“No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98)

Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98)1 “No hay tiempo para el amor”: Relaciones entre nacionalistas vascos radicales y republicanos irlandeses y el surgimiento de una cultura política compartida (1981-98) Niall Cullen2 Universidad del País Vasco (España) ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9400-0284 Recibido: 19-09-2021 Aceptado: 22-03-2022 Abstract Following the deaths of ten Irish republican hunger strikers in 1981, radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans of the Basque izquierda abertzale (‘patriotic left’) and Irish republican movement respectively, began to develop ever closer ties of transnational “solidarity”. In addition to the relationship between Herri Batasuna and Sinn Féin, more ad hoc organisational links in areas such as youth, prisoner, and language advocacy, fostered a shared political culture at the intersection of both movements, which was periodically reflected through 1 This study forms part of the research project PGC2018-094133-B-100 (MCIU/AEI/FEDER,UE). 2 ([email protected]). Niall Cullen holds a PhD in Contemporary History from the University of the Basque Country (2020). His research centres on the historical relations between Irish republicanism and Basque nationalism. His publications include:“‘Dangerous Friends’: Irish Republican Relations with Basque and Catalan Nationalists, 1916–26”, (with Kyle McCreanor), The International History Review, 2022, DOI:10.1080/07075332.2022.2045339. “‘Oh Ireland! What a Disappointment You Have Been to the Basque People’: Irish Non-Intervention in the Spanish Civil War”, Society, lvii, May 2021, pp. 104–11. “Héroes patrios irlandeses y vascos: una mirada transnacional” in Ludger Mees (coord.): Héroes y villanos de la patria. El Nacionalismo Vasco en Perspectiva Comparada (Madrid, Tecnos, 2020), pp. 93-125. 230 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 the prism of cultural expression (e.g., music, political art [murals], literature, audiovisual media). Utilising a wide array of primary sources, this article explores and analyses the emergence and development of this transnational nexus, from the hunger strikes of 1981 to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. Keywords: Irish republicanism, Basque nationalism, IRA, ETA, Sinn Féin, Herri Batasuna. Resumen Tras la muerte de diez republicanos irlandeses en huelga de hambre en 1981, nacionalistas vascos radicales y republicanos irlandeses de la izquierda abertzale y del movimiento republicano irlandés respectivamente, empezaron a estrechar cada vez más, lazos de “solidaridad” transnacional. Además de la relación entre Herri Batasuna y Sinn Féin, otros vínculos organizativos más ad hoc en los ámbitos, por ejemplo, de la juventud, de la defensa de los presos y de la lengua, fomentaron una cultura política compartida en la intersección de ambos movimientos, que se reflejaba periódicamente a través del prisma de la expresión cultural (música, arte político [murales], literatura, medios audiovisuales). Utilizando una amplia gama de fuentes primarias, este artículo explora y analiza el surgimiento y desarrollo de este nexo transnacional, desde las huelgas de hambre de 1981 hasta la firma del Acuerdo de Viernes Santo en 1998. Keywords: republicanismo irlandés, nacionalismo vasco, IRA, ETA, Sinn Féin, Herri Batasuna. 1. Introduction TO: THE E.T.A., Basque Country – 9.2.81 Comrades and Brothers in the [c]ommon [cause] of Liberty[,] Greetings! From within the subhuman confines of the H Blocks, Long Kesh, I, one of 500 protesting prisoners writes to you, our Comrades and Co. soldiers imploring your assistance with our up-and-coming Hunger Strike which will commence on March 1st. Written by Irish Republican Army (IRA) member Raymond McCreesh in February 1981, ‘comms’ such as the above were often smuggled out of Northern Ireland’s Long Kesh (HM Prison Maze) on cigarette paper. They were then typed up and sent by republican supporters to their intended recipients—in this case, the Basque terrorist group Euskadi ‘ta Askatasuna (ETA). 231 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 As signalled by McCreesh, the 1981 Hunger Strike commenced on 1 March when a former Officer Commanding (OC) of the IRA prisoners, Bobby Sands, refused food. Twenty-two of his republican comrades followed suit. In the prophetic words of McCreesh, the 1981 Hunger Strike would ultimately “be to the death”3. Despite the dramatic election of Bobby Sands as a Member of Parliament on 4 April, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher refused to accede to the republican prisoners’ central demand: to re-establish their ‘Special Category Status’ (rescinded in 1976). As tensions escalated in Northern Ireland, the saga of Sands and his subsequent death on 5 May, after sixty-six days on hunger strike, garnered enormous political and media attention for the Irish republican movement (IRM) on the international stage4. In the Basque Country and Navarre, protests in support of the Irish hunger strikers were organised in provincial capitals. Meanwhile, Iñaki Ruiz de Pinedo, an abstentionist Herri Batasuna (HB) representative for Álava and an Englishspeaking party compatriot, Juan Okiñena, were among a raft of international revolutionary and leftist nationalist figures who travelled to Belfast to pay their respects to Sands’ family. Reflecting on this trip more than thirty-five years later, Ruiz de Pinedo recalls what, in hindsight, was perhaps its most significant consequence: “We established a series of contacts which, as I understand it, were to later serve the posterior relations [with Sinn Féin]”5. Beginning with the 1981 Hunger Strike and ending with the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) of 1998, this article tracks the development of radical Basque nationalist-Irish republican relations (in the shape of the Basque izquierda abertzale [BIA] and IRM) across the same period. It explores how the transnational relationship between radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans gradually developed a shared political culture, and how this changing dynamic was periodically reflected through different forms of cultural expression (e.g., music, political art [murals], literature, audiovisual media). Finally, the author suggests that the shared political culture that emerged at the intersection of these two movements could be described as a sort of transnational “imagined community”—to borrow the terminology of Benedict Anderson 6. 3 McCreesh to ETA, 9 Feb. 1981, Personal correspondence with Danny Morrison. Underline of “death” in original. 4 Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA (2nd ed.), London, Penguin, 2007, p. 209. 5 Egin, 06.05.1981; Herri Batasuna, Herri Batasuna. 20 años de lucha por la libertad, San Sebastián, Herri Batasuna, 1999, p. 408; Author interview with Iñaki Ruiz de Pinedo (2017) [All interview and print translations by the author unless otherwise stated]. 6 For Benedict Anderson, the nation is essentially an “imagined political community”. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (revised ed.), London, Verso, 2006, p. 6. The academic Steven Howe has previously touched on the idea of transnational “imagined communities”: “The creation of imaginative solidarities, even among quite small groups and even retrospectively or fictively, might have powerful and unexpected long-term effects. If nations are always imagined communities, then 232 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 2. “Our Day Will Come; Your Day Will Come. We Will Win!” (1981–8) Last Revolutionaries Standing They call it the law, we call it apartheid, internment, conscription, partition and silence, It’s the law that they make to keep you and me where they think we belong, They hide behind steel and bullet-proof glass, machine guns and spies, And tell us who suffer the tear gas and the torture that we are in the wrong, They took away Sacco, Vanzetti, Connolly and Pearse in their time, They came for Newton and Seal, Bobby Sands and some of his friends, In Boston, Chicago, Saigon, Santiago, Warsaw and Belfast, And places that never make headlines, the list never ends, No time for love if they come in the morning, No time to show tears or for fears in the morning, No time for goodbye, No time to ask why, And the sound of the siren is the cry of the morning7. Notwithstanding the prevailing negative disposition towards Sinn Féin (SF) and the IRA’s armed campaign in the early 1980s across nationalist Ireland (North & South), the bitter-sweet victory and death of Sands triggered an immense emotional response that echoed the hunger strikes of the Irish Revolutionary Period (1912–23)—something the IRM was not slow in taking advantage of8. Moreover, and as alluded to in the above excerpt from No Time for Love (1981) by the Irish folk group Moving Hearts, Sands’ death also conjured up a more universal sentiment: that of an imagined collective, stretching from Boston to Saigon, Santiago to Warsaw and Belfast, all united by a common feeling of persecution and struggle. Originally penned by the American folk singer Jack Warshaw and released under the title If They Come in the Morning (1976), Moving Hearts’ 1981 version of Warshaw’s song replaced the words “Blank Panthers” with “Bobby Sands”, directly emphasising the 1981 Hunger Strikes continuity with other social and national struggles, and more indirectly, reflecting the tendency of political songs, slogans and chants to transcend borders, contexts and time periods (e.g., We Shall Overcome; Power to the People; ¡No Pasaran!). Such themes, of a mutual sense of persecution and struggle, and of context equivalence, would become increasingly evident across radical Basque nationalist-Irish republican discourse and relations from the early 1980s onwards. As we shall see, they are also themes that would appear in another updated Basque version of No Time for Love. transnations are still more so: clearly more fragile kinds of imagining, but by the very same token more dependent on the power of the imagination”. Stephen Howe: “AFTERWORD Transnationalisms Good, Bad, Real, Imagined, Thick and Thin”, Interventions, 4:1, 2002, pp. 79–88 (quote on p. 87). 7 https://www.bobbysandstrust.com/multimedia/songs-lyrics/#7 (02.08.2021). 8 An Phoblacht/Republican News (AP/RN), 09.05.1981; AP/RN, 20.06.1981; AP/RN, 04.07.1981. 233 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 Following Bobby Sands’ death, coverage of the IRM became more pronounced, and pointed, in the radical Basque nationalist-oriented Punto y Hora de Euskal Herria (PHEH). For example, an editorial published in late May 1981 remarked how: [t]he death of Bobby Sands, and probably a few more of his comrades as you read this, is one of the most remarkable acts of institutional terrorism in recent times. […] The IRA political prisoners are being mistreated, tortured ... and the iron woman, the Thatcher—madam would be a title that does not correspond to her—lets them die in cold blood, and takes advantage of the legality of state terrorism. But freedom always wins, and the Irish are ready to achieve it9. Interviews were carried out the same month with IRA leader Seamus Twomey and SF’s ‘Roving Ambassador’ in Europe, Richard Behal, with a PHEH journalist noting how “[t]alking to Richard Behal, given the theme of Northern Ireland, is like talking about home, it’s like talking about our own country…”. Extracts of Bobby Sands’ prison diaries would also appear in PHEH later that year, as well as an interview with Sands’ brother, Sean, who was invited to the Basque Country to speak about the strike10. As the hunger strike continued, José Ramon Peñagarikano of Eusko Iraultzarako Alderdia (EIA)—the de facto political wing of ETA-pm (politicalmilitary) and HB’s direct rival on the Basque nationalist left spectrum—invited his party comrades to mount a campaign of support and to petition British diplomats11. Peñagarikano, as an able French, Italian, German and English speaker, had naturally gravitated towards the international relations department of EIA. He had also, in October 1977, become the first Basque party representative to officially attend and address a SF Ard Fheis (Annual Assembly), receiving a standing ovation. Together with Richard Behal and SF President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Peñagarikano helped to forge what he describes as a “cuadrilla” (gang) of sorts between the two parties in the late 1970s and early 1980s12. In November 1981, after the deaths of ten of the hunger strikers, Peñagarikano attended a rather more sombre Ard Fheis13. Tributes paid to the hunger strikers aside, this Ard Fheis was to be remembered for the senior republican Danny Morrison’s famous “armalite and ballot box” speech, in which the Belfast man signposted the IRM’s post-hunger strike strategy of marrying SF electoral gains with political violence14. 9 PHEH, 15–22.05.1981. 10 PHEH, 08–15.05.1981; PHEH, 15–22.05.1981; PHEH, 25.09–02.10.1981; PHEH, 04– 18.09.1981. 11 Hitz, no. 12, May 1981. 12 An Phoblacht, 26.10.1977; Author interview with José Ramón Peñagarikano (2017). 13 AP/RN, 05.11.1981. 14 Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA (2nd ed.), pp. 208–15. 234 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 1981 would also be Peñagarikano’s last (documented) attendance at a SF Ard Fheis. As he and others from the EIA orbit recall, with the winding down of ETA-pm and EIA’s de facto acceptance of the Spanish Transition, the strategic direction of EIA increasingly ran contrary to the IRM’s dual political-military approach. Consequently, EIA’s relationship with SF was let slide15. While EIA and ETA-pm were accommodating themselves to the Spanish Transition, HB’s firm rejection of said agreement had been supported by 15% of Basque voters at the 1979 Spanish General Election—a multiple of the EIA-led coalition Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE) across the Basque Country and Navarre. Also doubling down in its resolve was ETA-m (military), with the organisation claiming eighty-one mortal victims in 1980 alone16. Akin to the prevailing relationship dynamic between SF and the IRA, Herri Batasuna (as the political component of the izquierda abertzale) was to act as the political wing of ETA-m (hereafter simply ETA). It was within this context—that of the IRM and BIA’s respective, emerging political-military ‘Long War’ strategies—that a HB delegate, the aforementioned Juan Okiñena, attended and spoke at the SF Ard Fheis of November 198317. In the grand scheme of things, a new international Basque delegate (and party) was hardly a big deal for SF; however, in terms of the trajectory of radical Basque nationalist-Irish republican relations, the changeover was significant. Drawing Basque-Irish Parallels The early 1980s saw something of a generational shift in SF with Gerry Adams and his “kitchen cabinet” ascending to power within the party. Broadly coinciding with Adams’ replacement of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh as party president, Richard Behal (the other hitherto leading Irish-Basque node within the IRM) stood down as head of SF’s Foreign Affairs Bureau (FAB). Under new leadership, SF began to primarily ally itself in discursive terms to the South African and Palestinian struggles18. Meanwhile, in the Basque Country, both 15 Author interview with José Ramón Peñagarikano (2017); Author interview with Eduardo “Teo” Uriarte (2016); Author interview with Javier Olaverri Zazpe (2017). 16 https://app.congreso.es/consti/elecciones/generales/resultados.jsp?fecha=01/03/1979 (01.08.2021); Gaizka Fernández Soldevilla, “¿Al Borde del Abismo? La Violencia Política (y sus Víctimas) durante la Transición” [in Gaizka Fernández Soldevilla, María Jiménez Ramos (coords.), 1980. El Terrorismo Contra La Transición, Madrid, Tecnos, 2020], pp. 19–48 (specifically p. 26). 17 AP/RN, 17.11.1983; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA (2nd ed.), pp. 150–1; Gaizka Fernández Soldevilla, “The origins of ETA: between Francoism and democracy, 1958–1981” [in Rafael Leonisio, Fernando Molina, Diego Muro (eds.), ETA’s Terrorist Campaign. From Violence to Politics, 1968–2015, London and New York, Routledge, 2016], pp. 19–34 (specifically p. 30). 18 SF’s “kitchen cabinet” is a term used by commentators to describe Gerry Adams’ close allies and associates. See: Brian Feeney, Sinn Féin. A Hundred Turbulent Years, Dublin, O’Brien Press, 2002, p. 383. On SF’s international relations from this period, see: Martyn Frampton, “‘Squaring the circle’: the foreign policy of Sinn Féin, 1983–1989”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 19, 2, 2004, pp. 43–63; Adrian Guelke, “The Peace Process in South Africa, Israel and Northern Ireland: A Farewell to 235 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 HB and ETA tended to look towards Latin America for international references and support19. The above paragraph notwithstanding, there was still plenty to unite radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans throughout the early-to-mid 1980s in discursive terms around their respective struggles and experiences of state persecution. Some examples from 1984 alone should suffice in illustrating this case. For instance, a BBC documentary titled “The Basques”, aired in March 1984, was wryly noted in the IRM organ An Phoblacht/Republican News (AP/ RN) as exposing “many similarities” between the Irish and Basques cases—a sentiment echoed in a PHEH review of the same programme20. Basque-Irish parallels were also drawn between a recent assassination attempt on Gerry Adams and the “Dirty War” (1983–7) of the Spanish-government-backed Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL) in the Basque Country: The dirty war is also present in Northern Ireland. The Northern Irish situation and that of the Basque Country, although with logical differences, seem to run parallel from one corner of Europe to the other. Even this week the media highlighted the exchange between Minister [José] Barrionuevo and British experts in the fight against Northern Ireland’s ‘terrorism’21. Having fully recovered from the recent attack on his life, Adams gave an “exclusive” interview to PHEH at the SF Ard Fheis in November 1984, in which he reflected on the republican movement’s “great sympathy” for the Basque people and “their struggle”: We view the Basque people and their struggle with great sympathy as there are many characteristics that unite us. Both peoples suffer similar forms of repression, as can be seen in regard to extraditions. […] Both peoples are on the road to liberation and the progress of one gives strength to the other; the victory of one people is the victory of all peoples22. Also appearing at the 1984 Ard Fheis, for the second year in a row, was HB’s Juan Okiñena. Reportedly joined by “an unnamed ETA member”, during his intervention Okiñena echoed Adams in speaking out against the French extradition of ETA militants to Spain and the forced expulsion of others. Finally, rounding off the year, and reflecting mutual concerns around the Irish and Basque languages, SF FAB representatives Denis Donaldson and Bairbre Arms?”, Irish Studies in International Affairs, vol. 5, 1994, pp. 93–106. 19 Author interview with Joseba Álvarez (2017); Author interview with Alexander Ugalde Zubiri (2017); Florencio Domínguez Iribarren, Josu Ternera: Una Vida En ETA, Madrid, La Esfera de los libros, 2006, p. 90. 20 AP/RN, 15.03.1984; PHEH, 16–23.03.1984. 21 PHEH, 16–23.03.1984. 22 PHEH, 23–30.11.1984; AP/RN, 20.12.1984. 236 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 de Brún spoke at a conference on minority languages in Italy, where they were joined by a HB delegation23. The following year, SF participated in Northern Ireland local elections for the first time since proscription of the party had been lifted in 1974. Exceeding all expectations the party won fifty-nine seats on a vote share of 12%24. One of the newly elected SF councillors was Pat Rice. Born in south Armagh in 1941, Rice took up an opportunity in 1968 to teach English in the Basque city of San Sebastián, where he lived and worked until 1971. Returning to Northern Ireland, he had become active in the republican movement; by the mid-1980s he was working in SF’s international and cultural departments. As a Spanishspeaking SF councillor with personal experience and knowledge of Basque affairs, Rice became a sounding board for all things Basque-related within the party. He would also become the main SF interlocutor with HB—a status reflected in him receiving an award from Sortu (a HB successor party) in 2017 in recognition of his decades of “solidarity”25. One of Rice’s first overseas trips as a SF councillor was to a Conference of Western European Stateless Nations (including Basque representation), held over three days in Barcelona in December 1985. According to a subsequent report in AP/RN: On the final day of the conference, in an act of solidarity with the Irish national struggle, a telegram was sent to Margaret Thatcher protesting against the arrest of 18 Sinn Féin members; and the whole international committee with the flags of the various nations, demonstrated outside the British consulate in Barcelona where the text of the telegram was handed in26. As the ultimate bête noire of Irish republicanism, the IRA had attempted to assassinate Margaret Thatcher (and as many of her cabinet ministers as possible) in the ‘Brighton hotel bombing’ of October 1984. While not quite achieving the same level of infamy she acquired in Ireland, Thatcher was similarly excoriated in PHEH and other radical Basque nationalist publications throughout the 1980s as the global figurehead (alongside US President Ronald Reagan) of deregulated capitalism. Perhaps inevitably, she would also end up targeted in song by a Basque ‘radical rock’ group, with Baldin Bada’s anthem Tatxer (1986) containing the following lyrics: 23 AP/RN, 08.11.1984. 24 https://www.ark.ac.uk/elections/gallsum.htm#lg (04.08.2021). 25 http://erria.eus/elkarrizketak/an-cara-eireannach-el-amigo-irlandes-de-losas-vascosas (11.08.21); Author interview with Pat Rice (2017). 26 AP/RN, 09.01.1986. 237 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 Mrs. Tatxer, child of a whore Great Britain, land of liberty You can shit as much as you want Belfast — very typical Belfast — a thorn Belfast — in your dirty pussy IRA! Republican Army — IRA! You escaped from the hotel But tomorrow?27 In July 1986, SF publicly demonstrated its solidarity with “Basque political prisoners” in Dublin when the party tried to disrupt a wreath-laying service led by the Spanish King Juan Carlos I. In what AP/RN referred to as “a dignified tribute to the Basque people”, SF members attempted to stage a parallel service of their own, during which they reportedly “carried the national flag of Euskadi and placards in Basque, Irish and English” and “laid [a] wreath, which bore a tribute to all who have fought and died in the freedom struggle of the Basque people of Euskadi [and] in opposition to the Spanish state’s occupation of Euskadi […]”28. In November 1986, Okiñena and the “historic” ETA founder José Luis Álvarez Enparantza (Txillardegi) appeared at SF’s Ard Fheis29. It was the fourth year in a row that a HB delegate had attended and spoken. In tandem with the bedding down of party-political relations between SF and HB—usually channeled through Pat Rice or FAB head Ted Howell, “who [Rice] always consulted”30—the first hints of more ad hoc organisational links between radical Basque nationalist and Irish republican actors were also beginning to emerge across prisoner, European (and later still, language, women and youth) relationship strands. Towards a Shared Political Culture Although Sinn Féin has links with the Basque national liberation movement, in the form of the patriotic coalition, Herri Batasuna, represented now for a number of years at the Ard Fheis, this was the first year [1987] that a substantial Basque contingent took part in the annual international [Anti-Internment] commemoration. More than 50 people from Euskadi arrived in Belfast on Saturday to take part in Sunday’s parade in West Belfast in which they marched behind the green, white, and red flag of their country, the Ikurriña. The Falls Road echoed to the cries in Basque of support for their struggle and ours and the 27 PHEH, 04-11.11.1983; PHEH, 27.04-04.05.1984; PHEH, 19.10.1984. I am grateful to AF for a very literal translation of the lyrics of Tatxer. 28 AP/RN, 03.07.1986. 29 Herri Batasuna, Herri Batasuna. 20 años de lucha por la libertad, p. 407. 30 Author interview with Pat Rice (2017). 244 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 translated and produced a Spanish version of Gerry Adams’ The Politics of Irish Freedom. Pernando Barrena, who was working in Txalaparta at the time, highlights the importance of Adams’ book in knitting together the glut of hitherto disparate Irish republican references, figures, events and imagery for a Basque audience: At the moment [2017], it’s easy to get any information in the world in two seconds; but at that time, the Irish reality—we’re talking about the early 90s—it was not so easy to know what was happening in a place two-thousand kilometres from here. And you know, the references from here were so few… Ireland, the IRA, the Hunger Strike, the ‘Troubles’, Gerry Adams… what else? […] When we had the opportunity to publish Gerry Adams’ book, I remember that for a small publishing house, for us, it was important […] it was important to offer information about what was going on [in Ireland], because the feeling of sympathy was quite significant56. By August 1991, the number of radical Basque nationalist activists attending the annual Féile an Phobail/Anti-Internment double-header in Belfast had swollen to 150, “made up of representatives from organisations in Euskadi, including cultural, political prisoners, youth and ecological groups”57. 1992 continued in a similar vein. In February, HB staged a protest outside the British Consul in Bilbao after three SF activists had been gunned down in Belfast by a loyalist paramilitary group. Askapena—a sort of international relations/outreach wing of the MLNV—extended its solidarity with the “relatives and friends of those killed” and encouraged SF to continue in its “struggle for Irish freedom”. The following year, Askapena sent its first official ‘Brigada’ to Northern Ireland. Subsequent encounters between Askapena and Irish republicans, which typically brought language activists and exprisoners together, were apparently “set out months in advance” by an Irish “intermediary” in the Basque Country and “centred on Sinn Féin guidance”. Interestingly, several grassroots activists interviewed by this author have cited an audio-tape collection of Irish ‘rebel songs’, issued by (or possibly through) Askapena, as triggering an interest in the Irish case58. In March 1992, the MLNV women’s group Egizan invited Aine Connolly of SF’s international department to speak in the Basque Country. Connolly also met with the families of ETA prisoners dispersed in jails across Spain. Later that month, the AP/RN editor and SF FAB representative Mícheál Mac Donncha attended a prisoner-themed conference in Aránzazu, Guipúzcoa, while in June, SF activists picketed the Spanish Embassy in Dublin in solidarity with Basque prisoners59. 56 Author interview with Pernando Barrena (2017). 57 AP/RN, 01.08.1991; Azkatzen, December 1991; AP/RN, 08.08.1991; AP/RN, 15.08.1991. 58 Author interviews with various Basque sources; Author interview with Irish source. 59 AP/RN, 27.02.1992; AP/RN, 19.03.1992; AP/RN, 09.04.1992; AP/RN, 11.06.1992. 245 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 Reflecting on the ever-closer relations between both movements over the previous few years, HB representative Karlos Rodríguez spoke to a large crowd in Belfast in August 1992: For many years, Ireland and the Basque Country have shown a real and sincere solidarity [from] one to each other. This solidarity between Irish and Basque people comes from the fact that our fights as nations towards freedom have many things in common. It is a natural feeling between two countries in struggle. During our stay in the north of Ireland, we the Basque people have been visiting many republican prisoners in British prisons. We have had the opportunity to learn more about the repression here, which is very similar to Spanish repression of our people60. Unlike the routine visits of HB political representatives to the SF Ard Fheis, which, begun in 1983, usually took place in the leafy environs of Dublin city’s Mansion House, the Basque-Irish relations outlined since the first annual Basque pilgrimage to Belfast in 1987 increasingly occurred across more loosely organised prisoner, language, international and women’s strands, in an arguably more conducive social space for transfers of ideologies, strategies, tactics and “solidarity”. Ideas shared, knowledge exchanged and personal relationships forged and/or reinforced, this emerging and overlapping, shared BIA-IRM political culture was symbolised by way of a Basque-Irish mural in August 1992. Painted by “members of the Basque delegation” and “Sliabh Dubh Sinn Féin cumann” (a local SF branch) on Rossnareen Avenue, Belfast, the mural consisted of silhouetted figures standing in front of Irish and Basque flags. Written in the Irish and Basque languages was “Dhá Chine Aon Choimhlint” and “Bi Herri Borroka Bat” [Two Peoples, One Struggle]. Commenting on the simple message, a reporter for AP/RN surmised the theme of the mural as: […] straightforward: the Basque and Irish struggle is the same for both people. That this message is on a wall in West Belfast is testimony to the links of solidarity and respect that has built up over the years between the republican people in Ireland and the people of Euskadi61. The Basque Mirror Coinciding with the annual influx of radical Basque nationalist activists to Belfast and the painting of a second Basque-Irish mural in the city in August 1995, AP/RN contributor Brian Campbell penned an article titled “Learning 60 AP/RN, 13.08.1992. 61 AP/RN, 27.08.1992. 246 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 from the Basque Struggle”. Breaking with the usual republican coverage of the BIA’s juridical and political “oppression”, Campbell cited conversations he had recently had with several Alfabetatze eta Euskalduntze Koordinakundea (a Basque language group) and Askapena activists in San Sebastián and VitoriaGasteiz. In the view of Campbell, there was much more to learn from the “Basque struggle”: A characteristic of the Basque struggle has always been that it ranges across all aspects of political and cultural life. Organisations of women, youth, environmentalists, organisations to promote Euskera, the Basque language, to build links with foreign struggles, to campaign on behalf of political prisoners, to combat drug abuse, to organise festivals, all exist independently. Some are members of KAS, a coordinating forum which includes ETA and Herri Batasuna. But it is the large number of organisations which touch every area of life and essentially their independence, that makes for a political culture bursting with energy. […] In the modern world the political party is only one element in a political project that touches every area of life. In the Basque Country, Herri Batasuna has a definite role but not an all-encompassing one. By having a freedom movement made up of many diverse elements, the desire to see everyone having their part to play in the struggle can be fulfilled62. According to Pat Rice, elements within SF had, since the 1980s, periodically looked towards the MLNV with a view to building up a similar “umbrella movement” to their Basque counterparts. Such ideas had amounted to little, however. Whether by coincidence or not, two months after Campbell’s piece appeared in AP/RN, Barry McElduff, a SF representative, organised a youth initiative known as Glór na nOg (Voice of the Youth) in the small northern town of Carrickmore. A follow-up debate was held in Belfast, during which youth concerns around education, homelessness, unemployment and drug abuse were raised63. Among this group was a young SF republican from Dublin named Eoin Ó Broin. According to Ó Broin, it became apparent that “the party was quite open to some sort of youth-led initiative”. Ó Broin and others decided to “set up a youth-led, youth wing”. Eager to avoid aping the youth wings of mainstream Irish parties (specifically Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil), the young republicans looked abroad to see “where else can we learn from that might provide us thoughts, ideas and experiences”64. In the spring of 1996 Ó Broin unexpectedly received a phone call from an activist in the international office of Jarrai. On the other end of the line 62 AP/RN, 10.08.1995. 63 AP/RN, 26.10.1995. 64 Author interview with Eoin Ó Broin (2015). 247 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 was Josetxo Otegi Arrugaeta. He and his comrades were in the final stages of organising a Gazte Topagunea (Youth Encounter)65. Ó Broin recalls: [Otegi Arrugaeta] said they’d like to establish a relationship […] it came out of nowhere, it was completely coincidental, but it was, at the same time… we were doing all this stuff ourselves [organising a youth movement], and we said ‘great’66. A notice published on 28 March 1996 in AP/RN carried information on the upcoming event as well as a direct phone number to Jarrai’s office: “Jarrai has extended an open invitation to young Irish republicans. Bring your tent”67. By the end of 1996 the nascent SF youth initiative Glór na nOg had “ceased to function”. In early 1997 the remnants of the group came together to discuss how best to progress. According to the group’s own account of what happened next: A Basque youth organisation called Jarrai had come to our attention and we felt that it may be appropriate for us to make contact with them to see if there was anything to be learned from them. In March 97 a delegate was sent to Euskal Herria for 3 weeks to learn as much as possible about their youth movement68. This delegate was Eoin Ó Broin. In March 1997 Ó Broin travelled to the Basque Country. He was, in his own words, “blown away” by the experience69. The Dubliner subsequently catalogued details of a Mendi Martxa (Mountain March), the controversial death of an ETA member Jose Zabala, and documented radical Basque youth movement culture more generally across a series of articles that appeared in AP/RN: For three days we were completely independent, from the police, from the government, and from a culture of consumption and apathy which across Europe is working to pacify more and more young people. The Mendi Martxa was more than just an event, it was an investment in the future, the future of both the left-nationalist and Basque society as a whole70. On Ó Broin’s return from the Basque Country, a strategy document combining aspects gleaned from the now-defunct Glór na nOg initiative and new ideas picked up from Jarrai was proposed to Belfast SF. The proposal 65 Author interview with Josetxo Otegi Arrugaeta (2016). 66 Author interview with Eoin Ó Broin (2015). 67 AP/RN, 28.03.1996. 68 “Sinn Féin Youth. 1st National Congress. Annual Report”, 17 October 1998, PH1607, Linenhall Library (LL). 69 Author interview with Eoin Ó Broin (2015). 70 AP/RN, 27.03.1997; AP/RN, 03.04.1997; AP/RN, 05.06.1997. 248 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 envisaged the city becoming a testing ground for the construction of a new republican youth movement. When Belfast SF agreed to the proposition, Sinn Féin Youth (SFY) formally came into existence in August 1997. Three representatives from Jarrai attended its inauguration71. While the formation of SFY was an internal republican initiative, it is clear that Jarrai heavily informed SFY’s approach. Indeed, one of the chief criticisms of Glór na nOg had been that “it was focused primarily on discussion, [gaining] a reputation for being too elitist and at times too academic in approach”. Ó Broin’s trip to the Basque Country in March 1997 opened up a radical new vista for young republicans as to how a youth movement could be organised and run72. In AP/RN, Ó Broin stated: […] although earlier youth initiatives such as Glór na nOg have failed, we have learned from those mistakes and are building that understanding into our work. Our focus will be on generating as much street activity as possible, whether in the form of protests, militant actions, stickers or posters. Bringing young people onto the street and using politics to reclaim those streets for ourselves will be our primary aim73. As one former, prominent republican youth activist put it: “Ó Broin went there, came back and implemented what he saw”. Ó Broin would later document the enormous influence that aspects of radical Basque nationalist and youth culture (e.g., Gazte Topagunea, Basque ‘radical rock’, Gaztetxeak [Youth Houses], political art/street campaigns) had on him in his first book, Matxinada, published in Spanish by Txalaparta, and later in English74. The following Easter (1998), a group of seventeen SFY activists visited the Basque Country. For Ó Broin: “the purpose of the trip was to give our activists the opportunity to learn some new ideas from Jarrai”. A “core group” was also tasked with “learning the internal mechanics of Jarrai from local and provincial to national level”. Whilst these youths were high up in the Basque mountains, breaking news from Belfast of the signing of the GFA began to filter through75. Foregrounding the development of a more intense and asymmetrical dynamic (Irish-to-Basque influence) in post-GFA Basque-Irish transnational relations, a five-strong delegation from Jarrai embarked on a nine-day trip to Ireland in July 1998, “to make a youth orientated analysis of the Irish peace 71 “Sinn Féin Youth. 1st National Congress. Annual Report”, 17 October 1998, PH1607, LL; AP/ RN, 28.08.1997. 72 Author interview with Eoin Ó Broin (2015). 73 AP/RN, 28.08.1997. 74 Author interview with Irish source; Eoin Ó Broin, Matxinada: Historia del Movimiento Juvenil Radical Vasco, Tafalla, Txalaparta, 2004. 75 AP/RN, 02.04.1998; AP/RN, 09.04.1998; AP/RN, 30.04.1998. 249 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 process to see if there are lessons to be learned for the ongoing conflict in Euskal Herria”. That same month, and indicative once again of the shared political culture at the intersection of these movements and its periodic reflection through the prism of cultural expression, a video production on the “struggle of the Basque prisoners”, titled with the republican slogan “Tiocfaidh ár lá” (“Our Day Will Come”), was disseminated among young Irish republicans76. From the beginning of the ‘Irish mirror’ period in 1989 to the GFA in 1998, the Irish Peace Process context increasingly reflected and impinged upon the dynamics of Basque (and indeed, Basque-Spanish) politics. Largely departing from the 1980s metanarrative of solidarity in the face of isolation and persecution, radical Basque nationalists sought to utilise the ‘Irish mirror’ and in particular the ostensible achievement of Irish “self-determination” as a tool to put pressure on Madrid. In this sense, ever-deepening SF-HB relations in the 1990s perfectly aligned with BIA movement objectives, encapsulated in the words of the then-emerging HB figurehead, Arnaldo Otegi: “If it could happen in Ireland, why not in the Basque Country?”77. Good relations with SF also amplified the Basque contention and equivocated both cases within an otherwise largely disinterested anglophone international community. Otegi, for instance, was (and is still) often referred to as the “Basque Gerry Adams”78. Alongside the instrumental value of HB-SF relations (to HB), mutual areas of interest and specific movement needs around prisoner advocacy, language rights and youth issues (particularly the formation of SFY) also stimulated and deepened more advanced relations throughout the 1990s, contributing to a ritualised, shared political culture at the intersection of both movements. 4. Conclusion This article has explored the slow emergence and development of a shared political culture at the intersection of radical Basque nationalism and Irish republicanism from the early 1980s to the late 1990s. In its first phase, as the ‘last revolutionaries standing’ in Western Europe, shared movement threats such as extradition, political isolation and “Dirty Wars” in both territories underscored transnational empathy and encouraged the establishment of nexus links. As we have seen, the subsequent intensification and diversification of these relations throughout the 1990s were usually provoked by more specific movement needs and objectives. 76 AP/RN, 02.07.1998; AP/RN, 18.06.1998. 77 Irish Times, 31.10.1998. 78 https://www.politico.eu/article/arnaldo-otegi-the-basque-gerry-adams/ (17.08.21). 250 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 In addition to annual HB attendance at SF Ard Fheiseanna; the August influx of radical Basque nationalist activists to Belfast (begun in 1987); and reciprocal trips at youth level around Eastertime (from 1997 onwards); visiting radical Basque nationalist activists to Belfast and others who took up longer residence in the city usually partook in republican rallies, political workshops, visited republican prisoners or were taken to see local community initiatives in areas such as language and housing. In this sense, republican Belfast was the main physical space for the socialisation of this shared political culture. Moreover, recent research reveals that a majority of MLNV activists who have spent time in the city over recent decades (from a controlled sample), became active stakeholders in the IRM’s struggle79. From attending republican marches to becoming full SF members, Basque activist participation in Irish republicanism also served to emphasise the universal scope of the BIA’s struggle and, by extension, reinforce a sense of commitment and legitimacy80. Given that there was already a great deal of symmetry in each movement’s respective nationalist political cultures (e.g., commemorations, annual events, heroes, villains and martyrs)81 and broad consensus around political approaches, the fact that a ritualised Basque-Irish political culture emerged (built around key nexus ‘nodes’ and ‘brokers’ such as Okiñena, Rice, Montero, Maskey, Barrena, Ó Broin), should not come as a major surprise. Within this shared intersection, neither ‘grassroots’ activists nor political ‘elites’ had to justify who they were, their political views, or outlooks regarding political violence. Cross-mobilisation encouraged cross-fertilisation of normative values and ideals. Moreover, as interactions increased, “bonds become personal as well as political”82. Meetings were usually followed by social gatherings, and the differentials in Basque and Irish history glossed over for the narrative of “Two Peoples, One Struggle”. Another indicator of this shared political culture was the way in which the language of each movement and struggle bled into the other. For example, an Ertzaintza officer killed by ETA could be likened to the “equivalent of the RUC [Royal Ulster Constabulary] Special Branch” in republican discourse; the Spanish Constitution “rejected”; and the Spanish Transition “so-called”. Meanwhile, on the other side of this transfer, the main Spanish parties (Partido Popular and Partido Socialista Obrero Español) became “unionists” 79 Cullen, Gora Rebeldiak!, pp. 421–35. 80 Pascal Pragnère, “Exporter la guerre – importer la paix. Dimensions transnationales de deux conflits nationalistes. Irlande du Nord, Pays Basque” [in Catherine Maignant (ed.), La France et l´Irlande: destins croisés 16e-21e siécles, Lille, CECILLE – Université Lille, 2012], pp. 195–210. 81 Casquete, En el nombre de Euskal Herria, pp. 19–21, pp. 106–8; Raúl López Romo, Gaizka Fernández Soldevilla, “Deuda de sangre. La visión del pasado de ETA y el IRA”, APORTES. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, vol. 33, no. 97, 2018, pp. 267–94. 82 Author interview with Eoin Ó Broin (2015). 251 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 in radical Basque nationalist literature83. There were also misunderstandings. For instance, radical Basque nationalist literature would occasionally refer to Northern Ireland as a “nation” and/or express the territory’s right to “selfdetermination”—notions completely alien to Irish republicanism. Going in the opposite direction, a 1985 report in AP/RN that referred to the Basques as having “Home Rule” was subsequently corrected by a letter from HB to the republican periodical84. At the outset it was suggested that the shared political culture that gradually emerged at the intersection of radical Basque nationalist and Irish republican actors across the 1980s and 1990s could be described as a sort of Benedict Anderson-esque, transnational “imagined community”. Periodically reflected in cultural expression, this statement may be said to be true in the following three ways. First, the BIA-IRM nexus was a largely imagined collective. As vividly communicated in No Time for Love, or in the bombedout imagery of Belfast transmitted in PHEH, most Basque and Irish activists could read (or even sing) about a greater overarching struggle that was one and the same without ever knowing or visiting the other territory. Second, as an imagined community, the BIA-IRM nexus developed its own patterned rituals (annual encounters at the Ard Fheis, August visits from 1987, Easter visits from 1997); symbols (Basque-Irish murals in 1992, 1995, 1997, 2002); slogans (“Two Nations, One Struggle”); and a common metanarrative of struggle in print. Finally, like any imagined community, the BIA-IRM nexus required an “other”—in this case, the Spanish, British, French and Irish states. With mutually unintelligible ideologies, strategies and praxis, the very nature of these diametrically opposed non-state and state weltanschauungen would have also, undoubtedly, contributed to and insulated the shared political culture at the intersection of the BIA and IRM. 83 AP/RN, 28.03.1996; Iñaki Iriondo, Ramón Sola, Mañana, Euskal Herria. Entrevista con Arnaldo Otegi, Bilbao, Baigorri Argitaletxea, 2005, p. 76; AP/RN, 01.12.2005; AP/RN, 16.06.2005. 84 PHEH, 19.10.1984; PHEH, Cuaderno April 1985; AP/RN, 13.06.1985. 252 Niall Cullen Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 Referencias bibliográficas: Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (revised ed.), London, Verso, 2006. Casquete, Jesús, En el nombre de Euskal Herria. La religión política del nacionalismo vasco radical, Madrid, Tecnos, 2009. Cullen, Niall, Gora Rebeldiak! A History of Radical Basque NationalistIrish Republican Relations (PhD dissertation, University of the Basque Country, 2020). Domínguez Iribarren, Florencio, Josu Ternera: Una Vida En ETA, Madrid, La Esfera de los libros, 2006. Feeney, Brian, Sinn Féin. A Hundred Turbulent Years, Dublin, O’Brien Press, 2002. Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka, “¿Al Borde del Abismo? La Violencia Política (y sus Víctimas) durante la Transición” [in Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka; Jiménez Ramos, María (coords.), 1980. El Terrorismo Contra La Transición, Madrid, Tecnos, 2020], pp. 19–48. Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka, “The origins of ETA: between Francoism and democracy, 1958–1981” [in Leonisio, Rafael; Molina, Fernando; Muro, Diego (eds.), ETA’s Terrorist Campaign. From Violence to Politics, 1968– 2015, London and New York, Routledge, 2016], pp. 19–34. Frampton, Martyn, “‘Squaring the circle’: the foreign policy of Sinn Féin, 1983–1989”, Irish Political Studies, vol. 19, 2, 2004, pp. 43–63. Guelke, Adrian, “The Peace Process in South Africa, Israel and Northern Ireland: A Farewell to Arms?”, Irish Studies in International Affairs, vol. 5, 1994, pp. 93–106. Herri Batasuna, Herri Batasuna. 20 años de lucha por la libertad, San Sebastián, Herri Batasuna, 1999. Howe, Stephen: “AFTERWORD Transnationalisms Good, Bad, Real, Imagined, Thick and Thin”, Interventions, 4:1, 2002, pp. 79–88. Iriondo, Iñaki; Sola, Ramón, Mañana, Euskal Herria. Entrevista con Arnaldo Otegi, Bilbao, Baigorri Argitaletxea, 2005. López Romo, Raúl; Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka, “Deuda de sangre. La visión del pasado de ETA y el IRA”, APORTES. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, vol. 33, no. 97, 2018, pp. 267–94. Maillot, Agnès, New Sinn Féin: Irish Republicanism in the Twenty-first Century, London and New York, Routledge, 2005. Moloney, Ed, A Secret History of the IRA (2nd ed.), London, Penguin, 2007. Murua, Imanol, Ending ETA’s Armed Campaign. How and why the Basque armed group abandoned violence, London and New York, Routledge, 2017. 253 “No Time for Love”: Radical Basque Nationalist-Irish Republican Relations and the Emergence of a Shared Political Culture (1981-98) Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 24, nº 50. Segundo cuatrimestre de 2022. Pp. 229-253. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i50.10 Ó Broin, Eoin, Matxinada: Historia del Movimiento Juvenil Radical Vasco, Tafalla, Txalaparta, 2004. Pragnère, Pascal, “Exporter la guerre – importer la paix. Dimensions transnationales de deux conflits nationalistes. Irlande du Nord, Pays Basque” [in Maignant, Catherine (ed.), La France et l´Irlande: destins croisés 16e-21e siécles, Lille, CECILLE – Université Lille, 2012], pp. 195–210.