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Why no populism in Portugal?

Carreira da Silva, Filipe,Salgado, Susana

Abstract

Why study populism? Because populism, left and right, has been on the rise. Talk of populism is all around us: countless talk shows, columns, and op-eds have been devoted to it and everyone seems to have a strong opinion about its dangers. Yet, both outside and inside academia, what populism means remains elusive and how it works is poorly understood. Half a century of populist research has failed to reach a consensus about a minimal definition of populism. It has today several different meanings, an implicit normative duplicity, and its operationalization remains at the very least challenging.

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Why no populism in Po ugal? Filipe Ca ei a da Sil a Susana Salgado 10. 250 ci izenship in c isis in oduc ion Why s udy populism? Because populism, le and igh , has been on he ise. Talk o populism is all a ound us: coun less alk shows, columns, and op-eds ha e been de o ed o i and e e yone seems o ha e a s ong opinion abou i s dange s. Ye , bo h ou side and inside academia, wha populism means emains elusi e and how i wo ks is poo ly unde s ood. Hal a cen u y o populis esea ch has ailed o each a consensus abou a minimal de ini ion o populism. I has oday se e al di e en meanings, an implici no ma i e duplici y, and i s ope a ionaliza ion emains a he e y leas challenging. We p opose a esh app oach o populism and discuss how o es his app oach agains he Po uguese case (ha ing Spain as a e e ence poin o compa ison). Fo he pu poses o ou a gumen , we conside he pe iod be ween 2011 and 2015, he poli ical agen s a e poli ical pa ies, and he empi ical co pus includes he pa ies’ public discou ses. Theo e ically, ou app oach supe sedes bo h on ic and on ological app oaches, and ocuses ins ead on he wo k o a icula ion o con en s wi hin he logic o esen men by ce ain key poli ical agen s. Me hodologically, in ega d o populism, Po ugal is concei ed as a nega i e case. We hypo hesize ha he pe o ma i e a icula ion o he populis logic o esen men by Po uguese poli ical pa ies, u ning a pa o he Po uguese agains ano he pa in he name o he “people,” ailed o ansla e in o elec o al success. Ou aim is o shed ligh on he dis inc i e ea u es o he Po uguese case and on he easons behind he ela i e ailu e o populis s a egies by poli ical pa ies in Po ugal. To shed u he ligh on hese dimensions, we also conside a compa ison wi h Spain, whe e he Podemos pa y nea ly ipled i s sha e o he na ional o e be ween mid-2014 and la e 2015, and can hus be conside ed a case in which populism lou ished in he in e ening pe iod. In addi ion o he In oduc ion and he Conclusion, his chap e includes h ee sec ions. A i s whe e we desc ibe he a ionale behind ou idea and app oach o populism; a second whe e we u he explain he unde lying heo y and ou p oposed me hodological app oach o s udy he use o populis he o ic; and a hi d in which we discuss he empi ical implemen a ion o ou app oach based on ou cases o wel a e e enchmen : heal h ca e, e i emen pensions, unemploymen bene i , and sala y cu s. why no populism in po ugal? 251 he a ionale behind ou idea This essay se s ou o answe one cen al esea ch ques ion: why has populism been unsuccess ul in Po ugal? This is pa icula ly in iguing since populism, le and igh , is on he ise i ually e e ywhe e. Since 2011 a s eak o elec o al esul s has s unned he wo ld: Sy iza, Podemos, Fidesz, Law and Jus ice (PiS), B exi , T ump. Talk o populism is all a ound us. Ye , so a Po ugal is one o he ew Wes e n coun ies ha seem o ha e escaped his global pa e n. Salgado (2018) a icula es some o he easons behind his excep ion, which we p opose o u he analyse now wi h his new app oach o s udy populism and populis discou se. The signi icance o ou discussion is ha i combines heo e ical inno a ion wi h a p oposal o in-dep h empi ical esea ch o accoun o he seeming absence o populism in Po ugal. Fo his end we p opose and de elop a new esea ch agenda o populism. In doing so, we ake as ou s a ing poin and guiding idea he impo ance o social heo y o unde s anding cu en ideas o populism. Mo e speci ically, he main in ellec ual aim o he pape is o shi he e ms and ocus o schola ly and poli ical deba e o an al e na i e ision o populism ha is able o accoun o i s ela i e lack o success in Po ugal by pu suing i e ela ed objec i es. Theo e ically, i (i) o e s an al e na i e o he main app oaches o populism oday, as i ocuses nei he on con en s no on a gi en on ology pe se, bu on he wo k o a icula ion by poli ical agen s o ce ain speci ic con en s wi hin he on ology o esen men . Me hodologically, i (ii) s udies his wo k o a icula ion as a ma e o pe o mance by poli ical agen s (namely, poli ical pa ies), by (iii) e e ence o di e en opics (a eas o wel a e e enchmen ), agains he (i ) no ma i e backg ound o sha ed poli ical alues (legal consciousness) and emo ions ( esen men ), and ( ) in a compa a i e pe spec i e (wi h Spain, a “posi i e” case o populism). Fo his pu pose, we d aw upon in ellec ual sou ces om bo h social heo y and poli ical philosophy. This is an unusual mo e since populism is seen as a na u al emi o poli ical scien is s. Howe e , we belie e he e a e good easons o combine poli ical heo y wi h social heo y. Fi s , as any o he poli ical phenomenon, populism is deeply embedded in social expe ience ou side he poli ical domain. Social heo y, unde s ood as a gene al and sys ema ic e lec ion on mode n socie ies, is hus in an ideal posi ion o complemen poli ical heo y in analysing issues such as how cul u al meanings a e pe o med 252 ci izenship in c isis in poli ics and policy-making, he dynamics o leade ship and cha isma in poli ical mo emen s, he ole o poli ical ep esen a ion in e lec ing and cons i u ing social and poli ical clea ages, he long- e m p ocesses o s a e o ma ion and democ a iza ion, and he ela ionship be ween s a e, media, and socie y mo e gene ally. Second, li e a u e on populism since he 1950s has been ma kedly in e disciplina y, bene i ing om con ibu ions p oduced in disciplines such as philosophy o language (e. g. speech-ac heo y), as well as om b oade in ellec ual adi ions, such as s uc u alism (e. g. semio ics) and pos -s uc u alism (discou se heo y). As social heo y unc ions less as a disciplina y specialism han as a pla o m o specialis s om di e en backg ounds o hink abou ques ions o social o de and change, i is well posi ioned o d aw upon hese a ious insigh s and complemen poli ical heo ies on populism, mo e na owly ocused on he poli ical. Eminen social heo is s such as Zygmun Bauman, Ul ich Beck, Richa d Senne , and Manuel Cas ells ha e analysed he o igins and e ec s o he unchecked ise o global co po a e and inancial capi alism in inc easing economic and social inequali ies since he la e 1970s, he media iza ion o a heigh ened sense o insecu i y in he ace o global isks om en i onmen al haza ds o e o ism, he g owing dualiza ion o labou ma ke s wi h he ensuing s a e o p eca i y ha disp opo ionally a ec s younge gene a ions in bo h he Uni ed S a es and Eu ope, and he gen i ica ion o ci ies wi h hei e e -g owing ga ed communi ies and inwa d-looking poli ical cul u es a ound he wo ld. Poli ical heo is Wendy B own (2010) has been calling ou a en ion o a “p oli e a ion o walling” a ound and wi hin Wes e n coun ies o cope wi h hei waning so e eign y. Al hough B own does no e e o populism di ec ly, i is impossible no o no ice he ele ance o he diagnosis o he ecen ise o populis poli ics. Building walls has indeed become a adema k symbol o populis discou se in ou ime. The e is ha dly a mo e powe ul symbol han a wall o signal he p o ec ion o “ou people” om “ he o he people”. The mo al message is clea : he simple, ha d-wo king “people” a e o be kep sa ely apa om he “o he ”, embodied in his case by immig an s, Muslims, and o eigne s in gene al. In o he o ms o populism, he “o he ” is po ayed as he “co up eli e(s)” (e. g. an i-eli ism and in some cases an i-sys em as well). Bu is populism necessa ily associa ed wi h na ionalism, acism, sexism, and demagogue y? Sheldon Wolin, ano he poli ical heo is , disag ees. He inds democ acy oday o be no a cha ac e is ic o oday’s neolibe al modes why no populism in po ugal? 253 o powe , bu , a he , an “epheme al phenomenon” enac ed by hose “who ha e no means o ed ess o he han o isk collec i izing hei small bi s o powe ” (Wolin 2004, 601-602). Wolin loca es democ acy’s “ ugi i e” ene gies p ima ily in olun a y o ganiza ions, he “g ea ee schools o democ acy” ha Tocque ille p aised o b ea hing ci ic li e in o o mally democ a ic ins i u ions, bu also in b oade social mo emen s, such as nine een h-cen u y Ame ican Populism (Wolin 2004, 603-604). I Wolin is igh , and we hink he is, hen he ask o e hinking populism is no me ely an in ellec ual exe cise – i is, i s and o emos , an e hical ask. heo y and me hods Populism is no o iously di icul o de ine. Few poli ical ac o s call hemsel es “populis ”. The “canon” o populis case s udies is o med o an eclec ic asso men o mo emen s, pa ies, and poli ical leade s, anging om he Russian na odniches o and he Ame ican Populis s o he nine een h-cen u y o he La in Ame ican cha isma ic populisms o Juan Pé on and Ge úlio Va gas o he 1950s, on o he neo-populis wa e o he 1990s in Eu ope, exempli ied by Jo g Haide ’s F eedom Pa y o Aus ia, and mo e ecen ly o he le -wing opposi ion o he Eu opean Union’s decisions on how o ackle he Eu o C isis (mainly Sy iza and Podemos). As a ied as hese case s udies a e, so oo a e he app oaches ha ha e been employed o s udy hem. These app oaches a y in se e al ega ds, such as hei deg ee o abs ac ion o gene ali y, hei p ima y aim o unc ion, and hei p e e ed me hodology. These di e ences can be aced back o he epis emological ounda ions o hese app oaches. On he one hand, he e a e on ic app oaches. By his we mean app oaches ha concei e o physical, ac ual, and ma e ial eali y as exis ing independen ly o ou knowledge abou i . On ic app oaches comp ise empi ical-deduc i e app oaches, which a e o ien ed owa d explaining populism h ough he disco e y o causal ela ionships be ween s uc u al de e minan s and i s populis consequences, and also he meneu ical app oaches, whose aim is o p o ide a hick desc ip ion o populism h ough his o ically de ailed case s udies. Despi e hei di e ences, bo h empi ical-deduc i e and he meneu ical app oaches a e i s ocused on he con en s (no on he logic) o populism. Howe e , he e is no consensus on wha hese con en s a e. Populism is a iously de ined as a hin ideology (Cano an 2002, 2004; Mudde 2004), a s a egy o 254 ci izenship in c isis o m o o ganiza ion (Weyland 2001, 14; Be z 2002, 198); a p ac ice o poli ical mobiliza ion (Jansen 2011); a di ec s yle o poli ical communica ion (Jage s and Walg a e 2007); a discou se o o m o pe suasion (Kazin 1995). Bu i is impossible o be all o hese hings and emain some hing dis inc i e. As a esul , on ic app oaches a e unable o accoun o he coexis ence o “populis ” mo emen s wi h undamen ally di e en social bases, o ms o o ganiza ion, discou ses, and ideologies. On he o he hand, he e a e app oaches aimed no a desc ibing he con en s ha cha ac e ize populism, bu a iden i ying he logic acco ding o which hose con en s a e o ganized. Illus a ions include some o Cano an’s la e wo k (1999) and E nes o Laclau’s On Populis Reason (2005). In he case o Cano an, we can see he mo ing away om he meneu ics owa d s uc u alism. He posi ion now is ha : “we shi ou a en ion om he ideology and policy con en o populis mo emen s and concen a e ins ead on s uc u al conside a ions” (Cano an 1999, 3). By his Cano an e e s o he h ee undamen al cha ac e is ics ha all populis poli ics sha e: an i- eli ism; a e e ence o “ he people”; and a simple and di ec s yle. Laclau, unde he gaze o semio ics, goes e en u he and dispenses wi h con en s al oge he . Wi h Laclau, populism ceases o be an on ic ca ego y o become pu e logic: “I s meaning is no o be ound in any poli ical o ideological con en en e ing in o he desc ip ion o he p ac ices o any pa icula g oup”, Laclau obse es, “bu in a pa icula mode o a icula ion o wha e e social, poli ical o ideological con en s” (Laclau 2005, 34). As a esul , populism is unde s ood o be immanen in poli ics, a logic ha inhe es in social and poli ical expe ience. Ye his is no jus any logic. Unlike classic heo ies o poli ical ep esen a ion, Laclau a gues ha he will o he people, a he han being cons i u ed be o e ep esen a ion, is ins ead cons i u ed h ough i – i is, he s esses, he pa adigma ic case o poli ical ep esen a ion (Laclau 2005, 163). This means ha “ he people” becomes he logic ha s uc u es he poli ical, i. e. ha all poli ics is populism (Laclau 2005, 47), and ha “ he people” becomes an emp y, loa ing signi ie : when he plebs sees i sel as he populus, he pa as he whole, i cons uc s a “people” – qui e independen ly o any pa icula con en s. O cou se, iden i ying all poli ics wi h populis poli ics, as Laclau sugges s, isks ende ing he concep o populism no jus emp y, bu edundan . This is because, we belie e, his Schmi ian-G amscian on ology o hegemony eplaces a one-sided emphasis on con en s wi h an equally one-sided emphasis on logic. His on ology ails o ully accoun o why no populism in po ugal? 255 he on ic, and he eby isks eplica ing in new e ms he p oblems i sough o supe sede in he i s place. Gi en he di icul ies aced by mainly on ic o logic-o ien ed app oaches, se e al au ho s ha e ied o ead a middle g ound and in eg a e bo h dimensions in hei wo k (A di i 2007). In pa icula , i has led he so-called “new populis s udies” o shi he ocus “ om he social con en o populism and he ends owa d which i is di ec ed o he means by which i is done” (Jansen 2011, 82); o s udy why economic c ises need o be “pe o med” by social agen s as o become e ec i e causes o populis poli ics (Mo i 2016); o examine how he con en s o populism seem o be o ganized by “discu si e ames” (Aslanidis 2015), and o analyse how populis claims-making by Ame ican P esiden ial candida es be ween 1952 and 1996 ollows ce ain sc ip s and in ol e speci ic he o ical opes (Bonikowski and Gid on 2016). This chap e joins his collec i e e o by de eloping a new unde s anding o wha populism is and how i should be s udied. Populism is he e unde s ood as nei he a hing, no as pu ely discu si e logic. D awing upon p agma ic sociology, democ a ic heo y, and he analysis o poli ical discou se, we a gue ha wha makes one a populis is he p agma ic a icula ion o ce ain con en s (ideas, hings) wi hin he logic o esen men . This means ha esen men is he e unde s ood no as an on ic ca ego y (Shils 1956; Ba bale 1992; Mudde 2004, 547; Mülle 2016, 88) – a eeling, a ec , o emo ion – bu as he logic acco ding o which ha pa icula sen imen is socially and poli ically o ganized (Deme zis 2006; U e 2014; Engels 2015). Why esen men ? Fi s , because populism is os ensibly abou he con lic opposing he many o he ew, he ha e-no s o he ha es, he people o he eli e, he ou -g oups o he in-g oup. I is no abou one people agains ano he people; ins ead, i is abou one pa o he people agains ano he pa o he same people. Second, he logic o esen men seems o be pa icula ly adequa e o cap u e his phenomenon because ei he mobilizing eelings o igh eous indigna ion o down igh en y, esen men supposes a ela ion o iden i ica ion be ween he wo pa ies, which does no exis in he case o he alien O he o he Schmi ian logic o enmi y. I his is ob iously ue in he case o indigna ion (I ha e a mo ally inged disapp o al o he ac ha you ha e enjoyed some undese ed good o une), i is also he case, A is o le says, in he case o en y, which comple ely lacks he quasi-mo al dimension o indigna ion: “en y is a ce ain dis ess caused by he ac ha some o he people like onesel seem o ha e done well wi h espec o he a o emen ioned goods. The subjec 256 ci izenship in c isis en ies hese o he s no because he wan s he goods in ques ion o himsel , bu because hey ha e hem” (A is o le 174-5, ci ed in Geuss 2016, 176). A is o le is clea in s essing ha we en y only hose we pe cei e o be “like” us. In o he wo ds, en y makes sense only among equal compe i o s in he same game. One can ha e almos anyone, bu one en ies only hose who a e su icien ly like us o be some kind o i als o compe i o s. We ha e enemies, bu a compe i o is no pe se ou enemy (Geuss 2016, 176). This is why, o Schmi and Laclau, he logic o populism is no enmi y, bu esen men . P e ious s udies ha e ela ed a poli ics o esen men wi h social class and o he di isions wi hin a coun y (C ame 2016), wi h bo h symbolic and explici iolence (Engels 2015), and he cons uc ion o iden i y, na ionalism, and speci ic o ms o sub-s a e na ionalism and o igh -wing populism (Mann and Fen on 2017). Bu so a esen men has no been deemed an inhe en cha ac e is ic o populism in i s di e en mani es a ions, as we a e now p oposing. Conside o ins ance he example o us P esiden Donald J. T ump’s “wall wi h Mexico” a cen al elemen o his campaign in 2016 and an endu ing elemen o his poli ical he o ic. T ump’s wall wi h Mexico can be designa ed as a populis symbol as opposed o, say, a na ionalis symbol. The eason why he wall wi h Mexico came o ep esen T ump’s populism is because i was abou jobs: he jobs he “many” in Ame ica we e losing because o he decision by Ame ica’s “ ew” o open ac o ies in Mexico and elsewhe e, as well as abou he jobs Mexican emig an s we e aking away om he Ame ican “many”. Hence T ump’s p essu e on he ceos o companies such as Fo d o b ing jobs back om Mexico. I was no amed in na ionalis e ms, as one people agains ano he people. In con as , he wall sepa a ing Is ael om he Wes Bank is amed in such e ms: his wall has been he o ically jus i ied, legi imized, and cul u ally cons ued by he Is aeli igh as a o m o p o ec ion o Jewish people om he a acks o he Pales inian people. This shows ha compe ing agen s can cons ue he exac same objec in mu ually con adic o y ways o di e en pu poses. Fo Obama, ha ing he wall associa ed wi h na ionalism would ha e been poli ically oxic: hence he Obama adminis a ion’s a emp o keep i s unding and cons uc ion unde aken i no in sec ecy, as o a ac as li le media a en ion as possible. T ump spec acula ly e e sed his. He picked he exac same in as uc u e and cons uc ed i as a symbol o his poli ics. T ump’s poli ics, inso a as i uses ha objec in o de o mobilize he esen men o one pa o he Ame ican people agains ano he pa , cons ues i as a populis symbol. why no populism in po ugal? 257 Ou second me hodological aim is o sugges how o s udy he ways in which his logic has been employed by poli ical agen s, wi h a ying deg ees o success, o pi one pa o he people agains ano he pa in he name o “ he people” o c i icize (o legi imize), p oposing as example he poli ics o wel a e e enchmen in Po ugal be ween 2011 and 2015. Wel a e e enchmen , which has uelled he “dualiza ion” o Eu opean socie ies be ween labou ma ke inside s and ou side s, is pa icula ly ele an o his pu pose. We he e o e ques ion why i is ha wel a e e enchmen ailed o p o ide a e ile g ound o populis poli ics in Po ugal bu no in neighbou ing Spain? We add ess his ques ion by analysing ou cen al policies o wel a e e enchmen : (i) heal h ca e; (ii) e i emen pensions; (iii) unemploymen bene i ; and (i ) public se an s’ sala y cu s. Me hodologically, ou app oach adop s he ex eme case me hod o case selec ion because o i s ex eme alue on he dependen (Y) a iable o in e es : populism. An ex eme alue is unde s ood he e as an obse a ion ha lies a away om he mean o a gi en dis ibu ion; ha is o say, i is unusual. Fo case s udy analysis, i is p ecisely he a eness o he alue ha makes a case aluable, no i s posi i e o nega i e alue (Emigh 1997; Mahoney and Goe z 2004). This does no pose p oblems o sample bias because i e e s back o a la ge sample o cases lying in he backg ound o he analysis. The aim is o maximize a iance on he dimension o in e es , no o minimize i . The case o Po ugal be ween 2011 and 2015 looks unusual in ha i does no seem o i he in e na ional pa e n o ise in populis poli ics since he 1990s, and mo e p ominen ly in he a e ma h o he inancial c isis o 2008, when he condi ions we e me o he eme gence o populism. Po ugal is a “nega i e case” because i seems con a y o his gene al pa e n. Hence he esea ch ques ion: why has populism been unsuccess ul in Po ugal? Following wha has been said abo e, populism is he e unde s ood o e e o he p agma ic a icula ion o he logic o esen men by poli ical and social agen s o ma e ial/symbolic gain. By p agma ic a icula ion we e e o he poli ical pe o ma i i y o ce ain agen s h ough, and by e e ence o, bo h linguis ic claims and ma e ial hings. Logics o ganize con en s o di e en so s, including a ional claims o anspa ency and in elligibili y, as well as emo ions. We belie e his o be he case o he logic o esen men . The logic o esen men o ganizes he speci ic se o emo ions unde he umb ella o esen men , which includes en y and indigna ion. To claim ha one logic pe ains exclusi ely o one pa icula phenomenon would be o engage in a 264 ci izenship in c isis economic globaliza ion and hei ins i u ional ep esen a i es – he T oika and he go e nmen – o cu s deemed unnecessa y and unjus , he echnical- ju idical language and he uni e salis logic o he Cou ’s uling con ibu ed o aming he esen men and ange el by he Po uguese a ec ed by he cu s. I p o en, his hypo hesis would u he help accoun o absence o populism in Po ugal. conclusion The ou opics b ie ly discussed abo e o e a ealis ic amewo k o assess ou heo e ical and me hodological claims ega ding how populism should be s udied oday. As a whole, hey o m wha one could call a p ospec i e esea ch p og amme o populis poli ics. Ou p ima y mo i a ion in designing such a p og amme is wo- old. Fi s , and mo e immedia ely, ou aim has been o answe he ques ion o why populism was no success ul and did no eme ge in Po ugal in he a e ma h o he global inancial and economic c isis o 2008-2010, compa ed o wha happened in o he coun ies also a ec ed by he c isis. I is ou belie ha an answe o his impo an ques ion equi es an in e p e i e me hodological app oach. As we y o show by e e ence o ou key wel a e e enchmen issues, he easons o he ela i e absence o populism in Po ugal ha e less o do wi h objec i e socio-economic causes (which we e simila in Spain and in many aspec s e en wo se in Po ugal), han wi h he pe o ma ion o hese causes, hei na u e, and consequences, by di e en poli ical agen s. Such pe o ma ion is o some ex en a ma e o language, i. e., he in es iga ion o how populis he o ic is used by poli ical and social ac o s o achie e poli ical ends. Bu i is also a ma e o he poli ical cul u e, he policies, he echnologies, and all so s o ma e ial hings o which ha language necessa ily e e s. Ou second aim has been o make clea e o he eade he na u e and scope o ou claims abou he na u e and unc ioning o populism. We do no educe populism o empi ical con en s: esen men is he e unde s ood no as an emo ion o eeling, bu as an unde lying logic, i. e. he way in which such sen imen s a e socially and poli ically o ganized. This signi ies ha populism seen as esen men is no o be s udied h ough su ey i ems conno ing speci ic emo ions such as en y, indigna ion, age, o ha ed. Ye we do no educe i o a pu ely discu si e logic ei he . Ou p agma ic unde s anding o why no populism in po ugal? 265 he populis logic o esen men means, o pu i in sligh ly di e en e ms, ha i should be s udied ela ionally and as a ma e o pe o ma i i y. The meaning o populism is he e o e no some hing ha inhe es somewhe e in he inne mos essence o populis s’ discou ses, s yle, modes o o ganiza ion, o ideology. Ins ead, he meaning o populism depends on he ela ions be ween he di e en elemen s anima ed by he logic o esen men . Explo ing u he he examples o Po ugal and Spain (a nega i e case e sus a posi i e case expe iencing a simila c isis) adds o ou unde s anding o populism, in his case as cons uc ion ha is sensi i e o poli ical con ex , poli ical cul u e, in e plays o poli ical ac o s and na a i es, and o powe ela ions. The in e p e i e na u e o ou app oach s esses he ela ional na u e o poli ics, wi h he po en ial o p oduce dissimila ou comes, e en in appa en ly simila si ua ions. T ump’s populism, and likeminded phenomena, poin o he uncons uc i e na u e o populism. One hing is o c i icize democ acy o ailing o li e up o i s p omises o equali y – qui e ano he is o do his by mobilizing esen men . While he la e can unc ion as he beginning o a posi i e poli ical p ojec o p og essi e social change, he o me can only do so wi h g ea di icul y. The logic o esen men , we a gue, can be deeply uncons uc i e: I en y you jus because you ha e wha I don’ . Bu he logic o esen men can also mobilize sen imen s o igh eous indigna ion. I is he e ha populism’s e hical p omise o which Sheldon Wolin alludes seems o eside. In e es ingly, in Po ugal, he “ igh o indigna ion” was used as a slogan in he popula demons a ions agains he aus e i y measu es ha we e implemen ed as a consequence o he 2011 bailou . In ac , wi h he excep ion o he libe al an i-populis adi ion (Ho s ad e 1955), he unde s anding o populism as democ acy’s wo s enemy is ai ly ecen . Un il as la e as he ea ly 1990s mos we e o he iew ha populism was good o democ acy. Fo populis schola s such as Pe e Wo sley (1969), Ma ga e Cano an (1981), and many o he s, populism’s alue esided in i s aspi a ional quali ies. I o igina ed mobilizing poli ical p ojec s wi h he capaci y o inco po a ing p e iously disen anchised classes in o he poli ical communi y. This au hen ic, bo om-up popula impulse was seen as he much needed key o eene gize democ acy: bo h old democ acies s i led by hei eli is endencies and p agma ic o ins umen al p ac ices and less de eloped democ acies seeking o expand he demos ha coun s and o which ins i u ions and leade s mus be esponsi e. Sepa a ing such dispa a e e alua ions o 266 ci izenship in c isis populism is, o cou se, he unde lying no ma i e ideal o democ acy – libe al plu alis democ acy, in one case, pa icipa o y democ acy, in he o he . This sugges s ye ano he di icul y in inding some hing in insic o populism, which se s i s apa : populism ends a he o be de ined in and by i s ela ionship o democ acy, a ela ionship which is a iously de ined as ex insic o in insic. acknowledgemen s Chap e 10 “Why no populism in Po ugal?” has been w i en wi h he suppo o he esea ch p ojec “populus: Repensando o Populismo”, p dc/soc-soc/28524/2017. Susana Salgado’s wo k is unded by he Fundação pa a a Ciência e Tecnologia, e e ence: i /01451/2014/ cp1239/c 0004. ____________________________________ ilipe ca ei a da sil a Ins i u o de Ciências Sociais, Uni e sidade de Lisboa A . P o . Aníbal Be encou 9 — 1600-036 Lisboa, Po ugal [email p o ec ed] o cid.o g/0000-0003-2459-0802 ____________________________________ susana salgado Ins i u o de Ciências Sociais, Uni e sidade de Lisboa [email p o ec ed] o cid.o g/0000-0002-7967-3763 ____________________________________ e e ences alexande , J. C. 1987. 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