pseudoconceptual 'content' which, whcn used to represent real events, endows them with an illusory coherence and charges them with the kinds of meanings more characteristic of oneiric than of waking thought. ( 1987: ix) ]()6 Francisco Collado Rodr(guez What follows soon after Whit e·s Ílrsl melahistoric.:al criti cism (1980) is a ncc.:essary distrust of traditional historiograph y. Even a sc.:holar like Michael Ryan (1982) soon focuses upon the deslabilizing pl ay of dass differences thal he finds in Marx's historical theory. and designs a model for a committed criticism dedicated, as J. Fish cr Solomon comments, «to the constan! undermining of politícal and t extual authority in the name of différance itself» (1988: 15). Deconstruction ( but al so Lac.:anian thought, as shown in lhc above quotc from White) becomes then, in the hands of sorne critics, socio-politi ca lly committed: no matter on which side one is, the human bcing cannot escape discourse or so it see ms to be implied by the American New Historian s.~ whose main concern still appears to be the rcdefinition of the canon while questioning the values implicd in traditional discourse. Contemporary American criticism of traditional his toriography. as stated abo ve . seems to be very effective. but can we say th e same of the US fiction written in th e l 980s and carly l 990s? Is there su c.: h a thing at the time that we may qualify as an US postmodernist historical novel -or historiographic mctafictionthat parallels the results of reccnt historiographic critic ism and of its Europcan literary countcrpart? The first impressíon one may ha ve when consulting critica! books on the subject may be a little disappointing. Contrary to Hutcheon ·s -per h apsoverstaling arguments on the importance of h is tory in the recent American novel ( 1991 ), critics like David Seed (1991), Tony Hilfer (1992). or even Malcolm Bradhury in h is new cdition of The Modem A111eric1111 Nm·el ( 1992) pay no attention whatsoever to a possihle relations hip between hi story and the novel. But this first impression will soon be dispelled when one considcrs sorne oth er essays on contcmporary Ameri ca n fiction such as Heinz Jckstadt"s «Plotting to What En d'? Doctorow. Coover. and the lnvention of History» ( 1991) or Molly Hite· s contributi on to The Co/11111hia Hi .fl ory of the American Novel ( 1991 ). whcrc she asserts the existence of American nove Is lhal are at the center of the postmodern canon but that are also fundamentally conc.:erned «wi th the construction of rec.:ent American history ami icleology» ( l 991: 699). Hite cites as examples of this type of postmodernist am i historical fiction Vonnegut's Slaughterhouse-Five. Recd 's Mwnbo Jumho. Coover's The Puhlic Buming. Delillo's Libra, and Pynchon's Gravity ·s Rainbmr: clearly shc sees the necessity to lake for granted the -radic.:almetafictional quality of this kind of fiction beforc labeling it as «postmodernist.» an aspect that also seems to preoccupy other criti cs who. nevcrtheless, also suggest the possibility of a «postmodemist realism» (lckstadt 1988: 108-9), an option that in an y case wo uld clarify the st atus of some con te mporar y histo r ica l novels such as 2. The boun <lar ics bctwcen White's Metahis lo ry. the kind of his to rical criticism prncti ce<l by so rne 01hcr cr iti cs like Domíníck LaCapra ( 19 85, 1987). and thc Ncw Hislorians· mcthods are not preciscly cl e ar -cut,as ali of them rcly un <lecon slruclion and other po ststruc1ural methods of criticism. Compare Giles Gumú definition of thc New Historicism with thc ablive-mentioncd vicws: Thc New Hisloricism is an attempt «to unmask i<leo logical fac1 ors t ha t ha vc influenced thc shaping of thc canon. to deconstruct the idealized oppositions between innoccnce and exper icncc, machine and garden. civilization and wilderness. or novel and romance by which lhe canon has hccn established and defended. and to resit ua1e tex.ts in the sociopolitical and cconomic sites nf thcir creation and rcception .» (1992: 163) American Historiographic Metajiction and Eumpean Traditíon 107 Doctorow's 1/ze Book <!f Daniel or Ra gti me , or Kenn edy' s Legs, books that look li ke «postm ode rnist» even if their techni ca l experimentation is not so overt as, !et us say, the kind of metafiction one may find in novels written by Barth or Sorrentin o. I must confess that in this dialectical argument 1 prefer to side with thc ones who define postmodem fiction more for its coincidences with p osts tructuralist thinking (Pfis ter 1989, Hutcheon 199 l) th an for the deployment of a se t of experimental devices that can also be frcquenlly found in rnodernist texts. As we considered above, whcreas sorne contemporary cr itics en hance the relationship between fiction and history in th e present mornent, sorne others simply igno re such link. But evcn if we affirm the importance of this relationship and argue that many contemporary Amer ican novels refer to the necessity of deconstructing traditional historiographic views, we cannot escape the fact that rnost American novels of this kind refer to a historical past th at is still very clase to our own time. In other words, the postmodernist -t herefore, in a sense, poststructuralisthistorical novel in the USA seems to diffcr, in this respect. from the European type of historiographic metafiction that 1 mentioned earlier: The Name of th e Rose takes place in the Middle Ages. La Tabla de Flandes refers to sorne events that took place in the fiftcenth century, whereas pai1 of the narrnlive in Hawksmoor is set in eighteenth century London. Why that particular differencc between the fictional historical works being written in both sides of the ocean? The answcr <loes not casily come to mind: it could be suggested, as the cr itic John Brown already <lid many years ago ( 1956). that the American tense is. par excellence, th e present; or that Americans do not have mue h history behind, contrary to what happens in the old Euro p ea n countrics an d therefore, although they are ready to use classical themes as. for instance, the story of The Last of the Mohicans in a film remake, they will not use it in a new parodie novel. .. w hate vcr the rcaso n the fact r ema ins that fiction in the USA -a t least ca11011ica/ fiction-does not fre qu ently fea tu re the kind of historiographic rnetafiction rooted in the old past that seems to characterize European literary grounds. There are sorne apparent exceplions to this rule, such as Joseph Hcller 's God Knows, or Gore Vidal's Live From Golxotha, but even these cases can be better understood as biblical parodies than as historical novels. On the other hand, writers such as Reed. Doctoro w, Coover or Kcnnedy appear to be m ore inlerested in drawing the ir historical exempla from recent - at thc most 11i11ety-year-old-cvcnts as if the American mind needed the twentieth cen tury as a background to apply postmod ern ist practices. E ven postm ode m gu rn Th omas Pynchon waits till 1997 befare releasing his so-long-expectcd novel on pre-Revolutionary US, Mason & Di.ron. However, there seerns to be -a t leastone genuine exception to th is rule: sorne of th e novels written by a restless American who ha s been a v isita r to severa! European countri es for many years, a contemporary American expatriate with a very ancient name of literary echoes, Stephen Marlowe. Some ofM arlow e's novels are historical narratives and among his most recenl works the reader rn ay fi nd two long books that also refer to the Spanish past, The Memoirs of Christoph er Columbus (1987) an d The Dea th and Lije of Migu el de Cervantes (1991 ), both of which cou ld ba ve found a pla ce in Plan eta's series «Memoria de Ja Historia» because in bo th cases t he two famous historie personages are al so the narrators of th eir respective lives and deeds. It is rny belief that Marlowe 's 108 Francisco Collado Rodríguez nove Is ha ve also a place in the context of Hutcheon' s historiographic metafiction, and thal happens des pite the fact that they do not «look» as ex peri mental as other American works that, moreover, are concemed with more recent historical events: in Marlowe 's fiction the reader can also find that apparent realism that covers nothing but an effective deconstruction of traditional humanist values. The writer, as often happens in contemporary American fiction rooted in the recent past, also becomes, in bis fiction. the poststructuralist «critic» that contests the traditional not ions of originality, unity, coherence, subjectivity, and rationality that have become the target of professional crilicism for the last twenty-five years (Hutcheon 1991: 111). Despite the fact that he sets his stories in the times of the Spanish liftcenth century and Gol den Age, Marlowe incorporales, in my reading, a conscious type of deconstrnctive criticism. In order to put into effect this type of criticism he uses certain devices that operate to relocate hi s works in the context of the -American?- postmodem novel. According to many contemporary critics, in the 1980s and early 1990 s postmodernist US fiction and the critique of humanist values went hand in hand . Some specific literary de vices are frequently mentioned to enhance this critica] capacity of current postmodern literature. Techniques such as infinite regress, the breaking of narrative frames or levcls. the mixture of literary genres or registers, characters'fragmentation. parodie references. or the use of unreliable narrators are all of them elements frequently referrcd to as being conunon in postmodern fiction (see Waugh 1984, Me Hal e 1987, Stonehill 1988, or Hit e 1991 ). These techniques, ul though most of them were alreudy operative in modcrnist or late modernist times -we may consider Borges ' or Flann O'Brien's fiction -, may also produce a deconstructive and anti-humanist effect both in their overt -metafictional-cxposition of the ideological character existing in ali types of human discourse and also in their more subtlc erosion of discursive totali ::. ation.1 Despite th e fact that a book like The Memoirs of Christopher Columhus <loe s not follow the current grounds of US historiographic metafiction in its dedication to the European pust und in its -for muny pages-apparcnt realism . by featuring the postmodern techniqucs above mentioned this novel ends up being not simply a very enterlaining and highly acclaimed narrative but also a serious warning against human totalizing excesses. Frcqucntl y, the story Columbus tells -his own lifeis hilarious, although at times humor gives way to tragic events, some of which are ai read y purt of thc Spanish Black Legend. A sumrnary of the book's story easily discovers the recu1Tence of the above mentioned devices. At the beginning of his autobiography, Columbus assumes thut he is a New Christian whose «marrano» family has to flee 3. With thc passing of time evcn critic Haydcn White secms to have mo ve d from less radical [ althou gh contcmporary J views uf discoursc as bcing simply the producer of moral values ( 1980) to a mure puststructuralist stancc that alftnm the fa ll acy of the humanist bclief in a stable human subjcct: «Whal is ·imaginary· about any narrativc rc prcscntation is the illusi on of a centered cm1sciousness capable of looking out on thc world. apprehending its structure and processes, and rcpresenting thcm to itself as having ali thc fo rmal co herencc of narrativily ilself .» (W hite 1987· 36: my em ph asis.) On thc rclatcd notion of a totafüing history, see LaCapra l 985: 25. Cfl: Sarup 1993: chapter 6. American His10rio1vaplzic Metafiction and European Tradition 109 Spain -for obvious religious reasons in Inquisition timeswhen he is still in his mother's womb: as a result, Columbus will be born in the middle of the Mcditerranean sea, aboard a ship that sails to Genoa. Therefore he will be neither Spanish nor Italian: his nationali ty will be anything but clear -cut, this particular incidcnt being the beginning of his poslmodern confused identity. Once in Italy Christopher starts a roundabout life for a few years till he ent ers the service of Spanish Cardinal Borgia, the would-be Pope, as his food tester. A love affair leads him close to his death but Cardinal Borgia eventually sa ves his life and gives him a letter for the House of Centurione - a powcrful bank at the time-ordering them to assist the carrier of the document at any moment: and so, with his life at stake (a society of secret killers have been paid to kili him, this being the first Pynchonian motif in the novel), the letter and a navigator's chart that his brother Bartholomew gave him -and which turns later on to be a palimps est-, the protagonist stmts a long period of wandering: first to England (where he will fall in )ove with maid-disguisedas -boy Tristram). Iceland (where he will know about Erik and his journey to Greenland and about Erik's son'sjourney to America), Ireland, Portugal, and finally Spain. where he comes to offer the Catholic Monarchs Fernando and Isabel his project of the Great Venture. lnfluenced by his brother Barto, Columbus wants to navigate West till they can find the East: Cathay and thc Indies, one of the most genial historical errors of all times. But at the Peripatetic Court of Fernando & Isa bel he will first hav e to be a spy in Granada and help in the conquest ofthe city. Finally, they give him the money and name him Admira], Viceroy. and Great Captain, and Christoph er staits his first voyagc. What follows in the novel is the account of his adventures in the four voyagcs. In his own words, Columbus tells the r ea der about ali the events tha t many Spaniards may have read about in any of the available biographies of the famous discoverer: the lack of discipline of the Spaniards in Hispaniola, thcir te1rnr when facing the «huracanes,» the greed of man y, the craziness of his hrother Barto, his own incarceration and return to Spain in chains by ordcr of Hispaniola's new Governor Bohadilla. the Monarchs holding of his share, and lheir taking away from him his titles of Vi ceroy and Captain General. .. But soon those apparently historical events start to be mixed up with Columbus'problems with the Inquisition and his !ov e for the Spanish J ewish spy Petenera Torres ... whose secret name is «The Blue Pimpernel» (yes, a predeccssor of the Scarlet one!). The reader also knows about Christopher's Pynchonian «Whole Sick Syndrome,» a strange malady that impedes tears in his eyes -among many other symptoms-and produces strange reitemtive, Chinese box drea ms in him. These dreams are about a book that concems the story of the Wandering J ew, that keeper in Pilat e's palace who treated Christ in a harsh way, being thereby condemned to eternal wandering. The protagonist e ven thinks - or dreams?- th at he has a conversation with God, who also seems to be very concemed with the motif of infinite regress, to such a point that, as Borges <lid, He even tells Columbus about the possible existence of another superior world rnled by a God above Him, and so ad infinitum. But finally this God comes to Columbus' rescue when he is close to die at the hands of the Indians in his fourth and last voyage to America. Back in Spain, he receives from King Fernando the promise that his elder son Diego will inherit his title of Admira) of the Ocean Seas (that he historically did). and 110 Francisco Collado RodriJ?uez finally escapes from the house in which his family is expecting him to die: but hi s voice has n ow changed, he is again a young boy who, sorne time aft er the Admira! 's <l eath, tries lo buy an expensive navigational chart signed hy Co lumbus himself (and it is the real cabalistic signature of the great discovercr): our narrator and protagonist is non e other than the Wandering J ew , our ad venturous Columbus sba ll have to go on, navigating towards new discoveries. As will happen in Marlowe 's 1991 novel about Cervantes, Columbus in his role as narrator is gradually understood hy tbe reader as a dccontextualized postmodernist figure who rcpcats famous quotations ( «l suffered lhe slings and affows of -», 1987: 547). focuses on ideas that suggest infinile regress (448, 503), finds palimpsesls (40), ore ven knows about future historical personages, from Drakc (27) to Mussolini ( 14 ). But his role as «postmodernist ex posé» is perhaps best cnbanced in lwo aspecls of hi s persona, as both narrator and character, that directly recall poststrucluralist criticism: his notions about history and lhe instahility of his own being. As a biographer of his own lif e, Columbus parodically asserts lhat «History is, mostly, a 1oss of the dice» ( 1 ), an opinion lhal will be followed by continuous commenls that try to underm ine the reader's confidence in any possible sound historical report of evenls in his life. whether thc reports are written by any of his well-known biographers or by himself: «History flows not in to but from the pen of the historian. so who can say that l am right and Las Casas wrong?» (21). At times he will overtly confess that he is consciously lying to hi s readers, as happens in the only, highly metafictional footnote the book rnntains: *This is the only footnole you will find. occasioncd by the single inaccuracy in these pages . The famous rock horseman actually st ands on a headland on the island of Corvo, weslernmost of the ni ne Azores, not at Calhcta Point on Porto Santo. But 1 claim poetic Iicense for placing him lhcre. 1 did in fact sec th e Corvo horscman on a <lifferenl voyage, when nothing el se of interest transpired (90) And, in foct. this is the only geographical ina ccuracy in the whole hook. But in his role as critic and historiographer Columbus evcn dares to interprct the Book of Genesis as a «Story» («God's amanuensis apparently wasn' l interested in 'psychology, motiva ti on and a li that. ·,, 167). and furlhers his poststructuralist attack on traditional hi storiography hy finally obliging the readers with his nairalorial reflections about the aims of history: Whal 's the purpose of history? According lo the fathcr of ali hislorians, Hcrodotus of Halicamassus (c. 480-425 BC), il's lo perpetuate the memory of 'great and wonderful dccds.' l gucss history's become a lot more sophisticated si nce then, because its practitioners are equally inclined lo perpetuate the memory of mean and awful dceds. Not that they seem to get any closer lo the tmth, whatever truth i s. (462. my emphasis) A111a i<·1m H i.110rio¡¡rap hic Merajiction ami E11mpea11 Traditi<m 111 On thc other han<l, as I have alrcady rnentioned, in the middle of his adventures as discovercr of the New World, Colurnbus becomes affect ed by a strange disease th at he himself names as «the Whole Sick Syndrome,» of unknown origin and multiple symptoms, hut forceful en oug h to expose the pro ta gonist «to the supernatural» (538). a characteristic that allows him to sustain the conversation wi th that God so fond of infinitc regress (540-53), and that pe rh aps may also ex plain the presence of stigmata in the Admi ral's han<ls. But his sti gmata do not bleed, and bis eyes are also dr y, hecause the Whole Sick Syndrome ends up being nothing but a supernatural means to announ ce Columbus that, as writtcn in The Chron ídes o[ Roger Wendover of St. Albans (historiography again!). he is none other than the Wandering Jcw, a diffu sed fragmented self that dissolves, at thc end of the novel. into a new voice who, as hap pened to h is «pr edecessor,» also longs to visit far-away lands. In this way, Columbus ends up adding to that list of postmodernist hcroes who, like Saleem Sinai in Midníght'.1· Children or Tyrone Slothrop in Grm •ity'.1· Rainbow. havc to become fragm ented and dissolved in or der to cpitomize the postmodern condition of the human se lf ... However, in a certain -postmodernist-way, Columbus may also rem in d the rcader of Stephen Marlowe himself. a novelist who has lived, so far, in sorne twenty countries. including Spain. And from Spanish lands, in th e Goldcn Age of Spanish letters. novelist Miguel de Cervantes will a!so Lravel to the British lsles and mcc t a certain author called. of ali names. Chrístopher Marlowe, although this event will take place in Stephl'll Marlowe's twelfth novel, 111e Death and Lije r~f Miguel de Cerrnntes, a book whcre the protagonist a nd narrat or also has to keep on moving or wandering ... But even so, notwithstanding the American country in which his au th or was born. fictional the Columbus' quest and identity are European , in this way suggesting that conternporary critica] views may still tly the othcr way ... or that. evcn if fragmemed, the postmodern self is supranational. REFERENCES BRADBURY. MAL COLM . 1992. Tlze Modem American Novel. Ncw Edition. Oxford: Oxford UP. BROWN. JOHN. 1956. Panorama de la Lítaatum Norreamericana. Madrid: Gr edos. CAESAR, MICHAEL. 199 l. «ltalian Fiction in the Nineteen-Eighties». Tn Smyth 1991 : 74-89. COLLADO RODRÍGUEZ. FRANC I SCO. 1 997. «The Colu mbu s Connection'? Amer ican Postmodern Fiction in Spain». In Postmodem Studíes 20: «Closing 711e Clip». American Postmodern Fiction in Germany, Ita/y, Spai11, and the Netherlands. T. D'Haen and H. Bcrtcns, ed. Amsterdam and Atlanta. GA: Rodopi. 171-203. 1998. «Mito, círculo, parodia: del modernismo anglo-sajón a la metaficción historiográfica de Pérez-Revertc.» In E\emplaria. A .loumal of Cum¡,arar ir e Literature. 2 ( 1 ). 1998: 47-63.