Breaking the chains of social exclusion?: the influence of affective inequality in education

151 Elsa Guedes Teixeira* & Helena C. Araújo* BREAKING THE CHAINS OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION? The influence of affective inequality in education Educação, Sociedade & Culturas, nº 44, 2015, 151-168 Abstract: This article1focuses on the idiosyncratic pathways of the social and/or professional inclusion of women through a minimum income scheme, emphasising the impact of education and training in the attempt to break the cycle of social exclusion. The study of women’s inclusion takes into consideration the complexity of dispositions as well as their affective relations of care and/or carelessness, neglect or abuse. We present preliminary data from in-depth interviews, collected in northern Portugal, with women on welfare benefits who have been activated to education and training. We conclude highlighting the intersectionality between different dimensions of inequality, such as love, care and solidarity, and the impact of the economic context on the education of these women. Keywords: education, women, social exclusion, affective equality, minimum income schemes QUEBRAR O CICLO DA EXCLUSÃO SOCIAL? A INFLUÊNCIA DA DESIGUALDADE AFETIVA NA EDUCAÇÃO Resumo: Este artigo incide sobre os percursos singulares de inclusão social e/ou profissional de mulheres através do Rendimento Social de Inserção (RSI), salientando o papel da educação e da formação na rutura do ciclo de exclusão social. O estudo da inclusão social de mulheres destaca a complexidade das disposições sociais, bem como das relações afetivas relacionadas com o cuidar, anegligência ou o abuso. Apresentamos dados preliminares de entrevistas em profundidade, realizadas no norte de Portugal, com beneficiárias de RSI que foram alvo de políticas de ativação, através da educação e da formação. Concluímos destacando a interseccionalidade entre as diferentes dimensões da desigualdade, tais como o afeto, o cuidar e a solidariedade, bem como o impacto do contexto económico na educação destas mulheres. Palavras-chave: educação, mulheres, exclusão social, igualdade afetiva, regimes de rendimento mínimo * CIIE-UP – Centre for Research and Intervention in Education (CIIE/FPCEUP), University of Porto (Porto/Portugal). 1 We would like to thank Kathleen Lynch for her very relevant contributions to this paper. BRISER LES CHAINES DE L’EXCLUSION SOCIALE?L’INFLUENCE DE L’INÉGALITÉ AFFECTIVE DANS L’ÉDUCATION Résumé: Le présent article porte principalement sur les parcours singuliers de l’inclusion sociale et/ou professionnelle des femmes bénéficiaires du revenu minimum d’insertion (RSI), et prétend souligner le rôle essentiel de l’éducation et de la formation pour rompre le cycle de l’exclusion sociale. L’étude de l’inclusion sociale des femmes met en avant la complexité des dispositions ainsi que leurs relations affectives en termes de soin et/ou de négligence ou encore de violence. Nous présentons dans cet article des données préliminaires issues d’entretiens approfondis recueillies dans le nord du Portugal auprès de femmes bénéficiaires du RSI et participant à des politiques d’activation par le biais de l’éducation et la formation. Nous concluons cet article, en soulignant l’intersectionnalité liant les différentes dimensions de l’inégalité, tels que l’affection, le soin et la solidarité, et l’impact du contexte économique sur l’éducation de ces femmes. Mots-clés: éducation, femmes, exclusion sociale, égalité affective, régimes de revenu minimum d’insertion Introduction The main objective of this paper is to focus on the idiosyncrasies in the inclusion and exclusion pathways of women recipients of SII (Social Insertion Income), analysing the role of education and training in breaking the cycle of social exclusion. The perspective intends to incorporate gender and citizenship issues, acknowledging the existence of power and gender inequalities linked with the condition of exclusion. It confers visibility to the «human action of women as active beings producing social life and social relationships» (Araújo, 2002: 106; Araújo, 2007), with the aim of understanding the heterogeneity and diversity of the pathways of SII women. The notion of idiosyncratic character is outlined in Bernard Lahire’s (2005) sociology of dispositions. The author proposes a critical perspective of Bourdieu’s work at the individual level, with the aim of analysing the intra-individual variation of behaviours and attitudes. In this way, the unpredictability of social behaviour, given the diversity of social contexts and the very inner plurality of the individual, who is subjected to different socialisation contexts, becomes explicit. The work of Baker, Lynch, Cantillon, and Walsh (2004) also contributes to this research, as it argues for the recognition of the importance of affective relations in framing dispositions, the centrality of love, care and affection and the vulnerability of the women’s lives living in such conditions. Both contributions will be clarified in the first part of the paper. A description elaborating the proposal for sociological portraits follows, together with some reflections included in the research diary. Excerpts of three sociological portraits of the women who were interviewed will be presented. In keeping with this approach, the methodology seeks to gain an understanding of «a politics of voice… by listening to the meanings of women in their 152 own words» (Araújo, 2007: 109). Finally, conclusions and ideas for further work are presented, concerning the impact on the lives of women receiving SII. 1. Dispositions and the contribution of Bernard Lahire Lahire (1995) presents a critical interpretation of Bourdieu’s work and his definition of habitus (Bourdieu, 1997) and proposes the sociology of dispositions. He refers to the existence of an individual disposition stock. He states: «the properties or capitals only exist in the interdependent social relationship, embodied or mobilised by the concrete social beings who shape themselves through this type of relations» (Lahire, 1995: 288). The dispositions assimilated will depend on socialisation: the more the individual is exposed to heterogeneous or contradictory social contexts, the morehe or she will have a stock of non-homogeneous and non-unified dispositions. The unpredictability of social behaviour, given the diversity of social contexts and the very inner plurality of the individual, who is subjected to different influencing forces, becomes visible, ultimately, a multi-socialised and multi-determined individual. The heterogeneous and often contradictory socialisation principles that the person incorporates as well as the social conditions in which dispositions areproduced may shed light on the idiosyncratic pathways of women SII recipients and interpret poverty and/or exclusion. In fact, this interpretation requires an analysis of economic conditions and dispositions, as well as a study of contexts, social networks, the connection between different spheres of activity (family, work, school) and the moments of crisis in which the person’s wishes (for example, to continue with studies) may be controverted by the actual situation, and finally, to individual factors (see Abrantes & Amândio, 2014). Additionally, the contribution of equality studies is certainly relevant since similar attention is given to social conditions as to individual ones, and affective equality enters the terrain as we will present in the next section. 2. Affective equality from the perspective of equality studies The perspective of equality studies (Baker et al., 2004)2in the sociology of education provides another central contribution to this article. According to Lynch (2006), the critical tradi153 2 In this perspective, there are five key dimensions that interact to facilitate or reduce inequalities: respect and recognition (accepting differences, from a critical intercultural approach); resources (income and wealth, social capital and cultural tion in the sociology of education is very different from critical thought in the 1970s and 1980s, as it challenged «the simple correspondence models of reproduction» and «recognized the importance of non-class forms of social exclusion (gender, ethnicity, race, etc.)» (p. 90). Egalitarian theories challenged it by addressing ethical issues regarding the purpose and value of the research (Lynch, 2006). What Lynch highlights is the importance of affective relations (those of love, care and solidarity) in framing people’s capacities both inside and outside of education. According to Lynch, Lyons, and Cantillon (2007), the distinction between emotions and reason is false, and the «emotional work involved in the reproduction of humanity (…) has been hidden behind a veil of ignorance» (Lynch et al., 2007: 2). Moreover, policy makers and the «care-free» academic world make «care-free» assumptions, based on Cartesian thinking. Lynch et al. (2007) highlight the integral role that dependence and interdependence play in framing capacities and dispositions and argues that the question of what constitutes relevant knowledge has been answered in patriarchal terms, silencing affective issues. In neo-liberal policies, in particular, the model is that of the citizen as a rational economic actor, and knowledge serves the economy, with no consideration being given to the vulnerability and dependency of human beings. In fact, it is dangerous to consider economic autonomy «as a founding principle of education», because many people are excluded from full citizenship by being economically dependent. According to Lynch et al., equality is an ethical issue. The question has to be whether researchers want to domesticate inequality or change it. Critical and feminist theories have addressed those changes by introducing reflexivity. Regarding school and equality, Lynch et al. (2007: 14) stress: In a care-driven educational system, the impact of schooling would not be measured simply in terms of individual student academic performances; a schooling which is compulsory must also be assessed in terms of its impact on the student’s sense of self-worth and well-being. What is the impact of affective inequality in education? Kershaw, Pulkingham, and Fuller explore «the implications of an employment-oriented vision of active citizenship for the gendered dimensions of welfare regimes, observing how this vision distracts attention from male violence against women and male neglect of childrearing responsibilities» (2008: 184). 154 capital, educational credentials); love, care and solidarity (care work which is facilitated and equally distributed, education about love, care and solidarity relations); power (to reduce power inequalities by endorsing civil and political rights, to extend democratic principles to family); and working and learning (limits and/or compensation for unequal burdens of work and recognition for paid and unpaid work) (Baker et al., 2004; Lynch, 2006; Lynch & Baker, 2005). According to the authors, male (in)activity results in the introduction of many single mothers into welfare, thus increasing their representation in the caseload. As children depend on them, they are forced to prioritise childrearing at the expense of their own careers and personal goals. The government fails to recognise the contribution of these women to society, because activation policies do not often consider the importance of affordable childcare services, support through shelter allowances (that enable women to escape men’s violence), or meaningful training opportunities. Kershaw et al. (2008) propose to «challenge male citizenry dysfunction at the systemic level» by lowering the financial obligations of low-income or unemployed fathers and encouraging the role of men as carers. Based on the idea that caregiving can be an expression of «resistance» and «empowerment», and that it forms healthy identities for both women and men, new activation policies are needed to include women victims of violence and working mothers, but also the «dysfunctional male who struggles to act without violence» and wants to be a responsible carer (Kershaw et al., 2008: 202-203). Also Maeve O’Brien (2008, 2009) has studied the impact of economic, social, cultural and emotional capital on mothers’ love and carein education. The author suggests that «working class mothers, and those moremarginally positioned, have to [invest] greater emotional capital in their children’s education than middle class mothers, although their investment often produces fewer results» (O’Brien, 2009: 162). In fact, they have fewer financial resources to buy school materials and to pay for extracurricular activities, and they have poor knowledge of the school system. These mothers have little access to economic, social and cultural capital, so they try to compensate with emotional resources (energy). The lack of those resources negatively impacts one’s ability to care, not just financially, but also emotionally, as individuals tend to feel anxious, depressed, lonely and burdened. Although cultural capital is highly significant, material resources also have a strong impact. Moreover,having the former,but lacking the latter creates additional anxiety for mothers. It also leads to inequalities in time distribution, as carers suffer from stress about their time and sometimes compromise their health and wellbeing. Finally, Lynch and Baker (2009) raise a rather important question related to rectification: if failures in love and careharmpeople emotionally, and have an immense effect on other aspects of their lives, how should these people be compensated? Tosum up, education and welfarepolicies should consider that the starting point is not just the cognitive level of these women, but also their affective context, which has an impact on the meaning that they attribute to education and training. In fact, nurturing capital enables the development of a mentally stable human being, as well as social skills and emotional resources. Consequently, the affective system is one of the most important dimensions of people’s lives. Martha Nussbaum has stated the urgency of taking a stand on defending «the 155 role of emotion in good human functioning» against «the view of rationality that dominates our public life, (…) economic Utilitarianism» (1995: 361). The contributions mentioned above are based on two distinctive traditions in the sociology of education: the French and the Anglo-Irish-American. Lahire’s main concerns are the development of a theory of a plural actor, the plurality of logics of action and the ways in which the social is embodied, while Lynch’s perspective, within an egalitarian framework, addresses ethical issues, is socially engaged and has a transformative dimension. Lahire and Lynch have two very different languages in their perspectives. As Lynch and Payet (2011) mentioned, the issue of care is not present in the French tradition of the sociology of education, namely in its intersection with education. 3. Activation to work and Social Insertion Income3 Linked with that utilitarian view of the human being, activation policies (such as some minimum income schemes) arebased on the idea that welfare recipients must commit to actively contribute to society. Some authors (Bosco & Chassard, 1999; Geldof, 1999; Hespanha, 2008; Hvinden, 1999) have identified several strong points for activation, such as the improvement of qualifications, increases in employment and self-esteem, decreases in a cultureof dependency and the citizens’ concern with the right to work, thus elevating «the work ethics to a central pillar of society» (Hespanha, 2008: 11). However, these authors also underline their weak points, namely their punitive character,their restrictions on autonomy and freedom and «the conduction of tasks that aresocially undervalued or even degrading« (Hespanha, 2008: 12). Qualification improvement is the foundation of these policies. The people who receive SII must follow training courses from the perspective of lifelong learning and the acknowledgement and validation of competences. As mentioned by Rodrigues (2010: 149), «right from the start, education is a central aspect in the vulnerability process of important population layers». This author considers the qualification deficit to be a social immobilisation process. By itself, addressing the qualification deficit will not «magically» solve Portuguese problems regarding basic training. Although the recreational and social value of training as well as the learning of 156 3 Guaranteed Minimum Income (RMG) was created in 1996 (Law No 19-A/96, June 29 th )and was later called Social Insertion Income (Law No. 13/2003, May 21 st ). It universally granted the right to a minimum level of subsistence in exchange for insertion in several areas (namely employment, professional training and education). In 2015, the SII values (per month) were: €178.15 (holder); for additional adults €89.07 (50% of the total value); and for individuals younger than 18 years old €53.44 (30% of the total value) (Instituto da Segurança Social, IP, 2015: 4). useful skills for everyday life are recognised as having a positive impact on women’s lives, they live in social contexts in which there are scarce practical opportunities to use such qualifications in employment. 4. Listening to women... The empirical work presented in this section is based on preliminary findings from 9 indepth interviews4with women from northern Portugal, in order to elaborate sociological portraits of women based upon Bernard Lahire’s methodology5.Sociological portraits are based on conducting in-depth interviews, divided by grids (concerning the main socialising universes or matrices, i.e., family, school, work, social networks and leisure).6Portraits are distinguished from life stories primarily in that the portrait interviews are based on a firmly structured working hypothesis. At least three in-depth interviews were conducted with each of the women SII (ex-)recipients, each with an approximate length of one hour and, whenever possible, at their residences. The free consent of the interviewees was essential, preceded by an explanation regarding the availability of time. The women selected for this paper were socially comparable in their age range, and in their social, economic, academic and professional backgrounds. At the time of the interviews, one of the women was employed and the other two werenot. Over the course of the interviews, ethnographic notes and a research diary were written about the circumstances, emotions and thoughts in the interaction. In fact, this procedureenables an analysis of the subjectivity involved in the interview situation: the proximity, trust and power between the interviewer and the interviewees. Indeed, the age proximity between the interviewees and the researcher,also a woman (age range between 30 and 40 years old), makes it inevitable that life pathways were compared and invites us to reflect on socio-economic and cultural inequalities within the same generation and gender. In this project, the interview situation and the questions asked were confronted with attempts on the part of some of the interviewees to try to turnit into a therapeutic session. Situations of attentive listening were created about everyday problems and advice on commu157 4 The project involved 56 interviews with women from northern Portugal in 2012-2013. 5 The main concern behind the creation of sociological portraits, as proposed by Bernard Lahire (2002), is to understand, through empirical research, how the study of dispositions and habits, competences and skills, stock of dispositions, and their updating, pausing and combinations or struggle may influence theoretical reflection on sociological perspectives. 6 Script grids were inspired by Lahire (2002), Duvoux (2009) and Paugam (2003). nity resources. Sometimes, the interviewer returned to specific issues in order to encourage reflection, particularly in cases of conflict with children or companions. We will present quotes from the interviews organised in a diachronic perspective, starting with the women’s childhood and subsequent life periods. Estela Estela was born in 1976 (she was 36 years old when she was interviewed). She first left school at the age of 12, after completing the 6th grade. At the time of the interviews, she was attending a traineeship. She describes herself as an excellent student during the early grades, before her parents’ divorce: Iremember my elementary school teacher and a friend of mine; she is now a lawyer. She is my best friend from school. In the morning, I always went to her house. Her mother used to take me to school, and she always gave me breakfast: Belgian cookies and toast with butter. And also, my teacher, I always did my homework at her house. I still can smell the scent of her house. We were the best in our class. I remember that when I went to live at my grandmother’s house, I failed the 3rd grade… I went from being the best student to being the worst. In 1988, she dropped out of school (6th grade) to work at a shoe factory, to help provide for her brothers and sisters. She evaluates her return to school (on a sales workers course) as important in advancing her qualifications. She enjoyed the classes, teachers, peers and subjects, although she would have preferred a cookery course, which was not available at the time. Estela has two brothers and one sister, and her parents are separated. Her mother assaulted her with a knife when she was a child, so Social Services sent her to live with her grandparents, with whom she stayed until she was 23: It was because I broke a plate that was a wedding gift. She asked my brother and me to wash the dishes. And he and I started to fight. We wanted to play... We were 5 or 6... And then, I remember pulling the towel. And, suddenly, I don’t know how the plate fell down on the table. I didn’t know who broke it, my brother or me... I just know that, when she saw it, she beat me with a stick, and, then, she held a beef knife and tried to kill me. Domestic violence is one of the most influential aspects of her childhood. Estela’s mother is described as a very anxious and disturbed woman, who always had arguments with her husband and children. She remembers spending Christmas Eve alone with her cousin when they wereboth children and regards these as happy moments: 158 I’ve always spent Christmas alone with my cousin. We had those candles that are used in cemeteries. My grandmother always spent Christmas at my aunt’s house, and my cousin and I would spend Christmas alone... She and I stayed at her house. We had candlelit dinner. We set beautiful tables. We were about 8 or 9 years old. Our Christmas was always like that. Our family didn’t care about any of that! She became a mother at 27, and when the child was 9 months old, the couple broke up because her partner was «too obsessed, jealous, wouldn’t let me go to work or go to the supermarket alone». Currently, she lives alone with her son. Estela continues to receive SII while she completes her traineeship at a store. She considers the social worker at the housing project to be a «mother, friend and confidante, the sister I’ve never had». She takes care of Estela’s son when Estela is ill (he suffers from diabetes) or when she has to go to work. She feels that she has been the subject of discrimination due to her son’s illness, as she has lost three jobs and a scholarship due to absenteeism. Her son and her success in her own education are the positive aspects she finds in life. Although she has qualified for social housing and has returned to school, she collapsed and was institutionalised at a mental hospital after trying to attack her sister (also with a knife). She suffers from depression (spends long periods of time sleeping) and, following her institutionalisation at a mental hospital, she has been highly medicated with antidepressants and anxiolytics. Currently, when she is not depressed, she spends a large amount of time on the Internet, mostly on Facebook and doing research about diabetes, as well as talking to doctors, nurses and other people. She is now a member of the diabetics association at a hospital. She is also a member of the National Advisory Council of EAPN Portugal (European Anti-Poverty Network), and she volunteers at the social services facilities in her neighbourhood. In the future, she would like to enrol on a hotel and restaurant catering course, and she dreams about becoming a cook. Olga Olga was born in 1979, and she completed the 6th grade in adult education. She works as ageriatrics assistant at a day centre for the elderly. She lives with her husband and two daughters and has a close relationship with her parents, whom she sees every day, and with her siblings. Therewerebooks at her parents’ house when she was growing up that her family liked to read and they stayed informed about the news. She dropped out of school when she was 13 years old (in 1992) after completing only four years of schooling. She justifies this outcome by pointing to the fact that she was often 159 always motivated to attend courses they have not chosen. Also, frustration sometimes arises, as the increase in qualifications does not necessarily mean inclusion through obtaining a (better) job. SII is seen as temporary and just as a support during difficult situations. Most of the women who were interviewed are ashamed to admit that they are living on welfare. One can ask about the role of the State in these women’s lives in tackling inequality. It was shown that, in the neglect and abuse situations, Social Services intervened. Elvira was institutionalised in a state facility, where she lived until she was 17. She finished compulsory school (6th grade) and only started to work at that age. Nonetheless, loneliness and depression were part of their lives when they were children, specifically because issues concerning love, care and solidarity were not properly addressed. When one considers the impact of affective equality in education, one has to take into account that adult education and welfare policies should consider the position of the recipients in all the dimensions of their lives, i.e., not only age and educational level, but, rather, in terms of economic conditions, family, affection and care. People arenot disconnected economic, cultural and political actors, they are relational beings, tied in their education and socialisation to families, networks and institutions (schools especially in this case) that are either caring, careless, neglectful or abusive. They are also located in States. Authors have shown how more caring and economically equal States have more healthy societies. Portugal is demonstrated to be one of the most unequal countries (within «wealthy countries») regarding social and health issues (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010), that implies a lack of support services for children and families. Food for thought… Final considerations… Care is a continuum. Activation policies need to be based on a care ethos, concerning the broader picture of people’s existence or they risk merely replicating old patterns of exclusion (Feeley, 2014). The interviews with SII recipients have introduced new research questions that need further analysis. What impact can education and training have on dealing with and discussing issues involving self-esteem, careand affection? Thereshould be a discussion of whether the patternof activation policies and economic and financial challenges enable us to deal with the vulnerability of the human being, especially those whose childhood has been stolen. Activation policies place education at the centre of the inclusion debate, as the neo-liberal vision of education focuses on capital gains. This line of thought downgrades both the education of those who are not economically productive, as well as non-marketable work that is 166 related to care. In fact, as we hope we have shown, care and affection are central to issues such as education and equality. Acknowledgements: This work was supported by the European Regional Development Fund, under the Human Potential Operational Programme (POPH) from National Strategic Reference Framework, and by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology [PhD grant number SFRH/BD/68851/2010]. Correspondence: Centro de Investigação e Intervenção Educativas (CIIE), Faculdade de Psicologia e de Ciências da Educação da Universidade do Porto (FPCEUP), Rua Alfredo Allen, 4200-135 Porto, Portugal Email: [email protected]; [email protected] References Abrantes, Pedro, & Amândio, Sofia (2014). Bernard Lahire e a sociologia da educação portuguesa. Educação, Sociedade & Culturas,42,7-25. Retrieved from http://www.fpce.up.pt/ciie/sites/default/files/ESC42_04 PedroAbrantes.pdf Araújo, Helena C. (2002). Há já lugar para algum mapeamento nos estudos sobre género e educação em Portugal?: Uma tentativa exploratória. Investigar em Educação,I(1), 101-145. Araújo, Helena C. (2007). Cidadania na sua polifonia: Debates nos estudos de educação feministas. Educação, Sociedade & Culturas,25,83-116. Baker, John, Lynch, Kathleen, Cantillon, Sara, & Walsh, John (2004). Equality: From theory to action. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Bosco, Alessandra, & Yves, Chassard (1999). A shift in the paradigm: Surveying the European Union discourse on welfare and work. In European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (Eurofound) (Ed.), Linking welfare and work (pp. 43-58). Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Bourdieu, Pierre (Coord.). (1997). Amiséria do mundo [La misère du monde]. Rio de Janeiro: Vozes. Dale, Roger (2010). Early school leaving: Lessons from research and policy makers practice (NESSE expert report European Commission). Brussels: European Commission. Retrieved from http://www.nesse.fr/ nesse/activities/reports Duvoux, Nicolas (2009). L’autonomie des assistés: Sociologie des politiques d’insertion. Paris: PUF. Feeley, Maggie (2014). Learning care lessons: Literacy, love care and solidarity. London: The Tufnell Press. Geldoff, Dirk (1999). New activation policies: Promises and risks. In European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (Eurofound) (Ed.), Linking welfare and work (pp. 13- -26). Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Hespanha, Pedro (2008). Políticas sociais: Novas abordagens, novos desafio. Revista de Ciências Sociais, 39(1), 5-15. Hvinden, Bjørn (1999). Activation: A Nordic perspective. In European Foundation for the Improvement of 167 Living and Working Conditions (Eurofound) (Ed.), Linking welfare and work (pp. 27-42). Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Kershaw, Paul, Pulkingham, Jane, & Fuller, Sylvia, (2008). Expanding the subject: Violence, care, and (in)active male citizenship. Social Politics,15(2), 182-206. Lahire, Bernard (1995). Tableaux de familles: Malheurs scolaires en milieux populaires. Paris: Gallimard/Seuil. Lahire, Bernard (2002). Portraits sociologiques: Dispositions et variations individuelles.Paris: Nathan. Lahire, Bernard (2005). Patrimónios individuais de disposições: Para uma sociologia à escala individual. Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas,49,11-42. Lisboa, Manuel, & Malta, Joana (2009). Infâncias adiadas: Análise dos contextos sociais, económicos e culturais favoráveis à produção e reprodução do trabalho infantil. In Manuel Lisboa (Ed.), Infância interrompida: Caracterização das atividades desenvolvidas pelas crianças e jovens em Portugal (pp. 85-113). Lisboa: Colibri. Lynch, Kathleen (2006). Research and theory on equality and education. In Maureen T. Hallinan (Ed.), Handbook of the sociology of education (pp. 85-105). New York: Springer. Lynch, Kathleen, & Baker, John (2005). Equality in education: An equality of condition perspective. Theory and Research in Education,3(2), 131-164. Lynch, Kathleen, & Baker, John (2009). Conclusion. In Kathleen Lynch, John Baker, & Maureen Lyons (Eds.), Affective equality: Love, care and injustice (pp. 216-236). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Lynch, Kathleen, Baker, John & Lyons, Maureen (Eds.). (2009). Affective equality: Love, care and injustice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Lynch, Kathleen, & Payet, Jean-Paul (2011). Présentation.Education et Sociétés,27(1), 5-22. Lynch, Kathleen, Lyons, Maureen, & Cantillon, Sara (2007). Breaking silence: Educating citizens for love, care and solidarity. International Studies in Sociology of Education,17,1-19. Nussbaum, Martha (1995). Emotions and women’s capabilities. In Jonathan Glover & Martha Nussbaum (Eds.), Women, culture and development: A study of human capabilities (pp. 360-395). Oxford: Clarendon Press. O’Brien, Maeve (2008). Gendered capital: Emotional capital and mothers’ care work in education. British Journal of Sociology of Education,29(2), 137-148. O’Brien, Maeve (2009). The impact of economic, social, cultural and emotional capital on mothers’ love and care in education. In Kathleen Lynch, John Baker, & Maureen Lyons (Eds.), Affective equality: Love, care and injustice (pp. 158-179). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Paugam, Serge (2003). Adesqualificação social: Ensaio sobre a nova pobreza.Porto: Porto Editora. Pinto, Graça A. (1998). Otrabalho das crianças: De pequenino é q se torce o pepino (e o destino). Oeiras: Celta. Rodrigues, Eduardo V. (2010). Escassos caminhos: Os processos de imobilização social dos beneficiários do rendimento social de inserção. Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Stoer, Stephen R., & Araújo, Helena C. (2000). Escola e aprendizagem para o trabalho num país da (semi)periferia europeia.Lisboa: Instituto de Inovação Educacional. Wilkinson, Richard, & Pickett, Kate (2010). Oespírito da igualdade: Por que razão sociedades mais igualitárias funcionam quase sempre melhor [The spirit level: Why more equal societies almost always do better]. Lisboa: Presença. 168