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To Sogdiana and back: Demodamas, the Branchidae, and Apollo Didymeus

Mendoza, Marc

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To Sogdiana and back: Demodamas, he B anchidae, and Apollo Didymeus Ma c Mendoza ABSTRACT The massac e o he B anchidae in Sogdiana s ill s ands as one o he mos con o e sial miles ones o Alex- ande ’sca ee . Mode n assessmen s o his e en ha e been highly pola ized, bu how was i pe cei ed bo h by con empo a y w i e s and he ci izens o Mile us, he B anchidae’shomeland? Demodamas, as aw i e and as aMilesian, ga he s bo h aspec s. Ba ely known h ough some insc ip ions om Mile us and sca e ed agmen s o his wo k, Demodamas is a es ed as aSeleucid o ice in Cen al Asia– e ec ing an al a o Apollo Didymeus– and India, and he could ha e pa icipa ed in Alexande ’sexpedi ion. I is plausible ha he w o e his own e sion o he massac e and, he e o e, he could be ega ded as one o he ea lies sou ces abou he episode. This pape , i s , aims o cla i y i his e sion could be he o igin o he ex an adi ions. Besides his, i seeks o add ess how he w i e ’sbackg ound could ha e shaped his e sion, and he place his s o y ook in he his o y o Mile us and i s somehow ho ny dealings wi h Alexande . To sum up, his pape will assess how Demodamas could ha e con eyed his episode ha happened in a away Sogdiana and how i was inco po a ed in o he Milesian collec i e memo y. KEY WORDS Demodamas; B anchidae: Sogdiana; Mile us; Alexande . INTRODUCTION The au hen ici y o he episode o Alexande and he B anchidae has been widely discussed by schola s (e.g., Rawlinson 1912, 41; Ta n 1922; Ta n 1948, 272–275; Pea son 1955, 240, n. 121; Pa ke 1985; Boswo h 1988, 108–109; Fon en ose 1988, 12–13; Hol 1989, 75; Kulesza 1994, 245–246; Hammond 1998; Flowe 2000, 117–118; Panchenko 2002; Sie a 2013; Kubica 2016, 146–148). The sole de ailed, ex an e sion comes om Cu ius ( ii, 5.28–35); besides his, only some spa se passages om Callis henes (FG His 124F 14 apud. S abo x ii, 1.43), S abo (xi, 11.4, xi , 1.5), Plu a ch (Mo ., 557b; c . Pa ke 1985b, 65), and Aelian (F 57 Domingo -Fo as é apud Suda s. . Βραγχίδαι) ha e been p ese ed.1 The s o y is well known: Alexande a i ed in a own in Sogdiana whe e he Milesian B anchidae had been dwelling since he Pe sian Wa s. The king delega ed he ques ion o wha o do wi h hem o he Milesians in he a my, bu a e assessing hei disag eemen , he ook he eins o he si ua ion and decided o kill all he B anchidae. 1 Diodo us also w o e abou his episode acco ding o Book x ii’s able o con en s: ‘How he B anchi - dae, who o old had been se led by he Pe sians on he bo de s o hei kingdom, we e slain by Al- exande as ai o s o he G eeks’ (Welles 1963, ansl.). Un o una ely, his passage is los , a ec ed by his book’sg ea cen al lacuna. On A ian/P olemy’ssilence, see Pa ke 1985b, 65; Panchenko 2002, 245. STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2, 58–84 59MARC MENDOZA The aim o his pape is no o p esen ade ailed discussion abou i s his o ici y. A e assessing he di e en aspec s o his episode elsewhe e (Mendoza 2019, 71–78; c . Mendoza 2016, 90–91 n. 109, 113–115), I hink he e a e no inhe en easons o dismiss i ou igh . Ce - ainly, some doub s can be cas on ce ain de ails, bu he co e in o ma ion can be ega ded as his o ical. F om he a o emen ioned passages, i can be deduced ha he episode had amo e o less widesp ead ci cula ion in An iqui y. We know ha Callis henes w o e abou i , bu , besides him, we a e igno an o which o he p ima y au ho s would ha e ecoun ed his s o y. Some his o ians, like A is obulus o he ubiqui ous Clei a chus (e.g., Ta n 1922; Ta n 1948, 272–275; B own 1978; Hammond 1980, 298, n. 131; Hammond 1983, 141–142, 193; P andi 1985, 83–87, 95, 107–108; A kinson– Ga giulo 2000, 466), ha e been posi ed, bu he e is no compelling a gumen o unques ionably accep any o hem. Cu iously enough, an especially close sou ce– bo h ch onologically and geog aphically– has no been aken in o conside a ion so a : Demodamas o Mile us. Could his accoun be one o he o iginal sou ces used by some o he ex an e sions? DEMODAMAS OF MILETUS We ha e some spa se, bu in e es ing in o ma ion abou Demodamas’ li e and ca ee . The e a e clea indica ions ha he would ha e been in Cen al Asia and India. He ook pa in an expedi ion– o , maybe, se e al– he e, and he e ec ed al a s o Apollo Didymeus by he i e Jaxa es (Pliny NH i, 16(18).49; Solinus 49.5; Ma ianus Capella i, 692). 2 The e has been some discussion abou he da e o ha o hose expedi ions: igh be o e Seleucus’ Indian campaign (ca. 306 BC) o du ing he join ule o Seleucus and his son An iochus, when he la e was uling he eas e nmos sa apies (293–281 BC).3 He w o e abook con aining, a leas , some geog aphical in o ma ion abou Indian owns (S ephanus Byzan inus s. . Ἄντισσα; He odiani Technici Reliquiae iii/1, 268, ll. 19–20). This agmen abou India migh sugges ha Demodamas ook pa in Seleucus’ campaign agains Chand agup a oo. The e o e, he highe ch onology looks mo e plausible o me, bu i does no exclude o he expedi ions in Cen al Asia la e on. The e o e, his pa icipa ion in se e al campaigns in he egion is no unlikely– he migh ha e e en been empo a ily appoin ed he e. This book p obably was amili a y memoi o so s, con aining miscellaneous in o ma ion abou he places he isi ed as well; he w o e abou his own e ec ion o he al a s.4 He also au ho ed, a leas , abook abou Halica nassus (A henaeus x , 682e).5 Some ancien w i e s unde lined his eliabili y,6 and i has been sug- 2 Robe (1984, 468) conclusi ely p o ed ha Solinus elied on Pliny o his passage. The accoun s a e coinciding. 3 Despi e hei p e e ed op ion, nowadays, mos schola s ha e no excluded he possibili y o mul iple campaigns, especially a e Robe 1984. See Bicke man 1938, 73; G ainge 1990, 154; She win -Whi e– Kuh 1993, 19, 26; Sa alli -Les ade 1998, 4–5, n° 3; Nawo ka 2008, 147; Nawo ka 2019, 272; Ramsey 2016, 89–90; Bea zo 2017, 144. De ending only An iochus’ da ing, see Haussoulie 1900, 36, 48–49; Ta n 1940, 92–94; Wolski 1984, 13; Kosmin 2014, 61–67. 4 Pliny (NH i, 16(18).49) explici ly s a es ha Demodamas was he main sou ce o his desc ip ion o Cen al Asia (quem maxime sequimu in his), whe e he passage abou he al a s is ound. 5 This wo k a oused some con usion among bo h ancien and mode n au ho s abou whe e he was ac ually bo n. Ne e heless, his ex ensi e epig aphical e idence in Mile us (see below) and his exclusion o alis o no ewo hy Halica nassian au ho s (Isage 1998) clea ly poin o aMilesian o igin. See Robe 1984, 467–468; Zecchini 1999, 60; Bea zo 2017, 145–146. 6 Solinus (49.5) labelled him as ‘sa is idoneus e o auc o ’. 60 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 ges ed ha he migh ha e been asou ce o la e au ho s like Pliny, E a os henes, Diodo us, o Du is, among o he s.7 Besides he ex ual in o ma ion, Demodamas is also a es ed in some insc ip ions om his home own, which po ay him as adis inguished membe o Mile us’ ci ic communi y and show his close connec ions wi h he Seleucids, especially wi h Sogdian Apama (Didyma 479–481). 8 He was one o Seleucus’ philoi (Bea zo 1984, 66–67; Bea zo 2017, 144; Pa ke 1985a, 47–48; Sa alli -Les ade 1998, 4–5, n° 3), al hough we do no know when Demodamas i s me him. Ada e be ween 316 and 312, when Seleucus pa olled he Ionian coas wi h he P olemaic lee , has been sugges ed (Seibe 1974, 200–204; Bea zo 1984, 67, 69; Bea zo 2017, 144, 149; Pa ke 1985a, 45–46; Landucci Ga inoni 2013, 42, n. 37),9 bu i is me ely hypo he ical. These epig aphical documen s clea ly p o e ha Demodamas played akey ole in ea ning Seleucid pa onage o he econs uc ion o Didyma (She win -Whi e– Kuh 1993, 25–27; Nawo ka 2008, 146–149).10 The e o e, Demodamas is someone who would ha e had i s -hand in o ma ion abou he new sh ine and, undoub edly, he would ha e p aised i s magni icence in he way S abo’spassage e lec s (see below). A chaeological wo k, howe e , e ealed no clea aces o he new buildings un il 300 BC (Pa ke 1985a, 48–52, 1986, 125; Nawo ka 2008, 148, n. 44; Nawo ka 2010, 157; Nawo ka 2019, 273). The second insc ip ion (Didyma 480) is especially in e es ing because i could bea some e e ences o Demodamas’ eas e nmos deeds. Apama was no only honou ed as Didyma’sben- e ac o bu also o he suppo o he Milesians who had ough in Seleucus’ a my (Ramsey 2016, 89–90, 94). The e o e, ha ing in mind Apama’sCen al Asian o igin and Demodamas’ exploi s in Cen al Asia, i is no a - e ched o ega d Seleucus’ anabasis (ca. 306) as he occasion du ing which she would ha e displayed he goodwill owa ds he Milesian soldie s (Robe 1984, 472– ollowing Rehm; Nawo ka 2008, 146–147).11 7 See Bea zo 1984, 62, 79–80 (Du is/Diodo us; c . To elli 1985, 226); Bea zo 2017, 144–145 (E a o- s henes and Pliny); Wolski 1984, 13 (Pliny); Landucci Ga inoni 2005, 170–178; 2013, 34–36 (Du is/ Diodo us; con a P imo 2009, 79–82, 186; Ogden 2017, 285–286). 8 The iden i ica ion o he sou ces’ Demodamas and he one in he dec ees is well -es ablished since he i s publica ion o he insc ip ions by Haussoullie (1900, 245–258; Haussoullie 1902, 34–51). Robe (1984) ec i ied Haussoullie ’sda ing (294 BC) and, in u n, he p oposed 299 BC as he da e o issue. The i s insc ip ion is an hono i ic dec ee o An iochus and he second, one o Apama, exp essing ci ic g a i ude o he goodwill and con ibu ions o he sh ine o Didyma. The las doc- umen is he appoin men o Demodamas as one o he h ee commissione s in cha ge o e ec ing as a ue o Apamea. One o he o he appoin ees is ace ain A is eides, son o Minnion, who could be Demodamas’ a he . Howe e , ace ain A is ophon, son o Minnion, is a es ed elsewhe e, so his second possibili y appea s mo e likely, see Robe 1985, 470. He is also a es ed as esponsible o ano he s a ue o amembe o he oyal amily– Seleucus acco ding o Robe 1984, 470, n. 23; c . OGIS 744, 745. 9 Milesians a e a es ed on di e en sides du ing he Diadochi pe iod (e.g., A is odemus wi h he An igonids; A henago as wi h P olemy; Hippos a us wi h Lysimachus). 10 Besides he a o emen ioned insc ip ions, he e is u he e idence o Seleucus’ pa onage o Didy- ma. Ano he epig aphical documen a es s o agene ous dona ion in 288/287 (Didyma 424 = RC 5) and some sou ces ecognize him as he king who e u ned he b onze s a ue o Apollo plunde ed by he Pe sians: Pausanias i, 16.3, iii, 46.3; c . i, 8.5, iii, 16.8; Vale ius Maximus ii, 10, ex . 1. 11 Ne e heless, i canno be ejec ed ou igh ha i could e e o ala e campaign, a e An iochus was appoin ed as he ice oy o he eas e n pa o he Seleucid dominions in 294/293. This is he da ing de ended by Haussoullie (1900, 256–257; Haussoullie 1902, 48–49) and Ta n (1940, 92–93). They conside ed ha he campaign was ca ied ou hen, a e Pliny’smen ion o he kings Seleucus 61MARC MENDOZA Demodamas’ e ec ion o he al a s o he god o Didyma a away om home,12 bu close o whe e he las B anchidae we e pu o dea h, does no look coinciden al and may be ela ed somehow o his e en (Hammond 1998, 339; Panchenko 2002, 48). Apollo Didymeus was as ic ly Milesian cul and, he e o e, had ap ima y local/ egional signi icance (Bea zo 2017, 146–147; Nawo ka 2019, 272). 13 Al hough i canno be dismissed ha Demodamas was ollowing oyal o de s, gi en he Milesian’sgene ous pa onage o he sanc ua y, i appea s mo e likely ha he dedica ion was Demodamas’ own ini ia i e, especially i he expedi ion ook place ca. 306 BC (c . Nawo ka 2019, 270, 272–273). E en i i we e a oyal ini ia i e, i would also en ail amainly local, Milesian signi icance.14 As al eady de e mined, he in o ma ion ound in La in au ho s abou his episode di ec ly de i es om one o his own wo ks. In hese accoun s, i is in e ed ha he se up he al a s, and his name– no Seleucus, no An iochus– is he one added o he lis o amous o e unne s. In any case, al hough we do no know o su e, i looks plausible ha he would also ha e men ioned Alexande ’smassac e o he B anchidae in he same passage, an e en ha appealed o him di ec ly due o his Milesian o igin. Callis henes’ e sion, a leas , was al eady widesp ead, and aMilesian au ho w i ing abou his own deeds in Cen al Asia could ha dly ha e a oided i . DEMODAMAS AND THE SOURCE OF THE MASSACRE OF THE BRANCHIDAE Hammond sugges ed ha wo passages om S abo migh come, espec i ely, om an au ho amilia ised wi h Bac ia -Sogdiana (xi, 11.4) and om ano he au ho wi h good knowledge o he new sanc ua y o Didyma (xi , 1.5)– hus, la e han Alexande ’sea lies his o ians (Hammond 1998, 341–342).15 Demodamas mee s bo h equi emen s: he had good knowledge o Cen al Asia and Didyma. The e o e, he e is no need o look o wo di e en au ho s, gi en ha he de ails in bo h passages emain consis en .16 Mo eo e , his i s -hand in o ma ion abou he new sanc ua y and An iochus. Howe e , as Robe add essed, his only implied ha he se ed unde he o de s o bo h ule s. 12 The e a e some o he epig aphical documen s a es ing o Milesians’ dedica ions o Apollo Didymeus ab oad, such as in Cos (Isc . di Cos EV 14, 192; ca. 84–81 BC) o Egyp (SB 1530; 2nd cen u y). 13 Compa e he mo e uni e sal dedica ions by Alexande . When he landed in Asia, he se al a s o Zeus Apoba e ios, A hena, and He acles (A ian, An. i, 11.7; o , al e na i ely, o he Twel e Gods acco ding o Jus in xi, 5.4). A e Issos, he buil al a s o he same gods by he i e Pina us (Cu ius iii, 12.27). A he Hyphasis, he dedica ed al a s o he Twel e Gods (A ian An. , 29.1–2; Cu ius ix, 3.19; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 95.1; Plu a ch Alex. 62.7–8; Me z Epi ome 69; Pliny NH i, 62(21); S abo iii, 5.5). Philos a us (VA ii, 43) w o e ha he al a s we e dedica ed o Ammon, He acles, A hena P onoia, Olympian Zeus, he Samo h acian Cabei i, he Indian Sun God, and Delphic Apollo. A he Indus’ mou h, he e ec ed al a s o Te hys and Oceanus (Diodo us Siculus x ii, 104.1; Jus in xii, 10.6; Pliny NH i, 25.110). See Mendoza in p in a. 14 On he possible ole o Demodamas as p omo e o Apollo (Didymeus) as Seleucid pa on god, see Nawo ka 2008; Nawo ka 2011, 37; Nawo ka 2019, passim; Bea zo 2017, 149–150. C . Mus i 1966, 148–149; G ainge 1990, 164. 15 He concluded ha he i s migh be A is obulus, bu he did no posi any name o he second. 16 S abo conside ed Xe xes as he Achaemenid king who plunde ed Didyma, con a y o some o he adi ions ha blamed his a he Da ius (He odo us i, 19). I Demodamas is ega ded as he sou ce used by S abo, he e sion wi h Xe xes would be he one accep ed in Mile us; see Hammond 1998, 342. Seleucus also adop ed his a ian in his p opaganda, and he appea ed as he ec i ie o Xe xes’ misdeeds when he b ough back he s a ue o Apollo (see no e 10). This ges u e had alocal/ 62 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 pu s him in ap e e en ial posi ion in on o o he w i e s, such as A is obulus.17 Ce ainly, A is obulus was widely used by S abo elsewhe e, bu ha does no exclude he use o o he sou ces (Mendoza 2019, 72–75), and i has been sugges ed ha some passages migh come om Demodamas. Fo example, She win -Whi e and Kuh (1993, 83) p oposed ha S abo’schap e on Ma giana was based on Demodamas’ wo k. Acompa ison wi h he desc ip ion ound in Pliny, who claimed ha Demodamas was his p incipal sou ce o Cen al Asia (see no e 4),18 is e y elling (my emphasis): Ma giana is simila o his coun y, al hough i s plain is su ounded by dese s. Admi ing i s e ili y, An iochus So e enclosed aci cui o i een hund ed s adia wi h awall and ounded aci y An iocheia. The soil o he coun y is well sui ed o he ine; a any a e, hey say ha as ock o he ine is o en ound which would equi e wo men o gi h i , and ha he bunches o g apes a e wo cubi s (S abo xi, 10.2; Jones 1928, ansl.) Nex comes he Ma giane coun y, amous o i s sunny clima e– i is he only dis ic in egion whe e he ine is g own; i is shu in all ound by abeau i ul ing o moun ains, 187 miles [1,500 s adia] in ci cui , and is di icul o access on accoun o sandy dese s s e ching o adis ance o 120 miles; and i is i sel si ua ed opposi e o he egion o Pa hia. In Ma giane Alexande had ounded aci y bea ing his name, which was des oyed by he ba ba ians, bu An iochus son o Seleucus e -es ablished aSy ian ci y on he same si e […] he had p e e ed ha he ci y should be named a e himsel . I s ci cui measu es 8 ¾ miles [70 s adia]. (Pliny NH i, 16(18).46–47; Rackham 1942, ansl.) The main de ails emain cons an : a i een -hund ed -s adium egion19 su ounded by de- se s, well sui ed o he ine. Bo h also w i e abou An iochus’ e ounda ion o aci y named An iochia, p e iously an Alexand ia.20 I is clea ha hey sha ed acommon sou ce, and Pliny’scommen pu s Demodamas in ap e e en ial posi ion.21 Mo eo e , Cohen (2013, 246) e en posi ed ha Demodamas was in ol ed in he e ounda ion. I he ac ually was, i would egional impac because Seleucus did no exploi he Panhellenic mo i as Alexande did. The e o e, he would ha e accep ed he Milesian adi ion, and, in consequence, i could be u he e idence o Demodamas’ ole as an in e media y o his case oo. 17 Howe e , i is no clea how much o he new sh ine Demodamas could ha e ac ually seen in his li e ime. Bu , being ane e -ending wo k unde cons uc ion, he e was some kind o planning, unde aken by he 4 h -cen u y Paeonius o Ephesus and Daphnis o Mile us, he a chi ec s o he emple (Vi u ius ii, p e . 16). The e is also e idence o he ac ual ‘bluep in s’, see Haselbe g 1980; 1983. Ne e heless, he e is also an odd ema k in S abo, when he says ha he emple was un oo ed due o i s g ea size. In eali y, i was in ended o be his way, like he a chaic Didymeion was. This de ail could ha dly come om awell -in o med au ho . Howe e , i could be S abo’spe - sonal in e ence. See Fon en ose 1988, 18, n. 29. 18 The chap e on Ma giana is placed almos igh be o e his s a emen . 19 The e is some con usion abou wha hese 1,500 s adia e e o. S abo says ha i was he pe ime- e o awall o enclose he a ea whe e An iochus e ounded ase lemen ; Pliny explains ha his pe ime e was su ounded by moun ains. Fo him, he ci y wall was se en y s adia long. On he possible aces o he walls, see Cohen 2013, 245–250 (especially, no e 4). 20 Solinus (48.3) and Ma ianus Capella ( i, 691) call i Seleucia, al hough bo h s a e ha i was An i- ochus who e ounded i . 21 Hammond (1998, 341–342) ega ded A is obulus as S abo’ssou ce o Cen al Asia. Ce ainly, he is quo ed in some passages (S abo xi, 7.2–3, 11.5), bu his does no exclude S abo’suse o o he sou ces; indeed, his is e idenced in his passage om Pliny, because A is obulus is no a es ed as Pliny’ssou ce, and i is clea ha S abo and Pliny elied on he same au ho he e. 63MARC MENDOZA imply ha Demodamas migh ha e pa icipa ed in An iochus’ campaigns, al hough i does no ule ou he possibili y ha he also ook pa in Seleucus’ expedi ion (see no e 3). Fu he mo e, i is possible o posi Demodamas as Aelian’ssou ce as well. The agmen om Suda seems o e lec alocal sou ce, due o his ecu en emphasis on he B anchidae ha ing escaped om he Milesians’ hands and his p aising o Apollo Didymeus as an ine i able a enge . These same mo i s appea in S abo’spassages in books xi and xi , bu , cu iously enough, he e is no explici men ion o escaping punishmen in he passage om book x ii whe e i is clea ly s a ed ha Callis henes was his sou ce. Callis henes’ wo ding is ague (συλάω and περσίζω) han he mo e o mal and legalis ic e ms sha ed by he wo o he passag- es and Aelian. They we e guil y o sac ilege and eason (ἱεροσυλία καὶ προδοσία).22 Ce ainly, he a ibu ed c imes a e he same, bu he la e e minology is no ame e desc ip ion, bu a o mal accusa ion ha en ails alegal punishmen , some hing clea ly s a ed in some o he passages. They we e no only c iminals bu ‘condemned’ unaways. The h ee passages had ano ewo hy in ensi y in hei o mula ion ha di e en ia es hem om Callis henes’ mo e dispassiona e agmen .23 Wha abou Cu ius? His mo e de ailed e sion p ese es unique in o ma ion abou he ole ca ied ou by Milesian soldie s in he a ai . Al hough i canno be con i med o dismissed, we can conside ha Demodamas himsel could ha e been one o hose soldie s.24 A e Alex- ande ’sconques , he new au ho i ies belonged o he p o -Macedonian pa y, eplacing he p e ious Medizing leade s (see below). We do no know i Demodamas was pa o any o hose g oups. His name and his a he ’s, A eis ides, a e no ound in olde documen s om Mile us,25 so he e is no way o assess Demodamas’ amily’ss a us, apa om his own p omi- nence unde he Seleucids and a e he ci y had ees ablished ademoc a ic sys em. The e o e, Demodamas could be ei he amembe o a o me oliga chic amily o someone who bene i ed om he change o egime.26 In consequence, his gene al assessmen o Alexande would ha e d as ically changed depending on his amily’ss a us when he Macedonians seized Mile us. Ce ainly, he e is no explici men ion o ale y in Mile us in he Alexande sou ces, bu he case o Aspendus could poin o a ecu ing p ac ice (A ian An. i, 26.2–27.5; Nawo ka 2010, 153). The si ua ion in ha Pamphylian ci y shows some pa allels wi h ha o Mile us. 22 Aelian’s e sion only explici ly s a es ( wice) he eason (also in Suda s. . Δινδύμοις). Howe e , i is mo e p ecise abou wha was obbed (ἀναθήματα), which s esses he sac ed na u e o hose ob- jec s. Mo eo e , i is he mos insis en accoun abou he b oken laws and he empo a ily a oided punishmen . 23 Plu a ch’spassing ema k (Mo . 557b) also speaks o προδοσία. Cu ius, in u n, employed mo e gene al exp essions and e bs, such as iolo and inju ia. He also e e s o eason (p odi o um, p odi‑ io), bu as pa o highly he o ical passages, so i is ha d o assess i he was e e ing o o mal accusa ions. Diodo us’ summa y says ha hey we e slain because hey we e ‘ ai o s o he G eeks’ (ώς προδότας τῶν Ἑλλήνων). 24 Pa ke (1985a, 40; Pa ke 1985b, 66–68) concluded ha he p esence o Milesian soldie s was plausible, and he sugges ed Demodamas’ p esence oo. See also Nawo ka 2010, 153. 25 Nei he he name o his hypo he ical g and a he , Minnion (see no e 8). 26 Wha is mo e, he conques and Demodamas’ dec ees a e sepa a ed o hi y yea s, du ing which he and his amily could ha e pe ec ly ein eg a ed hemsel es in o he new sys em and eco e ed pa o his o me posi ion in he social and ci ic o de . In Didyma 480, one o Demodamas’ dec ees, he mo ion was pu by Lycus, son o Apollodo us– he also appea s as one o Demodamas’ colleagues in Didyma 481. Ace ain Apollodo us, son o Molpeus, is a es ed as s ephanépho os in 336/335 (Mile i3, 122, ii. l. 79). I he was he son o his same man, i could e lec he ein eg a ion o he o me p o -Pe sian oliga chic amilies in democ a ic Mile us. Howe e , i Demodamas had been a away due o his mili a y ca ee , his ein eg a ion would no ha e been ha g adual. 64 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 The Aspendians sen a i s embassy o Alexande o su ende he ci y bu asked no o ha e aga ison es ablished he e. In e u n o ha p i ilege, Alexande asked o he deli e y o i y alen s and i y ho ses b ed o he G ea King. Howe e , a e Alexande had seized Side and was on his way o Sillyon, Aspendus de ec ed om Alexande . They had e used o pay he ag eed alen s and ho ses and had s a ed he p epa a ions o endu ing asiege. A e Alexande ’squick a i al and ha ing been con ined in he uppe ci y, he Aspendians sen ano he embassy o Alexande pleading o ees ablish he p e ious ag eemen . The king did no accep his and ha dened he e ms. He e ained he numbe o ho ses o be deli e ed bu inc eased he alen s up o one hund ed. In addi ion, he imposed aMacedonian go e no , annual ibu es, and meddled in a e i o ial dispu e, a ou ing aneighbou ing ci y, p obably Side (Boswo h 1980, 168–169; G ainge 2009, 74–75). Finally, he also ook he mos in lu- en ial ci izens in he ci y as hos ages. In Asia Mino , Alexande also equi ed hos ages om Soli (A ian An. ii, 12.2) and he Paphlagonians (Cu ius iii, 1.22–24),27 jus like in ea lie and la e ins ances in his campaign.28 Aclose examina ion o hose cases shows ha he aking o hos ages was applied in e i o ies whe e con ol was a om being absolu e, and he e had been a emp s o esis ance o possible de ec ions ha could be o eseen. Al hough i is no men ioned, Mile us ul illed hese same cha ac e is ics. Ob iously, any le y would ha e been ocused on he social s a um mos inju ed by he conques and, in consequence, mo e p one o de ec ion: he p o -Pe sian oliga chy. Ano he possibili y is ha Milesians became pa o Alexande ’sa my as me cena ies. P ecisely, Mile us’ cap u e end- ed wi h he in eg a ion o 300 G eek me cena ies in o he Macedonian anks (A ian, An. i, 19.5–6). A ian, howe e , explici ly says ha hese me cena ies we e no he only ones o lee and ake e uge on anea by island; Milesian de ende s did so oo. 29 The e o e, hose who we e a ec ed migh ha e been bo h me cena ies and ci izens o Mile us. They we e no he only G eek me cena ies who we e in eg a ed in o Alexande ’sa my. Se e al ins ances a e a es ed du ing he campaign, bo h o new ec ui s and o soldie s p e iously igh ing on he Pe sian side (A ian An. iii, 5.1; Cu ius , 7.12, i, 5.10, 6.35; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 76.2).30 O he Asia Mino na i es pa icipa ed in Alexande ’sexpedi ion as well. Some o hem e en held o icial appoin men s. In he lis o he Indus’ ie a chs, we can ead he names o C i obulus o Cos, Thoas and Maeande om Magnesia -on - he -Maeande , and And on/ 27 Cu ius iii, 1.22–24. In he la e case, e en hough Cu ius a i ms ha he king en e ed he egion, A ian (An. ii, 4.1–2) claims ha i was no necessa y. The condi ions we e ag eed upon in Ancy a, whe e he me aPaphlagonian delega ion. Boswo h (1980, 188) pos ula es ap e ious embassy and ade ini i e capi ula ion a e ab ie campaign, poin ing ou he pa allelisms wi h he episode o Aspendus. In acomplemen a y manne , he wen y A henian ships ha he e ained a e disbanding he lee can be ega ded in he same way (Diodo us Siculus, x ii, 22.5). 28 Th ace: F on inus S a . ii, 11.3; Jus in xi, 5.3. Hy cania: Cu ius i, 5.21; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 76.7–8; c . A ian An. , 19.6. Sisimi h es: Cu ius iii, 2.31–33. Cho ienes: Cu ius iii, 4.21–22. Andaca: Me z Epi ome 35. Nysa: A ian An. , 2.2–4. Po us and Abisa es: Me z Epi ome 55–56. Ad es ians: Cu ius ix, 1.14. Nea Sangala: Cu ius ix, 1.20–23; Polyaenus i , 3.30. Malli and Oxyd acae: A ian An. i, 14.2–3; Cu ius ix, 7.14, 8.1. Epigoni: A ian An. ii, 6.1; Cu ius iii, 5.1; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 108.1; Plu a ch Alex. 47.6. See Mendoza 2022; Mendoza in p in b. 29 A ian An. i, 19.4: ἔνθα οἱ Μιλήσιοί τε καὶ οἱ μισθοφόροι πανταχόθεν ἤδη προσκειμένων σφίσι τῶν Μακεδόνων οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ῥιπτοῦντες σφᾶς ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσπίδων ὑπτίων ἐς νησῖδά τινα ἀνώνυμον τῇ πόλει ἐπικειμένην διενήχοντο, […] 30 The e is one explici men ion o soldie s om Asia Mino , bu hey a i ed a e he massac e o he B anchidae (Cu ius ii, 10.11–12; A ian An. i , 7.2). Besides he a es ed a i als, he e is wide e idence o me cena ies se ing as ga ison o ces o being se led in Alexande ’s ounda ions. 65MARC MENDOZA Hagnon o Teos (A ian Ind. 18.7; Heckel 2006, 100, 128, 156, 266).31 F om hese names, he physician C i obulus can be disca ded, because pe haps he had been in he Macedonian cou since Philip’s eign. No compa ison can be d awn be ween he cases o hei ci ies and Mi- le us. Magnesia -on - he -Maeande su ende ed o Pa menio (A ian An. i, 18.1), and he e is no wo d abou Teos, which sugges s ha no p olonged siege occu ed. The e o e, hey would ha e aken pa in he campaign in adi e en way han he Milesians would ha e. P obably, he e was no coe cion– o secu i y eason– behind hei inco po a ion in o he a my. Indeed, he lack o aMilesian cou ie possibly e lec s he un ai disad an age p o oked by hei esis ance (Nawo ka 2010, 159). In conclusion, aMilesian– and/o Demodamas’– p esence is no unlikely and he e a e many ways hey could ha e become in ol ed in he campaign. Re u ning o Cu ius, we see ha he is he only one o p ese e an accu a e accoun o he episode– Diodo us’ e sion is los – so he e is no way o know how he whole inciden was desc ibed, i i was, in he sou ces employed by he es o he au ho s (i.e., Aelian, S abo, and Plu a ch). Demodamas’ agmen s a e ound in Roman and Byzan ine sou ces, so Diodo us and Cu ius could ha e had access o his books. Howe e , i is possible ha hey did no ead Demodamas di ec ly, bu used acommon in e media y sou ce. Acompa ison be ween Cu ius’ accoun and Diodo us’ able o con en s e lec s ace ain deg ee o co espondence, al hough some mino a ia ions a e also a es ed. In ac , one o hese di e gences conce ns ou episode: Cu ius ( ii, 5.19–26) placed i be‑ o e Bessus’ cap u e, and Diodo us (x ii, 83.7–9) a e i . Ne e heless, Cu ius ( ii, 5.36–40) did place he ebel’shando e o Alexande a e wha happened in he B anchidae’s illage, so he appa en incong uence may be due o Diodo us’ o e simpli ied accoun .32 O e all, hei espec i e na a i es abou Bessus’ cap u e a e no excessi ely di e en , besides he di e en de ails and names o hose in ol ed in he plo agains Bessus in he Pe sian camp. These di e gences migh be caused by di e en ocuses when elling he episode (Mendoza 2019, 76–77). Basically, Diodo us concen a ed on he ole played by ace ain Bagoda as– no a es ed in Cu ius– as he igge o he la e de ec ion, while Cu ius pu he ocus on he conspi acy o he gene als anonymously men ioned by Diodo us. In conclusion, he easies op ion is o conside ha hey elied on acommon sou ce, pe haps Clei a chus.33 I we conside ha Demodamas could also be he sou ce o he Vulga a adi ion, his would mean he w o e be o e his possible in e media y sou ce (i.e., Clei a chus). The ch on- ological iabili y o his op ion depends on which da e is assigned o each indi idual’sw i ing ac i i y. In he case o Demodamas, al hough he expedi ions could ha e aken place ea lie , he migh no ha e w i en abou hem be o e he ba le o Ipsus.34 The dec ees om Mile us 31 Go gus o Iasus was one o he king’shoplophylax. Besides hese o icials, o he Asia Mino inhab- i an s a e a es ed in Alexande ’scou , such as he sophis Anaximenes o Lampsacus, he ha pis A henodo us o Theos, and he poe Choe ilus o Iasus. 32 In ac , Diodo us also included Bessus’ la e execu ion in he same pa ag aph. 33 Du is o Samos has been also sugges ed as he in e media y sou ce be ween Diodo us and Demod- amas, al hough o some e en s in book xix (see no e 7). Fo Du is as asou ce o Diodo us’ book x ii, see Fon ana 1955; P andi 2013, x i–xxx. Con a Keb ic 1977, 45–46, 65–66. His use by Cu ius has been disca ded; see A kinson 1980, 66–67. 34 Ob iously, i his book con ained in o ma ion abou campaigns du ing An iochus’ join ule, he da e o he w i ing would be lowe . The e is no indica ion o his da es o bi h and dea h. Ta n (1940, 93–94) placed his dea h be ween 286 and 285. Howe e , i is abaseless in e p e a ion. He came o his conclusion because he hough ha Demodamas was s a egos– his own ansla ion o Pliny’sdux– in Bac ia -Sogdiana be o e Pa ocles. Ta n da ed Pa ocles’ se ice be ween 286/285 and 280, so he concluded ha Demodamas had p e iously died. Ne e heless, he e is no e idence ha 66 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 da e om 299 BC and sugges ha Demodamas migh ha e se led down and became an ac- i e membe in his home own by hen. The e o e, aw i ing da e om 299 onwa ds appea s as he mos plausible op ion. The e has been alo o deba e abou Clei a chus’ da e, and i is a beyond he scope o his pape o answe his con o e sial ques ion. Mos p oposals a e concen a ed on a ange be ween 320 and 260 (e.g., Ta n 1948, 5–43; B own 1950; Pea son 1960, 212–242; Hamil on 1961; Badian 1965; Goukowsky 1976, xix–xxxi; Le i 1977, 83–92; P andi 1996; Pa ke 2009), al hough some la e da es ha e also been sugges ed.35 Howe e , i is clea ha only alow ch onology may be ealis ic, conside ing Demodamas as one o his sou ces.36 The e o e, he chap e om Cu ius’ book canno be di ec ly linked o Demodamas’ accoun . Ne e heless, he e is no eason o ejec i s de ails. Cu ius’ hand can be pe cei ed in his own alue judgemen o he episode,37 and he somewha uns eady beha iou o bo h Alexande and he Milesian soldie s, which could sugges asligh ly di e en ea lie e sion ewo ked by Cu ius o i his na a i e pu poses.38 In consequence, gi en ha he p esence o soldie s o Mile us is no unlikely, he gene al de ails o Cu ius’ e sion can be p ese ed. ALEXANDER, MILETUS, AND DEMODAMAS Demodamas’ e sion mus ha e been in luenced by his Milesian backg ound. The e o e, local pe cep ions abou he B anchidae and Alexande mus ha e played akey ole in he shaping o he episode by Demodamas. The p e ious passages, some likely e lec ing alocal sou ce, make clea ha he B anchidae we e ega ded as ai o s and sac ilegious. Milesian hough s on Alexande seem o be mo e complex, and hey we e in luenced by he king’sconques o he ci y and i s immedia e e ec s. Alexande did no easily seize Mile us, al hough i s go e no , Hegesis a us, ini ially sen amessage o Alexande p omising o su ende i . Ne e heless, a e lea ning abou he a i al o he Pe sian lee , Hegesis a us changed his mind and decided o esis . Alexande besieged he ci y, bu his a acks we e epelled by i s de ende s, ime a e ime. 39 The ci y was p obably in he hands o as ong p o -Pe sian oliga chy, and i s inhabi an s ac i ely collabo- hey ac ually held his pos – indeed, i i eally exis ed– and, e en i so, a eplacemen o cou se does no necessa ily imply Demodamas’ dea h. Pa ocles himsel , a e his hypo he ical posi ion in Bac ia, is a es ed heading an expedi ion agains He acleia and he By hinians (FG His 434F 1.9.1–3). The e o e, Demodamas could ha e been ali e and kicking du ing An iochus’ eign oo. 35 One o he mos ecen p oposals o asigni ican ly la e da e has been he one p o oked by he papy us POxy lxxi. 4808, which seems o imply ha Clei a chus was P olemy i ’s u o . See he a gumen s agains i in P andi 2012; Landucci Ga inoni– P andi 2013; Lane Fox 2015, 165–166. 36 See Rapin 2017, 51–52, who comes o simila conclusions. Ou case shows some a ini ies wi h ha o Pa ocles, ano he au ho o he Seleucid sphe e, who was in cha ge o an expedi ion in he Caspian Sea (see no e 34). Ta n (1948, 16–19) conside ed ha Pa ocles’ wo k was used by Clei a chus, and he u ned i in o one o his main a gumen s o assign alow da e o his book. Ne e heless, his a gumen has been discussed and e u ed by di e en schola s: B own 1950, 138–142; Pea son 1960, 227–228; P andi 2012, 19. 37 In luenced by his Roman p ejudices, which we e comple ely di e en om G eek concep ions abou he edi a y guil and punishmen ; see Mendoza 2019, 68 n. 263, 179–180. 38 Pa ke (1985b, 66, 68) pos ula es ha his p e ious e sion could show he Milesians unanimously o ing o execu ion o ha hey in luenced he king o annihila e o he B anchidae. See also Nawo ka 2010, 157. 39 Lanice’ssons, o ins ance, died du ing hese a acks: Cu ius iii, 2.8; A ian An. i , 9.4. In addi ion, apossible Milesian embassy o he A henians asking o aid is a es ed: Gellius xi, 9. 73MARC MENDOZA ády on bo h in he Hellenis ic emple and in i s p edecesso s om he A chaic pe iod. These woods played akey ole in he ounda ion my hs o he sanc ua y i sel and he eponymous B anchus, as well as in he i uals su ounding he o acula consul a ion (Fon en ose 1988, 30–31, 40, 107). The e o e, i could se e as u he e idence ha he B anchidae ied o ec- ea e Didyma in hei new own, wi h all he de ails included. The g o e and he bay ees– o ano he local plan as asubs i u e– would ha e kep he same ole played in he o iginal sh ine. Ce ainly, he e is no hing o con i m ha i was dedica ed o Apollo Didymeus, bu he B anchidae ha dly could ha e consec a ed i o anyone else.65 The o es , in consequence, would ha e been p obably dedica ed o Apollo Didymeus. This aspec (i.e., acing anew Didyma) migh explain he doub s o he Milesians abou how o p oceed wi h he B anchidae, i s own, and he sanc ua y, as hey isked o ending hei na ional god. Howe e , o Alexande , i was possibly ano he eason o des oying wha he ega ded as an abomina ion. On he o he hand, i could also allude o wha happened acen u y and ahal ea lie : i is e y likely ha he o iginal sac ed g o es we e also bu n down by he i e ha des oyed Didyma. The e o e, des oying he new ones would a enge ha e en , in he same way ha he descendan s paid o he c imes o he eache ous p ies s. Cu ius’ ex speci ies ha he e we e o he g o es in he illage, in addi ion o he sac ed ones: ‘Nemo a quoque e lucos sac os’ (Cu ius ii, 5.34). This p ecise e minological dis inc ion can only mean ha he e was knowledge abou he holy na u e o hose o es s and, he e o e, hey we e no colla e al ic ims, bu we e sys ema ically des oyed.66 Howe e , i would no ha e been exac ly anew Didyma. In he Ionian sanc ua y, he in e- io o es p ese ed adi ec memo y o he mee ing be ween B anchus and Apollo. The bay lau els he e we e supposed o come om he o iginal ee plan ed by he god himsel . I s use as boughs o w ea hs by he p ophe s would be asymbol o he con inuing o acula connec ion. The ou side g o e ep esen ed he o igins o he sh ine, e e ing o aGolden Age when hu- mans and gods we e close (Callimachus Ae . F 229 P ei e ; Pa ke 1985a, 5; G a 1993, 26–27). The Sogdian sh ine lacked hose links and could no claim any ecognised holiness. No ac ual god was esiding he e. Mo eo e , i was c ea ed by sac ilegious men and, in consequence, behind he appa en sac edness, bo h o es and sanc ua y we e impious and abho en o he gods. Ac ually, he cons uc ion o he sanc ua y could ha e e en wo sened he accusa ions o sac ilege. Familia pu i y was especially impo an o ca ying ou eligious du ies (Pla o Leg. i, 759c), bu con ic ed c iminals we e also banned om en e ing emples o a oid hei pollu ion, and in ingemen was punished wi h dea h (Demos henes xx, 158; Pla o Leg. ix, 868b, 871a; Pa ke 1983, 145–149; Chanio is 1996, 72–75; Naiden 2006, 134–135). The e o e, in u n, des oying his o es migh no be sac ilegious pe se. Finally, he ounda ion o he al a s o Apollo Didymeus by Demodamas, in away, could ha e es o ed he p ope cul o his god in he egion, which had been wis ed by he wicked cul o he exiled B anchidae. 65 The e is ano he example in Bac ia -Sogdiana: an allusion o ag o e o Zeus in adedica ion ound in Kulyab, p obably o iginally coming om Yakh -su alley o lowe Qizil -su i e . I is adedica ion o ace ain Heliodo us o Hes ia o honou he G aeco -Bac ian king Eu hydemus Iand his son Deme ius. See Be na d– Pinaul – Rougemon 2004, 333–356. Zeus was also wo shipped a Didyma, and sac ed g o es could be de o ed o di e en dei ies a he same ime. Howe e , he e is no indica ion o o es s consec a ed o Zeus in Didyma. See Fon en ose 1988, 135–144. 66 Nemus and lucus we e, ob iously, wo wo ds wi h e y simila meanings. P ecisely, he main di - e ence was he sac ed na u e o he second e m. On hese wo ds and hei ancien and mode n concep ions, see Scheid 1993. These La in e ms co espond o he G eek ones ὕλη and ἄλσος– o be ound in Cu ius’ G eek sou ce– espec i ely; see Mon epaone 1993, 70. 74 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 The de ail o he sac ed o es is qui e p ecise, and i especially appealed o Mile us. In u n, i would no be s ic ly necessa y o anyone ying o in en as o y only o jus i y he new sys em a he eopened Didymaon. The e o e, his sugges s ha i was ei he a i s -hand accoun o asupe luous addi ion o unde line he dange he B anchidae would ha e en ailed ( o he es o ed Ionian sanc ua y, o cou se). In his la e case, some Milesian eshaping could be sugges ed. I he e ac ually we e Milesian soldie s among Alexande ’s anks, some aspec s could ha e no been bla an ly aked, gi en he exis ence o i s -hand wi nesses. Ne e heless, con e ing a‘no mal’ o es in o asac ed g o e would ha e no been ag ea challenge. As s a ed abo e, eason and sac ilege we e capi al c imes, and hey we e easonable mo- i es o aG eek o ha sh e alia ion. Loa hing o he B anchidae’sdegene a ion/ba ba isa ion in oduces in Cu ius’ accoun ex a jus i ica ion abou why hey el p omp ed o wipe hem ou . I is cu ious o see how e y simila de ails we e conside ed di e en ly depending on he sou ces’ biases. He e, i is wo h aking alook a Philos a us’ accoun o Apollonius’ mee ing wi h he E e ians depo ed o Cissia (VA i, 23–24).67 In he ci y hey buil , he e was an ago a, G eek -s yle emples, and ombs ones wi h odd G eek le e s, some o hem e en wi h elegies w i en on hem o depic ions o ships. 68 The image is no a om wha hey migh ha e ound in he B anchidae se lemen , bu he eac ion o i was comple ely di e en . The unde s anding ecep ion was no jus because o Apollonius/Philos a us’ na u e. In he same way, du ing Alexande ’sconques , he Macedonian a my an in o o he displaced G eek popula ions and, e en hough some o hem had al eady ‘bas a dised’ hei language and cus oms, i did no a ouse any i ep essible a e sion ha ‘p omp ed’ he soldie s and he king o annihila e hem. 69 This con as is easily explained by he di e en ci cums ances ha had caused he espec i e displacemen s. The E e ians we e ma y s, and hey paid o hei ‘he oic’ esis ance o he Pe sians, as he Milesians and he Boeo ians also had o (He odo us i, 94.2, 101.3, 107.2, 119; Pla o Leg. iii, 698c–d; Menex. 240a–b).70 The e o e, hey we e innocen ic ims, so hei main enance o G eek cus oms– e en in as ange way– was p aisewo hy.71 On he o he hand, he B anchidae we e sac ilegious ai o s, so hei ba ba isa ion gene a ed epulsion (Mendoza 2020, 150). 72 In a away Sogdiana, hei pas c imes we e enough o lead o hei own massac e. The ob ious double s anda ds sugges ha he mo i o he ‘bas a dised’ 67 This la e sou ce equi es some cau ion abou he eliabili y and exac i ude o i s con en . Howe e , in his case, wha eally ma e s is he a i ude owa ds he long -gone depo ees. On he peculia i ies o his sou ce, see G osso 1958, 357–368; Penella 1974. 68 They also e ec ed monumen s o some Pe sian kings– Da ius I, Xe xes, and A axe xes II (?). 69 Diodo us (x ii, 110.4–5; c . xix, 19.2) s a es ha he a my s ayed o some days a Celones by he Zag os, whe e ag oup o Boeo ians li ed. They we e bilingual and had been assimila ed by he na i es, bu hey s ill p ese ed some o hei ances al cus oms. On his people, see Goukowsky 1976, 268–269; Mendoza 2016, 73; Mendoza 2020, 150, n. 34. When Alexande a i ed a Pe sepo- lis, G eek sla es– many o hem wi h mu ila ions– swa med he king. He g an ed hem lands in Asia, eeling so y o hei pi eous si ua ion: Cu ius , 5.5–6, 9; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 69.2–4, 6–8. Finally, igh ing on he Pe sian side, he e we e he Go uae (see no e 72), said o be Euboeans who, like he B anchidae, ook up exile when he Pe sians wi hd ew om G eece: Cu ius i , 12.11. See Mendoza 2020, 150, n. 33. 70 The Milesians we e depo ed o Ampe, by he Pe sian Gul : He odo us i, 19.3–20. The G eek depo - ees became a opos as clea ly shown in apassage om Xenophon, e oking he coun less coun ymen mo ed due o he G ea King’swill (Xenophon Mem. i , 2.33). 71 In he case o he G eek sla es o Pe sepolis, he accoun s emphasize hei pi i ul image and ci - cums ances, a e ha ing su e ed g ea ly om hei mean Pe sian o e lo ds. 72 In he same way, he eache ous Go uae had also degene a ed, and hei cus oms had died ou (Cu ius i , 12.11: Pos hos iban Go uae, gen is quidem Euboicae, Medos quondam secu i, sed iam de‑ 75MARC MENDOZA na u e o he B anchidae was o e emphasised o ili y hem e en mo e. I is clea ha , had hey un in o he o he Milesians depo ed o Ampe a e he Ionian e ol , hey would no ha e been slaugh e ed, no ma e how ‘ba ba ian’ hey had become. The e o e, i was a u he s ep o elimina e any ace o Hellenici y, and o any po en ial compassion oo. Ne e heless, i is impossible o assess i his ul ima e jus i ica ion o hei massac e can be aced back o Callis henes o any o he i s -gene a ion Alexande his o ian, o o Demodamas and/o he Milesian adi ion. Wha was he eal ole o he Milesians in he a my in his episode? Alexande ’schoice o delega e ce ain decisions is no excep ional, and he e a e clea pa allels in he cases o Thebes and Bessus. In bo h episodes, he did no di ec ly de e mine hei des iny, bu hose decisions we e o icially made, espec i ely, by he League o Co in h (A ian An. i, 9.9; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 14; Plu a ch Alex., 11.11; Jus in iii, 3.8–10) and wo I anian assemblies– one o Bac ians, he o he o Medes and Pe sians.73 In bo h cases, Alexande did no in e ene in he decision- -making, bu i is clea ha he had le some hin s abou wha would ha e pleased him. In hose wo ins ances, he e dic s i ed Alexande ’swill, so he did no ha e o meddle in hem, bu i is ob ious ha he would had done i necessa y. In ou episode, asimila pa e n can be obse ed, bu wi h an impo an di e ence: he Milesians– o some o hem– we e no lean- ing owa ds wha Alexande had p e e ed. The king, he e o e, se led on e aking he eins o he si ua ion and did wha was bes in his opinion.74 This decision, as s a ed abo e, would no ha e been p omp ed by Milesian in e es s, bu by his own agenda as Panhellenic a enge . Wha did he Milesians– ei he in he a my o in he ci y– eel abou he ou come o he s o y? Did hey eel elie ed o no ha ing di ec esponsibili y? O did hey eel ou aged a e ha ing been igno ed by Alexande ? The dispa i y o opinions among hose in he a my p obably occu ed in Mile us i sel oo. Despi e hei eason, i is likely ha he B anchidae kep some au a o holiness in he public opinion, being he descendan s o B anchus– and, in consequence, o he god himsel acco ding o he ea lies my hs (see abo e). The sac ed o es – and he sanc ua y?– hey ound he e s eng hened his pe cep ion in many o hem, who migh ha e hough abou wiping he sla e clean.75 Con enien ly, he Macedonian king discha ged hem o any liabili y and he e o e spa ed he soldie s om any guil ega ding he inal upsho o he a ai when hey came back o hei home own, easing in e nal ic- ions a e wa ds. As i has been poin ed ou , all o he abo e does no imply ha he es o ed Milesian democ acy in en ed he s o y o ha i s in e es s in luenced ei he Alexande o he Milesians in he a my. The a emp by he E angellidae o seize he sanc ua y’sowne - ship shows ha news abou he ex inc ion o he B anchidae p omp ed di e en eac ions in Mile us, beyond he con ol o , and independen om, he new au ho i ies (see no e 59). The e o e, he Milesian ini ial ecep ion o wha happened in a away Sogdiana was di e se and no unanimous. Howe e , hose who backed a o a o y, ci ic p ies ly boa d pulled i o gene es e pa ii mo is igna i). Ne e heless, he e is no indica ion ha hey we e slain beyond he ba le ield. 73 Alexande e en le he ole o execu ione o Oxa h es and o he membe s o Da ius’ amily. The e idence o he ‘legal p oceedings’ is ound in A ian An. iii, 30.3–5, i , 7.3; Cu ius ii, 5.39–43, 10.10; Me z Epi ome 6, 14. See also Diodo us Siculus x ii, 83.7–9; Plu a ch Alex. 43.6; Jus in xii, 5.10–11. See Mendoza 2023, 48–50. On he na u e o hese assemblies, see B ian 1984, 85–86; B ian 1994, 286–291; Boswo h 1995, 43. 74 Cu ius’ exp ession ( ii, 5.31) is e y anspa en : […] quid op imum ac u esse , os endi . 75 This is no illogical, despi e hei eason. A e all, he G eeks did no s op consul ing Delphi despi e i s p o -Pe sian s ance du ing he Ionian Re ol and he G eco -Pe sian Wa s. See Pa ke– Wo mell 1956/I, 141–179. 76 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 in he end, and as a esul , hei in e p e a ion became he ‘o icial’ one. Pe haps i was a ha momen ha he accusa ions agains he B anchidae we e mo e legally and o mally de ined. Callis henes’ ague wo ding con as s wi h he mo e p ecise e minology o la e accoun s, and i has been sugges ed ha he la e de i e om alocal adi ion. I is likely ha i was apos hoc e dic a he han a ial in absen ia. All he abo e sugges s ace ain adap a ion o he accoun – o , a leas , he addi ion o some signi ican de ails– om alocal Milesian s andpoin . Wha did his possible ewo king mean? Was i o p aise o o pu down Alexande and/o he Milesians in he a my? I Demo- damas – o any o he Milesian au ho – had wan ed o p esen he slaugh e o he B anchidae posi i ely, his episode would ha e been employed o highligh Alexande ’sclemency owa ds he Milesians, as ha ing spa ed hem om ensla emen and dea h. Howe e , i seems ha is no he case he e. Al hough Alexande played ac ucial ole in he a ai and o he new au ho i ies, i does no imply ha he was e e ed o i . As has been al eady poin ed ou , no display o special g a i ude owa ds he Macedonian king is a es ed a e 331 (see no e 55).76 The e o e, his pa migh be es ic ed o his snub o he Milesians by he public adi ion o Mile us. In conse- quence, Alexande was neu ally po ayed in he bes -case scena io. I he Milesian adi ion had aimed o anega i e ep esen a ion, i would ha e been use ul o exempli y he conque - o ’s y anny, imposing his own will o e ha o he Milesians (i.e., o ced pa icipan s o his expedi ion a e he ha sh e ms imposed ollowing he ci y’scap u e) and c uelly massac ing he B anchidae’sdescendan s – a a e a oided by Mile us i sel jus by Alexande ’swhim. The e is some e idence ha migh sugges ha hey d ew pa allels be ween wha happened in Sogdiana and in Ionia, espec i ely. Some eshaping can also be posi ed a e he a es ed simila i ies be ween Cu ius’ e sion o he B anchidae massac e and Mile us’ su ende , especially in he p esence o supplian s. The desc ibed scenes a e analogous and in e se a he same ime. In Mile us, despi e ini ial esis ance, Alexande spa ed he ci izens. On he o he hand, in he B anchidae illage, despi e he wa m ecep ion, he Macedonian king ul ima ely punished i s inhabi an s wi h ex eme se e i y. Howe e , as no ed, Alexande ’sseizu e o Mile us was no ha bloodless: many ci i- zens died, and he ci y migh ha e been loo ed (see no e 41), jus like he B anchidae illage. The assaul s on bo h owns a e simila , wi h Macedonians oops enci cling hem and bu s ing in om all di ec ions. Bo h he Milesians and he B anchidae decided o supplica e o he king,77 eeling o e whelmed by he ubiqui ous Macedonian soldie s. Un o una ely, he o e lap o lacunae does no allow us o d aw good compa isons be ween au ho s. In he case o Mile us, Diodo us’ accoun has been p ese ed bu no Cu ius’; in con as , o he B anchidae episode, is he accoun o Cu ius is ex an a he han Diodo us’. The e o e, apa allel exis s, bu i is no possible o assess i i is coinciden al o adelibe a e con aposi ion, whe he by Cu ius, Diodo us, o hei (common?) sou ces. Ne e heless, i is likely ha , whe he on pu pose o no , he assaul on he B anchidae own e oked simila bad memo ies o he Milesians. The ques ion o Demodamas’ opinion abou Alexande has been le in he ai hus a . I is ha d o assess, bu he e is amino de ail ha could shed ligh on his. As s a ed abo e, De- modamas se up al a s o Apollo Didymeus in Sogdiana. He a i ed a he i e Jaxa es, and added his name o ap es igious succession o indi iduals who eached he edge o he wo ld and e ec ed al a s: He acles, Fa he Libe (Dionysus), Semi amis, Cy us, and Alexande (Pliny 76 The las concilia o y app oach was he embassy sen o Memphis. 77 No e he ypical de ail o he oli e boughs, ound bo h in Diodo us’ chap e o Mile us’ all and Cu ius’ accoun o he B anchidae massac e. 77MARC MENDOZA NH i, 16(18).49; Solinus 49.5; Ma ianus Capella i, 692).78 In ac , Pliny w i es ha Demoda- mas no only eached he i e , bu ha he c ossed i and se his al a s on he o he side o i ( anscendi eum amnem Demodamas… a asque apollini didymaeo s a ui ).79 The e o e, he did no eally es o e hem o se new ones nex o he o me : he es ablished b and -new monumen s. Ace ain An iochia in Scy hia has been sugges ed o be Demodamas’ ounda ion– i i was no me ely he e ounda ion o Alexand ia Escha e.80 Al a s o columns we e buil as bounda y ma ke s and, in consequence, i he se hem beyond he i e Jaxa es, he was making aclaim o e ha e i o y (S abo iii, 5.5)– so i migh imply ha An iochia in Scy hia was no jus a e ounda ion, bu ase lemen on he o he sho e.81 The e o e, Demodamas’ deed no only emula ed his o e unne s bu su passed hem. Th ough i , Demodamas b ough Apollo and he Milesians u he han any o he (ci ilized) human had been be o e. The cons uc ion o hose eas e nmos al a s exal ed Mile us’ na ional god, Apollo Didymeus, om alocal o an ecumenical scope (Nawo ka 2008, 147–148; Bea zo 2017, 147, 150–152). This ac o eshadowed, o was one o he i s signs o , his ele a ion as he Seleucid pa on god, depending on when his linkage is supposed o ha e been es ablished.82 Mo eo e , Apollo’s iumph o e He acles and Dionysus could be an analogy o he Seleucid migh o e hei dynas ic i als: Macedonia– ei he A gead o An igonid, because bo h claimed He aclid ances y– and he P olemies, who associa ed hemsel es bo h wi h He acles and Dionysus. Ne e heless, his la e compa ison depends on when his di ine ances y was es ablished, and mos o he ex an e idence is 78 Ma ianus Capella did no include Semi amis and Cy us in his lis ; see no e 2. Alexande his o ians w o e abou akind o i y -co e ed bounda y ma ke s ha he Macedonians a ibu ed o Dionysus (Cu ius iii, 10.5, ii, 9.15; Me z Epi ome 12; c . Eu ipides Bac. 15), bu wi h no men ion o any o he o he people ound in he accoun s abou Demodamas. The e is no wo d ei he on whe he Alex- ande es o ed hem o se new al a s he e, jus like Pliny and O osius (i, 2.5) imply. They could ha e been ku gans, see Boswo h 1995, 31. S abo (iii, 5.5) places some o he al a s in India. 79 Alexande did ac ually c oss he i e , bu i was jus aquick aid (Cu ius ii, 9.1–16; A ian An. i , 4.3–9; Plu a ch Alex. 45.5; Mo . 341c; Me z Epi ome 12). He pene a ed be ween 80 and 150 s adia be o e u ning back, acco ding o he sou ces. Cu ius ( ii, 9.15) and he Me z Epi ome explici ly s a e ha he Macedonian a my eached and wen beyond Dionysus’ bounda ies, al hough hey seem o place hem beyond he i e . The ci y o Alexand ia Escha e was ( e) ounded by he i e , bu on he sou h bank, and i o mally was he limi o Alexande ’s e i o y in he no heas (Cu ius ii, 6.25–27; A ian An. i , 4.1; Jus in xii, 5.12). See F ase 1996, 151–153; Cohen 2013, 252–255. Pliny clea ly places he al a s by Alexand ia Escha e. Appian (Sy . 57) included he ci y as one o Seleucus’ ounda ions. Pe haps i was e ounded in he same expedi ion in which Demodamas e ec ed he al a s. See Boswo h 1995, 17; con a F ase 1996, 38, 153, n. 94. 80 In he Tabula Peu inge iana (xi, 5), wo al a s can be seen below Alexand ia Escha e and An iochia in Scy hia. See Ta n 1940, 91–93; F ase 1996, 33; F ase 2009, 332; Cohen 2013, 250–252. 81 I is wo h no ing ha Pliny (NH i, 62(21)) is he only one o a es ha Alexande e ec ed his al a s a he opposi e sho e o he i e Hyphasis in India whe e his expedi ion ended. The o he sou ces did no p ese e such ac ossing: A ian An. , 29.1–2; Cu ius ix, 3.19; Jus in xii, 8.16; Diodo us Siculus x ii, 95.1–2; S abo iii, 5.5; Plu a ch Alex. 62.7–8; Me z Epi ome 69; Philos a us VA ii, 43. See Hamil on 1969; Boswo h 1995, 356. 82 This has been aho opic in Seleucid his o iog aphy. Those sugges ing an ea ly da e ha e o en b ough up apassage om Diodo us (xix, 90.3–4), in which Seleucus e ealed aDidymean p oph- ecy ela ed o his igh o ule o e Asia in 312; see also Appian Sy . 56; Libanius O . xi, 99. Some ha e e en sugges ed ha Demodamas was behind his episode, and he migh be media ed be ween Seleucus and his home own sanc ua y. See Bea zo 1984; Bea zo 2017, 149–150; Landucci Ga - inoni 2013, 34–36, 42. Con a Haussoulie 1902, 33–34; Mus i 1966, 148–149; Pa ke 1985a, 50–51; Fon en ose 1988, 215–217; G ainge 1990, 164; Nawo ka 2008, 135, 143–145; P imo 2009, 186. 78 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/2 la e.83 Ne e heless, He acles and Dionysus we e wo gods closely ela ed o Alexande al eady du ing his li e ime o , a leas , in he Diadochi pe iod.84 Thus, once mo e, i could be ano he spi e ul e e ence o he Macedonian king and his will o emula e hese gods’ iumphs in he Eas . In any case, Demodamas’ achie emen would ha e exci ed Milesian p ide and boos ed Didyma’s epu a ion. In addi ion, i may ha e been el like ge ing e en wi h Alexande o his p e ious sligh s: his ea came o no hing hanks o Demodamas’ g ea es iumph. I so, Demodamas’ wo k could ha e also included ac i ical bias owa ds Alexande in line wi h wha seemed o be he main adi ion in ea ly Hellenis ic Mile us. CONCLUSIONS Alexande ’sconques o Mile us b ough ha d imes o he ci y, somehow wo sened by he king’sdis us owa d i s ci izens. E en hough he new au ho i ies ied o s eng hen he ela ionship, i was in ain. Howe e , Didyma was eopened and, e en i he p ophecy sen o Alexande p o ed useless, he king’sha shness was o do hem an unexpec ed a ou . The annihila ion o he long -los B anchidae– and he des uc ion o hei copyca sh ine in Sogdiana– clea ed he way o acomple e change o managemen , despi e a emp s by some o seize i o hei amily, and he ope a ion o he eopened o acula cen e. The ole o he Milesians in he inciden emains doub ul, bu con enien ly, he o icial e sion spa ed hem o any di ec esponsibili y, hus a oiding u he un es in hei home own. This ambiguous ole played by Alexande ound i s way in o he local adi ion and, in u n, o i s w i e s. Some de ails o he ex an na a i es clea ly sugges aMilesian o igin, and e en ace ain ewo k- ing o some aspec s o i hem be e in he accep ed accoun . Among he local au ho s ha could ha e in luenced la e w i e s, Demodamas, who had close ela ions bo h wi h Didyma and he Seleucids, clea ly s ands ou . I is e y likely ha he deal wi h he episode in his wo ks, especially when desc ibing his deeds in Cen al Asia. Al hough he e is no conclusi e e idence o de e mine wi hou doub ha Demodamas’ na a i e is e lec ed in he ex an e sions, he possibili y canno be ejec ed ou igh , and i e en appea s as ap obable op ion. Howe e , his main a ou o Mile us and his belo ed sanc ua y was he se ing o he al a s o Apollo Didymeus a he edge o he oikoumene. Wi h his ac ion, Demodamas su passed any o he G eek mo al man– including Alexande – and bound oge he he wo ex emes o Asia unde he aegis o his na ional pa on god. Fa away Sogdiana, he e o e, became an 83 An igonid connec ion wi h He acles was, in u n, aconsequence o hei alleged ela ionship wi h he A geads. Di ec a es a ion is la e (Polybius , 10.10) bu He acles appea ed on ea ly An igonid coins. An igonus Monop halmus and Deme ius Polio ce es issued coins wi h he he o’shead, bu he ype was widesp ead in ha pe iod, ha ing been al eady used by Alexande . P olemaic associa ion wi h He acles seems o be ea ly, because P olemy Iwould ha e claimed o be Philip II’sillegi ima e son (Pausanias i, 6.2; Cu ius ix, 8.22; Suda s. . Λάγος). Howe e , he e was an al e na i e genealogy ha claimed descen om bo h He acles and Dionysus h ough A sinoe, P olemy’smo he (Sa y us FG His 631F 1 apud Theophilus Ad Au ol. ii, 7; Theoc i us x ii, 26). See also OGIS 54. P olemaic ondness o Dionysus is clea ly p o ed by Philadelphus’ g ea p ocession in he ea ly 270s (Callixenus o Rhodes FG His 627F 2 apud A henaeus , 197c–203e), which sugges s ap e ious ela ion. So e issued coins wi h Alexande wea ing Dionysian elemen s such as he elephan scalp, an iden i ica ion also ound in his son’spompé. 84 In he same way, Alexande is ound emula ing o su passing Cy us and Semi amis elsewhe e du ing his campaign (e.g., his e u n ip h ough Ged osia). S abo e en called him φιλόκυρος (‘ ond o Cy us’). 79MARC MENDOZA unexpec ed p o agonis o ea ly Hellenis ic Mile us. The e en s ha happened he e p omp ed ase ies o deep changes ha a e c ucial o unde s anding Milesian iden i y -building in ha pe iod. Apollo Didymeus wen wice o Sogdiana and back. 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