A life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development

A life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development Verónica Policarpo Teresa Líbano Monteiro Mónica Truninger Ana Nunes de Almeida Leonor Bettencourt Rodrigues 8. 204 the diverse worlds of sustainability introduction Where are the animals, when “sustainable development” is considered? As it is an attempt to address the problems of how life is becoming more and more threatened by human action, one might expect that the United Nations Strategy for Sustainable Development (un n. d.) would consider the place of animals in this major project of reimagining a liveable future for the planet. However, animals are remarkably absent from the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (sdgs) of the 2030 Agenda. None of the 17 sdgs explicitly refer to animals, and when they are indirectly mentioned as “fishes”, in sdg 14, or endangered “species” in sdg 15, they are perceived as resources. Animals are, therefore, absent, as agents that co-inhabit the same planet with humans, sharing a common vital condition and a history of co-evolution. Rather, they are indirectly suggested as means to an end: making a better life and future for humans, in (and not with) the planet. Animals’ invisibility in the international agenda for sustainability has its counterpart in the wider landscape of social and scientific representations. It is rooted in the deep anthropocentrism that characterizes Western thought (founded in the elective affinities between cartesianism, Christian traditions, and modern capitalism) and which puts the human at the centre of all ontological and epistemological concerns. This “anthropological machine” (Agamben 2004) permanently reinstalls a primal rupture between human and non-human, man and animal, humanity and nature. Non-human animals tend to be subsumed in debates around reductive dichotomies such as nature/ culture, and put on the side of nature – as “instinctive”, “non-rational”, “nonmoral” beings, over which humans have exerted their dominion, naturalizing human supremacy over the non-human. Whether they are loved (as pets), consumed (as meat or clothing), feared (as wild animals), or even hated (as rats or snakes), they are “invisible” in their specific beings, and denied lives of their own (Wolch and Emel 1995). Their radical Otherness is kept at a distance, and contact avoided – a contact that, as suggested by Walter Benjamin, brings forward our greatest fear of animals, and that is only overcome through practices of domination (Fudge 2002). Concomitantly, children are highly visible in the sdgs. Although none of the latter is explicitly dedicated to them, several (such as 1 to 6) are ultimately justified by the fact that children are the vulnerable individuals most affected by the problems that the sdgs aim to solve for a common future. a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 205 From extreme poverty, to education and health, children are present in the rhetoric of sustainable development as the ultimate recipients that legitimize the changes needed to reach the sd targets. This difference in visibility of animals and children hides, nevertheless, a shared common condition. Like foals, children are constantly “put on hold”, expected to “bloom” in an uncertain future, and looked at as underdeveloped beings, that have yet to be coached (by adults) toward maturity, in order to complete their (full) human condition. As young beings, they appeal to the (adult) human protection and guardianship. For the analytical purpose of our argument, we can recognize that children and animals share a common condition of vulnerability, by means of a lack of reason, on the one hand, and of moral capacity, on the other (Faulkner 2011). In this chapter we explore the theoretical human/non-human dichotomy that conducts to the explicit exclusion of animals in the United Nations sdgs. Moreover, we advance the hypothesis that by studying children’s relationships with animals, we find illustrations of alternative and different patterns of relating to the non-human world. Specific children-animal practices such as relationships with pets and veganism may constitute a gateway to understand the construction of alternative ways to relate to the planet, some with the potential of moving toward the (always) changeable target of sustainability. Furthermore, today’s children represent the future generations toward whom all sdgs are oriented, and whose practices will be decisive for the implementation of a sustainable development strategy. Our approach is three-fold. First, we argue that challenging the anthropocentric perspective is a necessary theoretical standpoint to unsettle dominant modes of conceptualizing the social order and to produce cutting edge knowledge bringing added value to mainstream science. Instead, we draw on an informed biocentric approach ( Agamben 2004; Faulkner 2011) that looks at animals, children, and all forms of life as diverse beings in their own right, having a life of their own, challenging conceptions that reduce them to human/adult projections (anthropomorphism). Therefore, and secondly, we argue for a fluidity between nature and culture. In these naturecultures, humans (adults and children) and animals share a history of co-habitation, co-evolution, and of embodied sociability between species, as developed by Haraway (2003). Following the author, we argue for an “implosion” of nature and culture as discrete, separate entities, and advocate for a concept of sustainable development that acknowledges 206 the diverse worlds of sustainability the “historically specific, joint lives” of all forms of life, which are “bonded in significant otherness”, and share the challenge of building a “necessary joint future” (Haraway 2003, 16). For this, and thirdly, it is crucial to bring animals into the critical discussion of sustainable development. Acknowledging their presence, and proposing an epistemological and praxiological perspective in which we live with animals (and not through them: using them as resources exclusively for human purposes). In this, we take a “more-than-human approach”, in which we may “join with non-humans as sentient beings engaged in the tasks of carrying on with their lives” (Ingold 2013). Following Ingold (2013), two main premises are pursued. First, we take every living being (child, adult, animal, or other) as a going on, a constant becoming; they certainly are beings in the present, but this social embeddedness does not imprison them in stable or definite forms or a fixed and predictable destiny. Second, we acknowledge that becoming is always becoming with, a relational approach in which every being is what it is because it is positioned within a community (Lestel 2014) or collective (Latour 2005). It is precisely through their differences that humans and animals connect, in what Lestel (2014) calls hybrid communities. In this sense, the relation is the smallest unit of analysis possible (Haraway 2003). We propose to untangle the knots of these relational becomings by looking at their shared practices. We suggest that the ways in which children relate to, and live with, animals, are clues to new understandings of social order and inspiring examples to decision makers, as they may fuel more sustainable ways of inhabiting a multispecies planet. We begin by addressing the main critical themes in the relationship between animals and sustainability. We then explore the key advances and setbacks in the social construction of children and animals as full distinct beings, holding rights of their own. We proceed to briefly describe how children are socialized by the dominant adult culture, into progressively objectifying animals. Subsequently, we focus on modes of relation which are alternative to this dominant culture, namely through two examples of the “collaborative relatedness” between children and animals: the role of pets in children’s lives; and practices of veganism. We conclude by suggesting that children’s relationships with animals may help us to problematize the concept of sustainability, so as to encompass non-human animals as legitimate companions in their own right. a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 207 animals and sustainability: challenges and contributions Eating animals is symbolically charged in most contemporary societies. It is a symbol of distinction that positions individuals in a particular social class structure (Bourdieu 1979). It is also connected with celebratory occasions such as Christmas and Easter, where turkey and lamb are eaten respectively. Apart from such valorization of meat consumption as a symbol of social distinction in food taste, it is also conveyed as the core ingredient in a dish, where vegetables and legumes are perceived to have a secondary role, oftentimes placed in restaurant menus as side dishes. According to several sociological studies on food, a dish without meat is not considered a proper or complete meal (Murcott 1982). Notions of propriety in food consumption put meat at the centre of eating habits. Moreover, meat consumption is also associated with strength, manhood, wholesomeness, and a feeling of completeness (Fiddes 1991). convening empirical evidence Given the symbolic status of meat in most Westernized societies, the importance given to meat consumption, and how children are socialized from a very young age to get a taste for meat, is not surprising. Evidence of such a strong taste for meat (but not fish) is seen in the literature on school meals. For example, a study conducted in eight primary and secondary schools in Portugal concluded that children appreciate more meat based dishes (spaghetti Bolognese, meat balls, beef) rather than vegetarian or fish based dishes (Truninger and Teixeira 2015). In Portugal, animal protein consumption is high and has been increasing over the last decades (apart from the years of the economic crisis, when there was a decrease in meat consumption, particularly red meat). On average, and per year, meat consumption per capita in Portugal is about 108kg (ine 2016), which shows how the Portuguese population is distancing itself from the principles of a Mediterranean Diet, in which animal protein consumption is reduced and pulses, vegetables, legumes, and cereals are considered some of the key ingredients (Truninger and Freire 2014). Meat consumption tends to be higher among men (even among young boys, than among girls), an association that reproduces the link between meat consumption and manhood/strength (Graça et al. 2015). Beyond the production of food, animals are also important for producing clothing, namely through products such as leather, wool, and fur. 208 the diverse worlds of sustainability According to a fao report (2006), animal husbandry practices are responsible for 18% of greenhouse gas emissions (more than the combined exhaust gasses from all transportation (13%), as well as for 20%-33% of fresh water consumption in the world. It is worth underlining that to produce 1 pound of beef, one needs 2,500 gallons of water ( Beckett and Oltjen 1993). Livestock is also responsible for the destruction of land, and the principal cause of species extinction, ocean dead zones, water pollution, and habitat destruction (Oppenlander 2011). Animal farming is the key cause for other environmental impacts: 91% of Amazon destruction; up to 137 plants, animal, and insect species are lost every day due to rainforest destruction (Oppenlander 2013; Savetheamazon.org) and wildlife is destroyed because of the killing of wild animals to protect livestock (Maughan 2012). Finally, the report of fao (2011) reveals that worldwide at least 50% of grain is fed to livestock. Alarmingly, 82% of starving children live in countries where food is mainly given to the cattle who will then be eaten in Western countries (fao 2011). The detrimental impacts of producing animals either for food or clothing through the intensive industrial complex system have fuelled concerns around animal welfare. Such concerns are gradually persuading consumers to demand a shift in animal husbandry practices. In this vein, and regarding food, new animal welfare regulations are in place in the European Union countries encouraging consumers to be more aware of the way animals are produced in intensive farming. The most recent European survey on animal welfare practices reports that 94% of all Europeans find it to be important to protect the welfare of farmed animals, with Portugal being one of the countries gathering the highest percentages, together with Sweden and Finland (Eurobarometer 2015). Such concerns reflect wider values around sustainability, health, and fairness in the treatment of animals. One place to start making changes regarding animal welfare practices is the market. Indeed, it is important to put labelling mechanisms in place to inform consumers of the conditions and methods used in farmed animals. Moreover, the dissemination of the idea that certain health problems that affect the rich countries (obesity, heart disease, type ii diabetes, cancer) can be related to hectic lifestyles as well as unhealthy diets, has had an impact on the reduction of meat and dairy products consumption in some countries (Twine 2010, 127). As a result, new lifestyles and diets have emerged including the attention to compose more varied menus or, at an extreme, to reduce or remove animal protein from food diets by following vegetarianism or veganism. a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 209 constructing animals: objectification and invisibility According to Rèmy (2003), in an objectification process, the actor-human interacts with the animal, as if he/she were an object: the animal is not seen as a sensitive creature, but as an insensitive and passive one. In contrast, the subjectification process can be positive (when the animal is perceived as innocent) or negative (when the animal is seen as a threatening enemy who has to be treated with violence). However, the incidents linked to the act of killing reveal a negative subjectification. Even though the workers in a slaughterhouse recognize “the sensitive and intelligent nature” of the animal, they turn him/her into an object to facilitate the act of killing. This suffering reality imposed on animals by human domination has been discussed by several authors, such as Isaac Bashevis Singer (2004), whose ideas inspired the historian Charles Patterson to write the controversial book The Eternal Treblinka: Our Treatment of Animals and the Holocaust (2002). Its main thesis is that human liberation cannot be disconnected from animal liberation. Humanism – as a speciesist philosophy, which built a hierarchical relationship favouring the superiority of the human, reducing animals to resources for the use of humanity – cannot resist its logical contradictions. That domination, as it started ten thousand years ago, at the dawn of agrarian societies, was the first form of hierarchical domination and the basis of all other forms of dominations such as patriarchy, slavery, war, genocide, and other systems of violence and power (Best 2007; Patterson 2002).1 Even if the argument can be criticized, as hierarchical dominations existed long before agrarian societies, for example, the main point is the link between animal domination and other forms of power. Based on the philosophical school of utilitarianism, in Animal Liberation (1975) Peter Singer develops the application of a principle of utility that consists of knowing if an act is ethical (right or wrong) checking if it implies a reduction of suffering and an increase of pleasure for the highest possible number of people. However, in developing his argument, the author intends to free himself from the prejudice of speciesism and, consequently, it becomes 1 In different fields, this approach is found in authors such as Marguerite Yourcenar (That Mighty Sculptor, Time, 1992) and J. M. Coetzee (The Lives of Animals, 1999), as well as philosophers such as Peter Singer (Animal Liberation, 1975) and Elisabeth de Fontenay (Le Silence des Bêtes, 1998), and also social scientists in the field of Critical Animal Studies (Nocella et al. 2014) compare the way of treating animals, in contemporary societies, to the Holocaust. 210 the diverse worlds of sustainability irrelevant if the object of the act is a human being or an animal. Rather, it becomes sufficient to refer to a sentient being (capable of feeling pleasure or pain), in order to validate the criterion. A large part of this book reveals how animals are treated by the human being in the livestock and entertainment industries, as well as in animal testing. These descriptions can be understood as the empirical foundation of his thesis. Furthermore, this classical book sets the foundations of the Animal Rights Movement, as it allowed a reflection and a well-founded debate about the moral status of animals, as well as the ethical evaluation of the values that encompass the practices of humans toward them. In short, objectification is one of the main founding processes from which dominant representations of animals in Western societies derive. Invisibility, in its turn, is another one: animals’ subjectivity – in the sense that they possess certain forms of “mental life” or individual sentient properties (as consecrated in the Cambridge Declaration of Consciousness (Low 2012) – are very frequently erased from collective understandings. And as the philosopher and ethologist Vinciane Despret (2002; 2008) claimed, the animal’s intelligence could only be observed in the light of ethology and from the moment that appropriate questions began to be asked. The growing complexity of these scientific questions enabled a rising wonder with animals and their lives. This opened the way to acknowledge them as beings in their own right (Matignon 2013). In the first chapter of her book Animal, Erica Fudge (2002) discusses the visibility/invisibility of animals in our lives, as a question of recognition/ misrecognition. To illustrate this idea, she tells us the story of Ham, a 4 yearold male chimpanzee sent by nasa in 1961 for a journey into space. His image, seen all over the world, led to misinterpretations. The baring of teeth by the little chimpanzee, so often interpreted as a radiant smile, was probably a real sign of aggression or even fear. Apes do not express their joy by laughing like human beings do and the conditions of such a trip for the small chimpanzee (in a situation of loneliness, confinement, uncertainty, and dependent on gradual doses of oxygen), were possibly not pleasant for that animal. If one refuses the anthropomorphic image of the chimpanzee, what does this interpretation say about human beings? First, that humans prefer to look at this image as a smile of joy and pleasure as linked to his experience of travelling into space. Secondly, and more importantly, it shows willingness to ignore the differences between humans and animals (Fudge 2002, 26-27). The intellectual challenge proposed by the author is, hence, the following: how do the different ways we interpret animals influence the way we live with them a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 211 and the different status that we give them? But, most importantly, how is it possible that crucial issues of our relationship with animals are invisible? One of the most interesting examples is that of food and clothes. For many, the most common interaction with animals happens when they eat them, or when they wear their skin or fur (DeMello 2012), as “objects” which are, in fact, dead parts of what used to be a living animal. During this objectification process, the animal as a living being disappears and becomes “meat”, “flesh”, or an “object”: sliced ham in a plastic package, a pair of shoes, or a fur coat (Fudge 2002, 26-27). In contemporary Western societies people do not eat animals; they eat “meat” (DeMello, 2012, 130). How does an animal become an object? How does an animal become “meat”? How can it be that the subjectivity of an animal disappears in the process? Once an animal is considered edible, according to the cultural rules and especially the taboos of a particular society, it is important not to give him/ her a name. This would create a personal relationship and the most important taboo, in general, is that we do not eat those who are close to us. One of the most distinct aspects of this objectification process is the way animals are treated within animal agribusiness, depriving them of their individuality. The invisibility and massification of all these animals is in high contrast when we consider the strong individualization of the same animals when they become pets (Williams and DeMello 2007). animals in children’s lives Despite these processes of objectification and invisibility, animals are ubiquitously present in children’s lives and worlds and share with them a quite similar history of acceding rights. Even if “children have an unsettled relationship with the status of citizenship” (Larkins 2014, 7), their provision and protection rights are recognized in contemporary western societies, despite the gap that very often exists between the rhetoric of principles and real childhood conditions. Nowadays, Nation States formally guarantee to all children, namely, the right to food, safety, health, education, and family wellbeing; the right to be protected from any form of discrimination or punishment based on race, colour, sex, language, and ethnic or social origin. Additionally, the un Convention of the Rights of the Child (un, 1989) brought to the scene the innovative notions of the 218 the diverse worlds of sustainability veganism for children: a counter-hegemonic culture? Notwithstanding the strength of hegemonic discourses and practices within the anthroparchal culture, some children are raised in contexts and practices of resistance. Veganism has been pointed out as an exemplary case of such counter-hegemonic cultures by prominent authors such as Cole and Stewart (2014). Their perspective is inspired by a “critical sociology” tradition and so they focus their general analysis on cultural products surgically selected. Examples are a well-known toy store in London, Hamleys, animated movies, television sitcoms, children’s stories and children’s books and, regarding the topic of vegan cultures, an analysis of books of vegan literature for children. Given the deep implantation of the dominant meat culture in capitalist society, veganism occupies an unequal position, with many fewer resources and smaller scale. Nevertheless, its cultural products for children become powerful in both promoting new values of respect for other species, and empowering children who already embrace alternative vegan cultures (ibid). Part of this power comes from the way in which veganism, and the cultural practices around it, reconfigure the ways human and non-human animals are defined. For instance, in vegan literature for children, humans are presented as having the potential to become compassionate toward other species, of coexisting peacefully with them. This ethical move, based on a value-oriented rationality, also brings a sense of human empowerment: humans, children or adults, “learn” to take “pleasure” out of contemplation of other animals’ beauty, freedom, and intra-species richness, rather than from consuming their bodies, fluids, or objectified representations. A move from “exploitation to wonder”; an ontological transformation with ethical consequences toward the non-human world (Cole and Stewart 2014). At the same time, vegan culture reconfigures non-human animals, presenting them as sentient beings, with agency and subjectivity, and a rich intra-species relational and affective life, in which humans do not necessarily participate (let alone are indispensable to produce other animals’ emotional sides). They are depicted more in their peculiar physical characteristics (long tails), and less in anthropomorphic terms (big round eyes with tears, or smiley mouths). They also refer to the tension between confinement (imposed by humans) and freedom (their natural right), echoing other social minorities’ rights. In this, the role assigned to pets is not unanimous. While some representations advocate their exemplary status, as bearers of “role model” a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 219 attitudes toward non-human animals (“treat all animals like you treat your pets”), other critical approaches find it too risky: they argue that practices of pet-keeping are deeply entangled with anthroparchal culture, and thus may undermine the disruptive and emancipatory potential of veganism as a counter-culture (Cole and Stewart 2014, 161). To the extent that animals are presented as sentient beings in their own right, rather than resources to be exploited, vegan culture thus constitutes an example of counter-hegemonic practices that have the potential to disrupt mainstream food practices. Knowing animals in their rich specificity makes it more difficult to objectify them, and consume them. Another important effect of vegan practices is to inspire younger consumers such as children to change food tastes in school, encouraging the inclusion of plant based diets in the school menus (Cardoso et al., chapter 12 in this volume). In recent years, there have been campaigns to include plant-based dishes on the school menus, where pulses, vegetables, and legumes feature as alternatives to animal protein. For example, a new policy measure is now in place in Portugal (Law n.º 11/2017) for the school year 2017/2018 that obliges the inclusion of a vegetarian option in all public canteens (prisons, schools, and elderly care centres). This is an opportunity to get children more familiar with plant-based foods, and develop a taste for vegetables instead of the prominent taste for meat. Beyond dietary concerns, it is possible to relate the assumptions that underlie the vegan culture with environmental issues, such as deforestation, pollution, and species extinction. For instance, a large part of planetary deforestation is due to the production of soy, with the aim of feeding livestock in the meat industry (Twine 2010). Although a word of caution is needed to equate vegan diets with zero social and environmental impacts on the planet2, they have, notwithstanding, the potential to fuel a change of values and behaviours toward biocentrism, conceived as a network of interdependencies (Cole and Stewart 2014, 157); and the corresponding dismantling of anthropocentrism, based on a hierarchical model in which humans occupy the dominant position. The role of “vegan children” (Cole and Stewart 2014, 151) in this process is particularly illuminating of the weaknesses that, nevertheless, permeate the anthroparchal culture. Despite being subject to socialization processes that leave them little 2 See the bbc – Future article “What would happen if the world suddenly went vegetarian?” published on 27 September 2016, in which it is clear that a radical eradication of meat from eating habits would also have detrimental consequences for developing countries (see: http://www.bbc.com/future/ story/20160926-what-would-happen-if-the-world-suddenly-went-vegetarian). 220 the diverse worlds of sustainability room to choose freely how to relate to non-human animals, there are children still managing to resist and develop alternatives. This raises the question of whether it is possible to enlarge their disruptive potential to other humans and the adult world. Research has shown how children are able to demand and to impose, at certain moments of their family life, alternative and meat-free diets at home (Cairns and Johnston 2018). According to these authors, this can trigger important family changes toward meat consumption but, at the same time, fuel new paradoxes and tensions in mothering practices (ethical concerns regarding intensive animal husbandry practices by demanding transparency of information displayed on food versus protecting children from knowing too much about the suffering of animals in intensive farming). conclusions In this chapter we present a critical reflection about the political project of sustainable development, discussing biased or excluded dimensions of the 17 sdgs. Two partners seem to be subsumed either as naturally vulnerable individuals (children) or are simply absent (non-human animals). Both share a condition of vulnerability that has, for long, put them on the side of nature (in a mind-set that opposes it to culture), as instinctive beings or, in the case of children, as unready manifestations of humanity. Despite the power of the “anthropological machine” and the anthroparchal culture in the lives of children, some manage to build actively, through their daily practices, alternative ways of relating to animals. That is why we have argued that the relationships between children and animals are a gateway to understand the construction of alternative and more sustainable ways to relate to the planet. Animals are conspicuously present in the worlds of children. Through their joint daily practices, both contribute to enacting several different versions of animals and children: as-beings-to-be-protected; as-play-mates; etc. Future research should pay attention to several dimensions engaged in these relationships: what and how children learn about animals; what happens to animals as a consequence of that; what children effectively do with animals, in their daily life; and the power of the affects and emotions involved in those practices to disrupt dominant practices and discourses. We have underlined two examples of the particular modes of relationship between children and animals: the importance of pets in children’s lives; and practices of veganism. a life of their own: children, animals, and sustainable development 221 In this, we endorse a sociological perspective that aims at knowing how humans look at and relate to non-human animals, by including the latter as epistemological partners: a sociology with animals, rather than about them (anthropocentric perspectives) or for them (animal rights’ activism perspectives) (Michalon, Doré and Mondémé 2016). As such, children help us to problematize the concept of sustainability, so as to encompass non-human animals as legitimate companions and beings in their own right. For this, it is relevant to disrupt the humanist and speciesist legacy of sociology in general, and sustainable development in particular. Instead, it is necessary to propose a new goal for sustainable development that encompasses the agency of non-human animals. In this, we would be embracing a biocentric approach, and helping to challenge enduring anthropocentric assumptions in social sciences. There is room for this intellectual project within the Sustainable Development debate. Authors such as Griggs et al. (2013) advocate a (re)definition of sdgs so as to include the security of people and the planet. Likewise, we argue that animals are major agents in this process, which are already there, but remain invisible. Unveiling their presence and importance is a key factor to achieve both people’s and the planet’s security and quality of life. As Griggs argues that both the protection of Earth’s life support system and poverty reduction must be twin properties for sdgs, we argue for a more-than-human redefinition: comprising the needs of all human and non-human sentient beings, and their earthly life support systems, and all forms of reducing social inequalities. 222 the diverse worlds of sustainability ____________________________________ verónica policarpo Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa Av. Prof. Aníbal Bettencourt 9 — 1600-036 Lisboa, Portugal ver[email protected]a.pt orcid.org/0000-0002-9245-1057 ____________________________________ teresa líbano monteiro Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa [email protected] ____________________________________ mónica truninger Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0002-4251-2261 ____________________________________ ana nunes de almeida Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa ana.n[email protected]oa.pt orcid.org/0000-0003-3174-3870 ____________________________________ leonor bettencourt rodrigues Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa leonor[email protected] orcid.org/0000-0002-3166-7655 ____________________________________ references almeida, A. N., et al. 2001. Famílias e Maus Tratos às Crianças. Lisbon: Assembleia da República. agamben, G. 2004. The Open. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. beckett, J. L., J. W. 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