Formal and Methodological Approaches to Applied Linguistics

languages Article Spanish Grammatical Gender Interference in Papiamentu Jorge R. Valdés Kroff1,*, Frederieke Rooijakkers 2and M. Carmen Parafita Couto 2,* 1Spanish and Portuguese Studies, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, USA 2Centre for Linguistics, Leiden University, 2311 EZ Leiden, The Netherlands; frederieker[email protected] *Correspondence: [email protected] (J.R.V.K.); [email protected].nl (M.C.P.C.); Tel.: +1-352-273-3744 (J.R.V.K.); +31-71-527-2644 (M.C.P.C.) Received: 16 May 2019; Accepted: 11 October 2019; Published: 16 October 2019   Abstract: The aim of this study is to determine whether Spanish-like gender agreement causes interference in speakers of Papiamentu (a Western Romance-lexified creole language) who also speak Spanish. Papiamentu and Spanish are highly cognate languages in terms of their lexicons. However, Papiamentu lacks grammatical gender assignment and agreement, leading to cognate words with major morpho-syntactic differences. A total of 41 participants with different linguistic profiles (Papiamentu-dominant, Dutch-dominant, Spanish-dominant, and Spanish heritage speaker-Papiamentu bilinguals) listened to 82 Papiamentu sentences, of which 40 contained a Spanish-like gender-agreeing element on the Determiner, Adjective, or Determiner +Adjective and with half of the experimental items marked with overtly masculine (i.e., -o) or feminine (i.e., -a) gender morphology. Participants performed a forced-choice acceptability task and were asked to repeat each sentence. Results showed that Spanish-dominant speakers experienced the greatest interference of Spanish gender features in Papiamentu. This suggests that in cases where speakers must suppress gender in their second language (L2), this is not easy to do. This is especially the case in highly cognate languages that differ in whether they realize gender features. Keywords: grammatical gender; interference; cognates; Papiamentu; Spanish 1. Introduction Grammatical differences between languages often result in difficulties in second language (L2) acquisition and bilingual strategies in language contact (e.g., Hopp 2013;Muysken 2013). This cross-linguistic interference is likely to occur in the case of highly cognate languages due to increased lexical and semantic overlap. The current study examines what happens when speakers of a morphologically rich language (Spanish) also speak a highly cognate language that lacks a morphological feature (Papiamentu). We examine this issue through gender agreement due to it being a well-studied morpho-syntactic element in first language (L1) and L2 acquisition (Montrul 2004). Its difficulty for L2 speakers who speak languages that lack gender agreement is also well-documented (e.g., Eddington 2002;Grüter et al. 2012;Montrul et al. 2008). Papiamentu is an Iberian-lexifier creole language spoken on the islands of Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao (former Dutch Antilles) and in the Netherlands. The total number of Papiamentu speakers is approximately 200,000. Papiamentu speakers in Curaçao are highly multilingual, often speaking Papiamentu, Dutch, English, and Spanish to varying degrees. Despite the variety of languages present on the islands, Papiamentu is the first language of more than 80% of the population on the Caribbean islands (Kester 2011). Languages 2019,4, 78; doi:10.3390/languages4040078 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 78 2 of 12 1.1. The Nominal Domain in Spanish and Papiamentu Grammatically speaking, Spanish nouns are either masculine or feminine. Although the gender distribution between masculine and feminine nouns is roughly half, masculine is characterized as the default or unmarked gender (Harris 1991). Most Spanish nouns and adjectives mark grammatical gender in canonical endings such as -o for masculine and -a for feminine. Spanish determiners and adjectives agree with the noun in gender and number, with most adjectives following the noun. Unlike Spanish, Papiamentu has no gender distinction but the relative position of Papiamentu adjectives with respect to the noun is like Spanish. Adjectives in Papiamentu are invariant typically ending in -o or -u. Examples (1) and (2) illustrate the lexical and word order similarities between Spanish (a) and Papiamentu (b). 1. a. Lafem mesafem redondafem b. EØmesaØrondóØ The table round ‘The round table’ 2. a. Elmasc patomasc blancomasc b. EØpatuØblankuØ The duck white ‘The white duck’ 1.2. Gender Interference in Palenquero-Spanish Speakers Lipski (2015) investigated whether Spanish-Palenquero bilinguals accept and/or reproduce Spanish gender agreement in Palenquero. Palenquero is a Spanish-based Afro-Colombian creole language spoken in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia. Palenquero and Spanish share largely cognate lexicons while Palenquero morpho-syntax is what Lipski describes as a subset of Spanish (i.e., it lacks grammatical gender). To determine whether Spanish-like feminine gender agreement could be observed in Palenquero, Lipski (2015) first used a picture-describing task. He tests 10 first language (L1) Palenquero speakers, 10 Palenquero heritage speakers, 10 L2 Palenquero speakers, and 4 Palenquero language instruction teachers. The results confirm his hypotheses that Spanish gender agreement cannot be fully suppressed by L2 Palenquero speakers, who introduce some Spanish-like feminine gender agreement in Palenquero determiners and adjectives modifying nouns whose Spanish cognates are grammatically feminine. In contrast, L1 speakers and the metalinguistically sensitive Palenquero language teachers exhibit little Spanish-like feminine agreement. Nonetheless, the high activation level of Spanish prompted by the large number of cognates results in some carryover of gender agreement. Heritage speakers show greater inter-speaker variability. Lipski additionally utilizes an acceptability task in which participants listen to stimuli and state whether the utterance is “good” Palenquero or not. Afterwards, they repeat each sentence exactly as they have heard it, regardless of their own intuitions on the acceptability of the sentence. Here, 12 L1 Palenquero speakers, 12 heritage Palenquero speakers, 15 L2 Palenquero speakers, and 6 Palenquero language teachers are tested. Results show that L1 speakers and teachers pattern together in accepting about half of the feminine gender-agreement stimuli. Heritage and L2 speakers, on the other hand, display an acceptance level of around 75%. As Lipski predicted, L1 speakers change many feminine endings in -a to the well-formed Palenquero gender-invariant -o while L2 speakers rarely do, thus demonstrating Spanish interference due to acceptance of Spanish-like gender agreement. Palenquero language teachers behave like L1 speakers when modifiers are immediately adjacent to the head noun but more like heritage speakers for predicate adjectives. Lipski suggests that even though the teachers are metalinguistically aware, Palenquero is not their dominant language. In a more recent study, Lipski (2017) examines the tradeoffbetween the on-line construction of modifier-noun gender agreement and the automatization of agreement. In this study, he focuses on L1 Spanish speakers who are acquiring L2 Palenquero. When switching from the gender-agreeing L1 Languages 2019,4, 78 3 of 12 to the gender-less L2, the persistence or absence of gender agreement in cognate items is an indirect measure of the cost differential between producing morpho-syntactic agreement and suppressing the carryover of obligatory agreement to the L2. To test this, Lipski conducts a number recall +repetition experiment and a speeded translation task. The results reveal the strong influence of L1 Spanish gender agreement on L2 Palenquero. Furthermore, heritage Palenquero speakers’ retention of gender agreement falls between L1 and L2 speakers. Taken together, the results of Lipski’s (2015,2017) studies suggest that “less” is not always preferred to “more”. Lipski posits that the appearance of Spanish-like gender agreement in the L2 and heritage Palenquero speakers may be due to the failure to inhibit cognate Spanish items and the corresponding syntactic projections responsible for gender agreement. 1.3. Current Study: Spanish Grammatical Gender Interference in Papiamentu The current study extends Lipski (2015,2017) to Papiamentu-Spanish multilinguals 1 . We test if dominant Papiamentu speakers—speakers born into Papiamentu-speaking families and raised on the islands who are also exposed to Spanish—accept and/or reproduce Spanish-like gender agreement in Papiamentu. Following Lipski, we hypothesize that dominant Papiamentu speakers will reject Spanish gender agreement in Papiamentu sentences. In contrast, Spanish heritage speakers, who have been raised and schooled in a Papiamentu-majority environment but whose home language is Spanish, and Spanish-dominant L2 speakers of Papiamentu who immigrated to the islands after puberty, are predicted to accept more sentences that contain Spanish-like gender agreement. We additionally include a group of dominant Dutch speakers whose families immigrated from the Netherlands but who are brought up on the islands (and who are also exposed to Spanish) to test whether the presence of grammatical gender in the L1 more generally may lead to gender agreement interference. Like Spanish, Dutch has a two-way gender system which distinguishes between common gender (nouns that are preceded by the Dutch article de) and neuter gender (nouns that are preceded by the Dutch article het). These two gender categories are distributed unequally as the common gender comprises around 75% of all Dutch nouns (Pablos et al. 2019). The Dutch gender system is more opaque, and the distinction between common and neuter gender in Dutch is neutralized in the plural form (preceded by the Dutch article de). Despite the experimental design and linguistic similarities between the two language pairs, our study is different from Lipski’s (2015) study in several ways. First, most participants in Lipski’s experiments were dominant Spanish speakers acquiring L2 Palenquero in a sociopolitical context in which Spanish is the prestige, government-sanctioned language and in which formal education is conducted. In our Papiamentu-Spanish study, Spanish remains primarily a minority language with environmental presence on the media and through tourism and is supplemented with formal education in public schools from eighth grade in Curaçao, partly due to close geographic proximity to Venezuela. Thus, this study allows us to examine the directionality of cross-linguistic effects of morpho-syntactic transfer in cognate languages and to compare the role of environmental factors. 2. Materials and Methods 2.1. Participants Forty-one participants were tested in Curaçao during the period of June–August 2018. The participants were divided into four different categories, illustrated in (3): 1 We refer to our participants as multilinguals because the residents on the island are regularly exposed to Dutch, English, Papiamentu, and Spanish to varying degrees, with the dominant or preferred language often intersecting with racial identity (Kester 2011). For further group characteristics and an extended discussion on Dutch grammatical gender, we refer the reader to the text and Table S1 in the Supplementary Materials. Languages 2019,4, 78 4 of 12 3. a. Dutch Dominant (n =7) b. Papiamentu Dominant (n =22) c. Spanish Dominant (n =6) d. Heritage Spanish (HS) Papiamentu (n =6) This group division was determined by the responses of a linguistic background questionnaire based on (1) self-reported Spanish and Papiamentu proficiency, (2) the age of acquisition of Spanish and Papiamentu, (3) the language spoken at home and the language spoken at school, and (4) the country of birth (see Table S1 in Supplementary Materials). Participants in the Dutch-dominant group were born in Curaçao, learned Papiamentu at a young age, and speak Dutch at home as the dominant language. Additionally, most participants in this group lived in the Netherlands when the experiment took place and thus are primarily exposed to Dutch. The Papiamentu-dominant group consists of L1 Papiamentu speakers that learned Papiamentu at a young age and grew up in households where Papiamentu was the dominant language. Most of the participants in this group are multilingual and learned Spanish in primary school. Two participants in this group were exposed to Spanish under the age of two. For the Spanish-dominant group, participants were born in a Spanish-speaking country, speak Spanish at home, and were exposed to Papiamentu as adults. Finally, the Spanish HS-Papiamentu group includes participants who were either born in a Spanish-speaking country or in Curaçao and learned Papiamentu in primary school. Their home language was reported to be Spanish. All participants of this group moved to Curaçao at a young age and still live in Curaçao today. 2.2. Materials Eighty-two Papiamentu sentences were created, of which 38 2 contained a Spanish-like gender-agreeing element either on the determiner (n =8), the adjective (n =12), or both (n =18). Out of these 38 manipulated sentences, 18 contained combinations of adjectives and/or determiners whose Spanish cognates are feminine (e.g., adjectives and/or determiners ending in –a). The other twenty sentences contained Spanish-like masculine gender-agreement (e.g., adjectives or plural determiners ending in –o(s)). The remaining 42 filler sentences were Papiamentu sentences with no gender manipulations (i.e., “correct” Papiamentu sentences). Two native Papiamentu speakers from Curaçao verified if the manipulated stimuli were correct Papiamentu sentences, apart from the experimentally manipulated target determiners and/or adjectives. All sentences were recorded by a Papiamentu-Spanish male speaker. After the recordings, the items were shortened with PRAAT software (version 5.3.16; Boersma and Weenink 2012). The entire list of 82 stimuli was randomized in Excel using the (=RAND) function, and four different lists were created. All stimuli were loaded on a laptop, and headphones with a built-in microphone were used to record responses. Two examples of stimuli that were used in the experiment, containing a masculine and feminine Spanish gender-agreeing element, are provided below in (5): 5. a. Spanish-like feminine gender agreement3: Example stimulus: Lafem pluma blankafem ta suave Papiamentu Equivalent: E pluma blanku ta suave det feather white TAM soft ‘The white feather is soft’ b. Spanish-like masculine gender agreement: Example stimulus: E paranan chikitomasc ta kanta bunito4 Papiamentu Equivalent: E paranan chikitu ta kanta bunita det bird-PL small TAM sing beautiful ‘The small birds are singing beautifully’ 2 The original dataset had 40 experimental stimuli, but we subsequently discovered incorrect coding on 2 sentences and removed these from analyses. Languages 2019,4, 78 5 of 12 As shown in (5), the manipulated adjectives and determiners occurred in different positions in the sentence (i.e., post-nominal and predicate adjectives were included). Tables 1and 2provide a more detailed overview of the distribution of the gendered adjectives and determiners, respectively. Table 1. Examples of experimentally-manipulated adjectives. Adjective Endings Feminine -a (-o in PAP 1) Feminine -a (-u in PAP) Masculine -o (-a in PAP) Masculine -o (-u in PAP) Example stimulus rondáchikita delegóblanko Papiamentu rondóchikitu delegáblanku Spanish equivalent redondo/a pequeño/a delgado/a blanco/a English translation ‘round’ ‘small’ ‘thin’ ‘white’ 1PAP =Papiamentu. Table 2. Examples of experimentally-manipulated determiners. Determiners Masculine Singular el 1 (ein PAP) Feminine Singular la/una (e/un in PAP) Masculine Plural los (ein PAP) Feminine Plural las (ein PAP) Example stimulus el aros una kara los piskánan las islanan Papiamentu e aros un kara e piskánan e islanan Spanish equivalent el arroz una cara los peces/pescados las islas English translation ‘the rice’ ‘a face’ ‘the fish (plural)’ ‘the islands’ 1Spanish indefinite determiner un was not used because of its cognate status with Papiamentu. 2.3. Procedure The experiment followed the Ethics Code for linguistic research in the faculty of Humanities at Leiden University, which approved its implementation. Participants were instructed that they would listen to 82 Papiamentu sentences over noise-cancelling headphones. Each sentence was immediately followed by a short “beep” sound. Upon hearing the beep, all participants were asked to indicate if the sentence was correct Papiamentu 5 by responding with “yes” or “no” within two seconds (i.e., acceptability judgment task) and to repeat the Papiamentu sentence exactly as they heard it (i.e., sentence repetition task). All answers outside of this time window were not used for the analysis, and the instructions were given in English or Dutch (i.e., languages in which the second author could provide instructions). All 41 participants completed the task without any objection and all answers were digitally recorded. After completing both tasks, all participants completed a language history questionnaire and signed a consent form giving permission to use all recorded data. Participants had the option to complete all forms in Spanish or Papiamentu (languages in which all participants were literate). 3. Results We report on the results for accuracy for the acceptability judgment task: for experimental trials, the expected response is ‘no’. First, we analyzed the unchanged Papiamentu filler items in which the expected response is ‘yes’ to ensure that participants were not randomly selecting answers. One participant from the Papiamentu-dominant group was removed from this analysis and all subsequent analyses for having scored only about half correct (45%) on filler trials. For the remaining 40 participants, 3For glosses, det =determiner, TAM =tense-aspect-mood particle, and PL =plural. 4 A reviewer rightly points out that bonito is an adverb derived from an adjective and would not show gender agreement in Spanish. This is the only experimental sentence with such characteristics. For a list of experimental sentences, see Appendix A. 5 For this experiment, ‘correct’ Papiamentu means that the participants would consider the Papiamentu sentence to be a grammatically well-formed sentence when speaking to another Papiamentu speaker. Languages 2019,4, 78 6 of 12 the Dutch-dominant group correctly identified 93% (range: 76–100%); the Papiamentu-dominant group correctly identified 90% (range: 73–100%); the Spanish-dominant group correctly identified 89% (range: 80–95%); and the Heritage Spanish-Papiamentu group correctly identified 88% (range: 88–100%) of filler items. Thus, all remaining participants show high accuracy on identifying correct Papiamentu sentences. For the main analysis, we conducted a 3 × 2 × 4 repeated-measures ANOVA in R (v. 3.5.1) in which the dependent variable is the proportion of correctly identifying experimental items as not well-formed, with the within-subjects factors Condition (Adjective, Determiner, Determiner + Adjective) and Gender (Masculine, Feminine) and the between-subjects factor Group (Dutch-dominant, Papiamentu-dominant, Spanish-dominant, Heritage Spanish-Papiamentu). The dataset consisted of 1558 tokens out of a possible 1640 tokens. The omnibus model revealed a main effect for Condition (F[2,72] =10.17, p<0.001), a main effect for Gender (F[1,36] =20.37, p<0.001), and a main effect for Group (F[3, 36] =29.29, p<0.001). The model also confirmed an interaction between Group and Condition (F[6,72] =5.79, p<0.001) and a 3-way Condition x Gender x Group interaction (F[6,72] =5.44, p<0.001). Due to the 3-way interaction, we conducted separate 3 × 2 repeated-measures ANOVAs per group. 3.1. Dutch-Dominant Group For the Dutch-dominant group (n =7), the statistical model revealed a main effect for Condition (F[2,12] =5.4, p=0.021) and a main effect for Gender (F[1,6] =12.43, p=0.012). There was no significant interaction between the two variables. As illustrated in Figure 1, this group was least accurate with the determiner condition and least accurate on masculine-marked trials. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 12 3. Results We report on the results for accuracy for the acceptability judgment task: for experimental trials, the expected response is ‘no’. First, we analyzed the unchanged Papiamentu filler items in which the expected response is ‘yes’ to ensure that participants were not randomly selecting answers. One participant from the Papiamentu-dominant group was removed from this analysis and all subsequent analyses for having scored only about half correct (45%) on filler trials. For the remaining 40 participants, the Dutch-dominant group correctly identified 93% (range: 76–100%); the Papiamentu-dominant group correctly identified 90% (range: 73–100%); the Spanish-dominant group correctly identified 89% (range: 80–95%); and the Heritage Spanish-Papiamentu group correctly identified 88% (range: 88–100%) of filler items. Thus, all remaining participants show high accuracy on identifying correct Papiamentu sentences. For the main analysis, we conducted a 3 × 2 × 4 repeated-measures ANOVA in R (v. 3.5.1) in which the dependent variable is the proportion of correctly identifying experimental items as not well-formed, with the within-subjects factors Condition (Adjective, Determiner, Determiner + Adjective) and Gender (Masculine, Feminine) and the between-subjects factor Group (Dutchdominant, Papiamentu-dominant, Spanish-dominant, Heritage Spanish-Papiamentu). The dataset consisted of 1558 tokens out of a possible 1640 tokens. The omnibus model revealed a main effect for Condition (F[2,72] = 10.17, p < 0.001), a main effect for Gender (F[1,36] = 20.37, p < 0.001), and a main effect for Group (F[3, 36] = 29.29, p < 0.001). The model also confirmed an interaction between Group and Condition (F[6,72] = 5.79, p < 0.001) and a 3-way Condition x Gender x Group interaction (F[6,72] = 5.44, p < 0.001). Due to the 3-way interaction, we conducted separate 3 × 2 repeated-measures ANOVAs per group. 3.1. Dutch-Dominant Group For the Dutch-dominant group (n = 7), the statistical model revealed a main effect for Condition (F[2,12] = 5.4, p = 0.021) and a main effect for Gender (F[1,6] = 12.43, p = 0.012). There was no significant interaction between the two variables. As illustrated in Figure 1, this group was least accurate with the determiner condition and least accurate on masculine-marked trials. Figure 1. Mean proportion accuracy for the Dutch-dominant group. Error bars represent +/- 1 Standard Error of the Mean. Condition is plotted on the horizontal axis. Adj = adjective, Det = determiner, Det + Adj = determiner + adjective, M = masculine, F = feminine. Figure 1. Mean proportion accuracy for the Dutch-dominant group. Error bars represent +/ − 1 Standard Error of the Mean. Condition is plotted on the horizontal axis. Adj =adjective, Det =determiner, Det + Adj =determiner +adjective, M =masculine, F =feminine. 3.2. L1 Papiamentu-Dominant Group For the Papiamentu-dominant group (n =21), the statistical model revealed a main effect for Condition (F[2,40] =11.83, p<0.001), a main effect for Gender (F[1, 20] =19.14, p<0.001), and a significant interaction between Condition and Gender (F[2,40] =3.86, p=0.029). Due to the interaction, we conducted pairwise comparisons corrected for multiple comparisons using Tukey’s test. In languages Article The ‘Carbon Capture’ Metaphor: An English-Arabic Terminological Case Study Amal Haddad Haddad * and Silvia Montero-Martínez Department of Translation and Interpreting, University of Granada, 18002 Granada, Spain; [email protected] *Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 4 May 2019; Accepted: 23 September 2019; Published: 26 September 2019   Abstract: The study of metaphorization processes in scientific texts is essential in terminological studies and the conceptual representation of specialized knowledge. It is considered to be a prolific tool in the creation of neologisms. Many cognitive models tried to study metaphorisation processes by drawing on metaphor and metonymy based on linguistic evidence. However, recent studies have highlighted the necessity of carrying out empirical tests in order to provide refined results that go beyond the traditional theories of conceptual metaphor and metonymy. This paper analyzes the underlying metaphor in the ‘carbon capture and sequestration’ event in both English and Arabic. It also discusses the influence of English, the lingua franca, in the transfer of the neologism ‘carbon capture and sequestration’, via translation processes, and its role in the so-called domain loss in the target language. Results were obtained through a corpus-based contrastive terminological analysis, extracted from specialized texts in English and Arabic in the subdomain of climate change. Data analysis was approached from the perspective of Frame-Based Terminology and Conceptual Complexes. Keywords: translation; corpus analysis; domain loss; frame-based terminology; conceptual complexes 1. Introduction According to Lakoff’s (1993) Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), metaphor is considered as the mapping between two conceptual domains. At the linguistic level, these mappings reflect how our thoughts are structured metaphorically (Lakoffand Johnson 2003), and how metaphor is deeply engrained in the human cognitive system (Shuttleworth 2016), as it yields common crosslinguistic conceptualization patterns (Ureña G ó mez-Moreno 2015, p. 258). Additionally, Ruiz de Mendoza (2017, p. 302) defined metaphor as a mapping of conceptual structure from a source to a target domain. Interesting research on the use of metaphor in scientific discourse has been carried out by Ureña G ó mez-Moreno (2012) in marine biology; Boquera Matarredona (2005) in civil engineering, Huang (2005) in medical texts related to AIDS, and Merakchi and Rogers (2013) in the Arabic scientific discourse. On the basis of CMT, Merakchi and Rogers (2013) confirmed that conceptual metaphors are used to add coherence to scientific discourse, as they “evoke the knowledge space of a particular source domain or sets of source domains” (Merakchi and Rogers 2013, p. 345). Bordet (2016) also highlighted the fact that conceptual construction of scientific neologisms varies across languages, but metaphors are frequently used. In the context of specialized translation, Merakchi and Rogers (2013) found that the translation of metaphor in scientific texts is crucial in the intercultural and communicative act. Translators frequently use them when they insert new and complex concepts in the target language. However, in an English-Arabic corpus based study in the domain of astronomy and astrophysics, Merakchi (2017) argued that metaphorical translation is controversial. Sometimes, the original texts try to facilitate the comprehension of science to laypersons by using shared author-reader experiences. Nevertheless, these experiences are not necessarily shared with the new target culture audience. In this case, unless translations are adapted, they may potentially lead to the misunderstanding of Languages 2019,4, 77; doi:10.3390/languages4040077 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 77 2 of 14 scientific concepts and endanger cross-linguistic communication (Merakchi 2017, p. 3). However, this is not an easy situation for translators when they deal with pairs of languages that have not developed specialized terminologies equally. For instance, Abdullah and Shuttleworth (2013), in their English-Malay case study, concluded that specialized translation becomes more difficult when it involves original texts that have new and innovative scientific and technology terms. They also observed that translating specialized metaphors did pose some challenges in terms of the translation strategies available in Malay, the target language (Abdullah and Shuttleworth 2013, p. 617). In this scenario, sometimes translation processes may lead to the standardization of the underlying conceptual constructions from the source specialized domains, and to domain loss or “epistemicide” in target languages and cultures (Bordet 2016). In other words, according to Hultgren (2013, p.166), this is the failing to develop adequate scientific terminology in a national language, especially at conceptual level. One of the modern approaches that studies the conceptual constructions of specialized texts is the theory of Frame-Based Terminology (FBT) (Faber 2012). The FBT represents specialized knowledge by means of hierarchically organized terminological definitions, where each concept is delimited within a referential conceptual frame that delineates the entities, relations and actions within their specialized domains. All of this information is extracted with the help of terminological analysis tools (L ó pez-Rodr í guez et al. 2010). Ureña G ó mez-Moreno et al. (2013, p. 176) showed that the FBT is also appropriate to reveal the metaphorical relation between domains. Meaning is the result of a dynamic process, which can be explained by using frames (Ureña G ó mez-Moreno et al. 2013, p. 178). Frames are built by abstracting away conceptual structure from multiple experiences (Ruiz de Mendoza 2017, p. 302). They are particularly useful to analyze the conceptualization of metaphor at a cognitive level, as the way we store frame elements (Fes) in our mind is schematic; consequently, when we are faced with instances of frames, we adapt them to our schematic notions (Ruiz de Mendoza 2017, p. 302). Ruiz de Mendoza (2017) further indicated that in order to study cognitive models such as metaphor, it is necessary to refine the linguistic analysis through the study of conceptual complexes, which are defined as “combinations of cognitive models whose existence can be detected from a careful examination of the meaning effects of some linguistic expressions” (Ruiz de Mendoza 2017, p. 298). In this research, an approximation towards the processes of metaphorization in the subdomain of CLIMATE CHANGE was carried out, with a special focus on the conceptual metaphors and the effects in domain loss of translation processes from English into Arabic. This case study focused on the CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION (CCS) event, a knowledge structure created originally in English on a metaphorical basis, and introduced into the Arabic language via translation processes. It is a corpus-based case study which applies the principles of FBT in the extraction and codification of information from specialized texts (Faber 2015), and the notion of conceptual complexes. Reality is represented through cognitive frames which result from top-down and bottom-up processes. The aim was to categorize reality at a multidimensional level that facilitates the analysis of semantic and conceptual information from the corpus of study. 2. Materials and Methods 2.1. EcoLexicon and the Environmental Event The multilingual terminological knowledge base Eco Lexicon (http://ecolexicon.ugr.es/visual/ index_es.html) was developed by the research group Lexicon at the University of Granada. Based on the FBT, the specialized (sub-) domains of the environment are conceptually represented in the form of a visual thesaurus, in which each concept is located within a specialized frame that outlines its relation with other concepts. All related entities and processes in the domain of the environment are delimited within a general event-frame called the ENVIRONMENTAL EVENT (Figure 1). This macro-template is conceived as a “dynamic process initiated by a natural or human agent, which affects a patient and produces a result” (Ureña G ó mez-Moreno et al. 2013, p. 177). All sub events taking place in the environment are specifications of this general macrostructure. Languages 2019,4, 77 3 of 14 Figure 1. The ENVIRONMENTAL EVENT (http://ecolexicon.ugr.es/en/aboutecolexicon.htm). For instance, the process of CLIMATE CHANGE responds to the dynamics found in Figure 1. A NATURAL AGENT (like the sun) or a HUMAN AGENT causes a NATURAL or ARTIFICIAL PROCESS of warming, such as the combustion of the fossil fuels which emit heat-trapping gases, which affect STATES and ENTITIES (climate, atmosphere of the Earth). These states and entities have the semantic role of PATIENT and, at the same time, provoke different PROCESSES/RESULTS in ENTITIES such as the sea, glaciers, etc. CLIMATE CHANGE is characterized by a series of attributes like long-term change (DURATION) and is fought by means of precautionary measures, such as the use of renewable energy sources. The specific representation of the CLIMATE CHANGE sub event is found in Figure 2, a conceptual structure that codifies knowledge at a basic level (Montero-Martínez 2008, p. 4). Figure 2. The CLIMATE CHANGE event. For this study, a bottom-up process was complemented with a top-down perspective, where information was extracted from dictionaries and relevant texts in the concrete specialized subdomain. With respect to the bottom-up process, lexical constructions that evoke the concept CLIMATE CHANGE were identified, as they are considered access points towards knowledge related to this subdomain in the corpus of study. Languages 2019,4, 77 4 of 14 2.2. Corpus Selection and Description The selection criteria for the corpus of study coincides with the adequacy criteria established by Buend í a Castro and G ó mez-Moreno (2010), related to authority, content and design. Special emphasis was placed on the following parameters: (1) text authority, the identification of the author or the entity publishing a text is crucial as the internet contains many resources that are not always reliable; (2) topic, which in this case study must be related to the subject of climate change; (3) title of the text, which is indicative of the topic and helps in the searching criteria; (4) availability of full articles and texts, in order to adequately compile and cite the corpus; (5) impact factor, as it is especially important to choose journals with scientific quality. The corpora of the study contain specialized, semi-specialized, and informative texts. For this reason, parameters such as topic, availability of the complete text, and title were applicable in the selection of the entire corpus; however, the impact factor was taken into account in the case of specialized texts, and authority was especially important for informative texts. Following these criteria, three different corpora were compiled: (i) an English comparable corpus, (ii) an Arabic comparable corpus, (iii) a parallel English-Arabic corpus. With respect to the English comparable corpus, it was compiled out of the Lexicon English corpus on the environment, available online in Sketch Engine. A selection of texts concerning climate change was used (with a total of 240,795 tokens) in order to obtain metaphorically based neologisms in this domain. Items in this corpus are obtained from academic articles, journals, books, and informative texts published in online newspapers or magazines. The informative texts were especially useful for their didactic function and simplified language, since they try to explain complicated scientific research to laypersons, sometimes through analogy and metaphor. In relation to the Arabic comparable corpus (160,437 tokens), it was compiled with original texts in Arabic. However, this was not an easy task because of the scarcity of Arabic resources in comparison with the English ones, and the fact that it has not always been easy to evaluate the adequacy of the Arabic texts. For instance, in spite of being extracted from prestigious websites such as universities and national ministries, some of the texts in the Arabic corpus lack an exact bibliographic description, and vital elements such as type of text, name of the event in which it was presented, etc. For this reason, in general, it has not been possible to fulfill the criterion of impact factor in the case of texts originally written in Arabic. Additionally, in spite of the availability of the full texts, it was not possible to obtain a machine readable format for Sketch Engine, the corpus analysis tool. Consequently, the Arabic comparable corpus posed a challenge. Finally, a parallel corpus was also created with original texts in English (29,430 tokens) and their translations into Arabic (36,326 tokens). It was adequately aligned by means of the tool Align documents, founding TRADOS Studio 2015. Texts were extracted from the journal Nature (http://www.nature.com/), together with their Arabic version; and from Scientific American (https: //www.scientificamerican.com/), and their translation into Arabic available in Al-Oloom Magazine (http://www.oloommagazine.com/Home/Default.aspx). Both publications have an elevated h index according to SJR (Scimago Journal and Country Report) (http://www.scimagojr.com/index.php). A book on climate change edited by the UNESCO was also included, together with some articles from Permaculture Research Institute. Finally, relevant texts from the Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) and their Arabic official translation are found in the corpus. The complete list of references in the corpus can be found in the following link: https://www.dropbox.com/s/x8p8uobk1jaermr/Appendixes_Carbon%20Capture%20and% 20Sequestration%20An%20English%20Arabic%20Terminological%20Case%20Study.pdf?dl=0. 2.3. Candidate Metaphorical Terms and the CARBON CAPTURE and SEQUESTRATION Event In order to extract useful information related to metaphorization processes, the framework described in Montero-Mart í nez (2008) was implemented. It was based on the FBT and allows the precise identification and characterization of the lexical constructions which form part of an event. The process was divided into: (a) identification of constructions evoking the frame; (b) description Languages 2019,4, 77 5 of 14 of the frame lexical and conceptual profile; (c) specification of the frame relations and attributes; (d) representation of the frame definitional template. First, the corpus was analyzed in order to obtain candidate metaphorical terms and the Arabic equivalents. A word list, ordered by frequency, was generated with the help of Sketch Engine. Afterwards, it was manually analyzed to obtain a series of metaphorical candidate terms. One of the candidate terms is the lexeme ‘capture’ which appears in the corpus 52 times, as seen in Table 1. Table 1. List of words and frequency. Word Frequency 1. capture 43 2. captured 9 The lexical unit ‘capture’ is defined in the Cambridge Online Dictionary (https://dictionary.cambridge. org/es/) as “to take someone as a prisoner, or to take something into your possession, especially by force”. Therefore, it was selected as a metaphorical candidate to study whether, in fact, it entailed a metaphorization process or not. The contextual analysis showed that ‘capture ’frequently co-appears with the lexical units ‘sequestration’, ‘storage’, and ‘carbon’, resulting in the term ‘carbon capture and sequestration’ or ‘carbon capture and storage’(CSS), as shown in Example (1.a), (1.b), (1.c) and (1.d.) extracted from the English corpus. The fact that the argument carbon is not an animated or material object indicates that the predicate CAPTURE is used metaphorically in such examples. In other words, the argument selection carried out by the predicate in this specialized context differs from the selection described by the Cambridge Dictionary for the predicate CAPTURE in general language. Additionally, the fact that the lexeme “capture” frequently co-occurs in the corpus with ‘sequestration’ activates a semantic area within the realm of criminal acts and police action. Further evidence is also found in concordance (1.c.), where CSS is described as a type of “sequestration technique”. 1. Examples (1.a), (1.b), (1.c) and (1.d.) show how the CCS appears in context as ‘carbon capture and sequestration’ or ‘carbon capture and storage’. a. “ . . . is one step in the process of carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), and involves . . . ¨ b. “ . . . Carbon Capture and Sequestration (CCS) is a set of . . . ” c. “ . . . sequestration techniques such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) will be able to reduce the . . . ” d. “ . . . systems or bioenergy coupled with carbon capture and sequestration setups. This poses an . . . ” The lexical constructions related to the term CCS represent the lexical formalization of the CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION event. These related units help in the identification of the conceptual profile of the frame, as they represent the concepts which are part of it. For example, some of the contexts retrieved from the corpus in relation to the lexical profile of the event are (2), (3), and (4). They show some key lexical constructions in italics which were further analyzed in order to understand the conceptual dynamics of the CCS event. 2. Carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) is a set of technologies that can greatly reduce carbon dioxide emissions from new and existing coal- and gas-fired power plants, industrial processes, and other stationary sources of carbon dioxide. 3. Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS). A suite of technologies exists that allows for CO2 from the combustion or gasification of coal and other fossil fuels to be captured rather than released to the atmosphere. Once captured, CO 2 from fossil fuel use can be injected into and permanently sequestered in underground geologic formations. Languages 2019,4, 77 6 of 14 4. It is a three-step process that includes the capture of carbon dioxide from power plants or industrial sources; transport of the captured and compressed carbon dioxide (usually in pipelines); and underground injection and geologic sequestration, or permanent storage, of that carbon dioxide in rock formations that contain tiny openings or pores that trap and hold the carbon dioxide. This information was also enriched with a top-down approach, where some units were extracted from specialized resources, such as dictionaries, encyclopedias, etc. For instance, The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report of 2005 (Bert et al. 2005, p. 3) defines the terminological variant carbon capture and storage (CCS) as “a process consisting of the separation of CO 2 from industrial and energy-related sources, transport to a storage location and long-term isolation from the atmosphere. This report considers CCS as an option in the portfolio of mitigation actions for stabilization of atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations” [sic].Thus, Figure 3shows the conceptual representation of the CCS event, defined as the process (PROCESS) to capture (PROCESS) the carbon dioxide (PATIENT) produced by the human activity (AGENT) of combustion of fossil fuel (PROCESS);to transport (PROCESS) and, finally, to storage it (PROCESS) permanently (DURATION), in geological formations or in deep sea-beds (ENTITY), in order to prevent it from reaching the atmosphere (PATIENT), and, consequently, mitigate climate change (PROCESS).The event presents its own specificity in terms of the entities and processes that take part in CCS (for instance, transportation of CO 2 to a storage place); however, it can be seen that the scheme of the event also responds to the more general conceptual configuration found in Figures 1and 2, the CLIMATE CHANGE and the ENVIRONMENTAL EVENT, correspondingly. This way, definitional templates are established and systematically applied in FBT to all concepts related to a common area of meaning. Figure 3. The CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION event. Languages 2019,4, 77 7 of 14 3. Results and Discussion 3.1. Metaphorical Projection of CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION in English The contextual analysis of the lexical units which formalize the concept CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION in the English corpus reflects how this process is conceptualized in discourse. For instance, examples (5) and (6) give the following information: 5. ( . . . ) we would employ a method that is receiving increasing attention: capturing carbon dioxide and storing, or sequestering, it underground rather than releasing it into the atmosphere. Nothing says that CO2must be emitted into the air (Socolow 2005a, p. 50). 6. Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a suite of technologies exists that allows for CO 2 from the combustion or gasification of coal and other fossil fuels to be captured rather than released to the atmosphere (Smith 2011, p. 28). In this case, the CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION process is described as an action of police seizure and capture of a criminal, to judge them properly and decide whether they are guilty or not; and if declared guilty, imprison them for a determined period of time. This police action can be conceptualized as a frame, in which we find elements such as those in Table 2. Table 2. Frame elements of POLICE SEIZURE frame. POLICE SEIZURE Frame Capture (PROCESS) Imprisonment (PROCESS) Transportation (PROCESS) Liberation (PROCESS) Police (ENTITY) (AGENT) Criminal (ENTITY) (PATIENT) Judge (ENTITY) (AGENT) Crime (PROCESS) Duration (ATTRIBUTE: TIME) Prison (ENTITY) (LOCATION) Victim(ENTITY) (PATIENT) Police Car (ENTITY) (INSTRUMENT) Some of the Frame Elements (FEs) that appear in Table 3are used metaphorically in discourse to conceptualize the CARBON CAPTURE AND STORAGE phenomenon, resulting in a metaphorical frame, as can be seen in Table 3. The structure and logic of the CCS target frame determines the nature of the source (POLICE SEIZURE), which needs to have elements that correspond to the target in a significant way (Ruiz de Mendoza 2017, p. 302). For example, the mapping between the FEs in Table 3 shows that CO2 is conceptualized as a CRIMINAL agent who harms the Atmosphere/Earth-System (VICTIM) by provoking Global Warming/Climate-Change (CRIMES). Therefore, Carbon Capture (CAPTURE) and Transportation (TRANSPORT) are carried out by scientists (POLICE), taking CO2 (CRIMINAL) to deep sea-beds or underground (PRISON), by means of pipelines (POLICE CARS). However, to refine the results of this analysis, it is important to go a step further and analyze how frame complexes are exploited metaphorically and metonymically. For instance, example 7 shows that two FEs of POLICE SEIZURE (i.e., PRISON and CRIMINAL) have been metaphorically used in the CCS frame. In the common frame of police seizure, we usually see the police chasing the criminal and putting them in jail where there are usually many security measures to prevent the prisoners from escaping. However, in example 7, there is an unusual development of the frame POLICE SEIZURE, that is, a different development from what is usual or expected. Here, the imprisonment of the criminal requires special measures to prevent him/her from escaping from prison (prevent it from migrating upward), and harm society. This scenario happens when the criminal tries to break out of jail using Languages 2019,4, 77 8 of 14 unusual escaping techniques. For this reason, when the criminal shows any signs of disobedience, special measures are taken to prevent them from escaping from prison. One of these measures is keeping the location of prison away from society (a mile or more beneath the surface), or isolating the criminal in special cells with enhanced security (porous rock; impermeable, non-porous layers of rock). Such description leads to think of a very dangerous prisoner (CO2) in case of escaping. Furthermore, at the same time, it entails a metonymic shift from these elements to the quality of DANGEROUSNESS of the CRIMINAL. More specifically, the allusion to special measures to prevent the criminal from escaping activates the quality of dangerousness. A case of target-in-source metonymy is found in which the whole stands for the part; the CRIMINAL (CO2) stands for the quality of its dangerousness. Table 3. Mapping between the frames POLICE SEIZURE and CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION. FEs of POLICE SEIZURE FEs of CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION 1. Capture (PROCESS) Carbon Capture 2. Imprisonment (PROCESS) Storage/Sequestration 3. Transportation (PROCESS) Transportation 4. Liberation (PROCESS) Release 5. Police (ENTITY) (AGENT) Scientist 6. Criminal (ENTITY) (PATIENT) Carbon-Dioxide 7. Crime (PROCESS) Global Warming/Climate-Change 8. Duration (ATTRIBUTE: TIME) Duration (Temporary/Permanent) 9. Prison (ENTITY) (LOCATION) Underground/Sea-Bed 10. Victim(ENTITY) (PATIENT) Atmosphere/Earth-System 11. Police Car (ENTITY) INSTRUMENT) Pipelines 12. Criminal (AGENT) CO2 7. Underground injection and geologic sequestration (also referred to as storage) of the CO2 into deep underground rock formations. These formations are often a mile or more beneath the surface and consist of porous rock that holds the CO2. Overlying these formations are impermeable, non-porous layers of rock that trap the CO2and prevent it from migrating upward (Socolow 2005a, p. 50). 3.2. Metaphorical Projection of CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION in Arabic In order to analyze whether the CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION process is metaphorically projected in Arabic as well, the first step was to identify the terms used to make reference to this concept. The parallel corpus showed that carbon capture is equivalent to ‘  àñK.QºË@ AJ. Jk@ ’[i h tiba:s al-karbwn] 1 [carbon imprisonment] 2 and ‘  àñK.QºË@  áK  Qm ' ’[takhzi:n al-karbwn] [carbon storage]. Meanwhile, the comparable corpus led to the identification of the terms ‘  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K PAj . Jk@ ’[i hti ja:z thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn] [carbon dioxide imprisonment] and ‘  àñK.QºË@  PAj . Jk@ ’ [i hti ja:z al-karbwn] [carbon imprisonment], with a frequency of 58 for ‘  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K PAj . Jk@ ’[i hti ja:z thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn] [imprisonment of carbon dioxide] and a frequency of twofor ‘  àñK.QºË@  Qm.k ’[ h ajz al-karbwn] [carbon imprisonment]. Examples such as (8) were identified in which the use of the term can be observed. 1Transliteration is provided in italics between square brackets. Transliteration symbols can be found in Appendix A. 2Translation into English between square brackets. Languages 2019,4, 77 9 of 14 ú  æË@  é ¯A¢Ë@ YJ Ëñ K HA¢m× áÓ  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K H A KAªJ.K@  Qm.k á K.©Òm. ' à@  áºÖß  éJ j .  K@Q @  éÖ ß. è Yë ÑîD  à@  áºÖßð .  éÊK ñ£  H@Q  ¯ Aî E QmÌ éJ k .ñËñJ m.Ì'@  HAJK ñº JË@ ú  ¯ ½Ë X YªK.Aî  D ®kð Ñj ®ËAK.ÉÒª K Yª K .ø ñm.Ì'@  ¬C ªË@ ú  ¯ àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K Q »Q K èXAK  P áÓ YmÌ'@ ú  ¯ ñÒÊÓ É¾  . éJ j .  K@Q B@  èXAK  Pð  é ¯A¢Ë@  HA¢m×ú  ¯ àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ KúΫ ÈñmÌ'@  ¬Yî D  ú  æË@  é ®Ê¾Ë@  é  ® jJÖÏ@ HAKA ® JË@ hAm.'ú  ¯ éJ AB@ ÉÓ@ñªË@  áÓ  PB@ i¢Ë AîE .Qå  I .Jj . JË  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K á ®k ú  ¯ èQ.mÌ'@ .éK Q kð  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K Qj .mÌøQ.ºË@ ©K PA  ÖÏ@ (Socolow 2005b) 8. [thammata istra:ti:jya yumkin an tajmac bayn inbica:tha:t thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al karbwn min ma h a t a:t tawli:d a tt a:qa allati: ta c mal bilfa h m wa h aqniha: ba c d dha:likfi: attakwi:na:t al-jiywlwjyya likhazniha: fatara:t t awi:la. Wayumkin an tus’him ha:dhih al-istra:tyjyya bishakl malmu:s fi: al h add min zya:dat thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al karbwn fi: al-ghila:f al-jawwy. Tu c add al-taqa:na:t al-munkhafi d at al-kulfaallati: tastahdif alh u s u:l c ala: thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al karbwn fi: ma h a tt a:t alt a:qa wa zya:dat al-khibra fi: h aqn thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al karbwn litajannub tasarrubihi li:sa t’h al-ard min alc awa:mil al-asa:syya fi: naja: h al-masha:ri: c al-kubra: li h ajz thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al karbwn wakhaznih] [There is a strategy that consists of the imprisonment of carbon dioxide emissions from coal power plants and its injection afterwards in geological formations to store it fora long period of time. This strategy may noticeably help in the reduction of the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. It is a low cost technology which aims at obtaining carbon dioxide from energy generation stations. It also aims at increasing the expertise in carbon dioxide injection to avoid infiltrations. These two objectives are considered the main elements for the success of big projects to imprison and storage carbon dioxide]. In fragment 8, it can be observed that CCS is also described in terms of an anthropomorphic activity, which has the act of police seizure and capture of a criminal as a source domain (i.e., ‘imprisonments of carbon dioxide emissions’, ‘to imprison carbon dioxide and storage it’). Examples in Table 4show some of the similarities found in the lexical constructions of CCS in English and Arabic in relation to the FEs of POLICE SEIZURE listed in Tables 2and 3. For instance, in example 1, the FEs Capture, Criminal and Imprisonment are evoked by expressions such as ‘ éJK  Qm 'ð àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K PAj . Jk@ ”[i h tija:z thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn watakhzi:nih] [capture and sequestration of carbon dioxide], and ’ éÊ ¯ð  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K Qå@ ‘’ [asr thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn wafa s luh] [imprisonment of carbon dioxide and its separation]. Additionally, in example 3, expressions such as ‘ Pñ  jË@ ½Ê K ú  ¯ è Qm.kð ú GñK.QºË@  PA ªË@ A JÓ@ ”[imti s a:s al-ga:z al-karbwny wa h ajzih fi: tilka als ukhu:r] [the absorption of the carbonic gas and its imprisonment in those rocks] activate FEs such as Imprisonment, Capture, Criminal, and Prison; while example 4 shows expressions such as ‘  àñK.QºË@  éJ j  K ”[tan h iyat al-karbwn] [the isolation of carbon] and‘  àñK.QºË@ È  Q« ’ [ c azl al-karbwn] [the insulation of carbon], evoking FEs such as Imprisonment and Criminal, etc. Languages 2019,4, 77 10 of 14 Table 4. Metaphoriclexical projection of CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION in English and Arabic. Lexical Constructions in English and Arabic Fes Police Seizure 1. ‘capture and sequestration of carbon dioxide”’ éÊ ¯ð  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K Qå@‘;‘éJK  Qm 'ð àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K PAj . Jk@’ [asrthuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwnwafasluh]; [ihtija:zthuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwnwatakhzi:nih] [imprisonment of carbon dioxide and its separation; imprisonment of carbon dioxide and its storage] Capture—Criminal— Imprisonment 2. ‘the sequestration of greenhouse gases such ascarbondioxide’ ‘ àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ú GA K AÒJ Bð  é JJ  ¯YË@  H@  PA « AJ. Jk@’ [ihtiba:s gha:za:t al-dafy?a wala:siyama: thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn] [the confinement of global greenhouse gases, above all, carbon dioxide] Criminal—Imprisonment 3. ‘storing captured carbon dioxide underground’ ‘Pñ  jË@ ½Ê K ú  ¯ è Qm.kð ú GñK.QºË@  PA ªË@ A JÓ@’ [imtisa:s al-ga:z al-karbwny wahajzih fi: tilka al-sukhu:r] [the absorption of the carbonic gas and its imprisonment in those rocks] Imprisonment—Capture— Criminal-Prison 4. ‘carbon sequestration’ ‘ àñK.QºË@ È  Q«’; ‘  àñK.QºË@  éJ j  K’ [tanhiyat al-karbwn]; [cazl al-karbwn] [the isolation of carbon]; [the insulation of carbon] Imprisonment—Criminal In sum, the implementation of the methodology described in Montero-Mart í nez (2008) helped in the creation of the CARBON CAPTURE AND SEQUESTRATION event, defining it as a technique or method of climate change mitigation, which consists of capturing the emitted carbon dioxide and storing it underground, instead of leaving it in the atmosphere. Corpus and manual analysis allowed the identification of the metaphorical term ‘Carbon capture and sequestration’ and its Arabic equivalent ‘  àñK.QºË@  PAj . Jk@ ” [i h tija:z al-karbwn] [imprisonment of Carbon]. Such methodology implies that a mapping between the conceptual categories (entities, processes, and attributes) in the CCS frame and the FEs found in POLICE SEIZURE has been established. Consequently, the principles of frame-based analysis were applied in order to identify the frame elements, and establish the correspondence between them. The results of the analysis suggest that the English term ‘carbon capture and sequestration’ was created on a metaphorical basis, and that the Arabic term ‘  àñK.QºË@  PAj . Jk@ ” [i h tija:z al-karbwn] [imprisonment of carbon] was created as a result of the transfer from English into Arabic via translation processes. Frequency searches with Google operators “site: .edu”, filtering documents in websites of universities and research institutions, and exact matches for the English terms ‘carbon capture and sequestration’ (freq. 16700) and ‘carbon capture and storage’ (freq. 37,100) were carried out. In Arabic, the same operators retrieved only a frequency of five for each of the variants studied, ‘  àñK.QºË@ YJ »@ ù  KAJ K PAj . Jk@ ’[i h tija:z thuna:?i: ?uksi:d al-karbwn] [imprisonment of carbon dioxide] and ‘  àñK.QºË@  PAj . Jk@ ’ [i h tija:z al-karbwn] [imprisonment of carbon]. However, queries for only exact matches of these Arabic terms gave frequencies of 4300 and 6540, respectively. The enormous difference between the frequencies obtained in Arabic, with and without site filter.edu, is due to several factors. The first is that university and research institutions in Arab countries have hardly any presence in the domain .edu on the Internet. The second is that there is a lack of indexation of documents written in Arabic language, something already noted in the description of the comparable corpus in Arabic. Therefore, to see the presence of these metaphorical terms, it was necessary to make less demanding searches with regards to the sites hosting the reference documents. In short, it can be concluded that both the original English terms and their Arabic translations have a significant presence in specialized and semi-specialized discourse, judging by the frequency figures obtained. Languages 2019,4, 57 3 of 12 Table 1. Meaning of modal verbs (according to Quirk 1985). Modal Verb Meaning Paraphrasis May epistemic possibility “It denotes the possibility of a given proposition’s being or becoming true.” perhaps or possibly Might epistemic possibility, but more tentative than may Can/could possibility (future possibility) it is possible +inf clause Shall prediction, volition (with first person) Should obligation Will/would prediction, volition These meanings are present in the use of modals in late Modern scientific texts, as can be seen in the following examples from the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing: (1) which take place in the maturation of the ovum may <perhaps>be most conveniently displayed by following the history of a... (Balfour 1880, p. 55) (2) so different from what man at first imagines it may <perhaps>have startled them but in this view there is nothing (Whewell 1858, p. 38) (3) of secretions that they are the greatest arguments that could <possibly>be urged for the truth of it nothing does more (Keill 1717, p. 132) (4) causes and effects of several phenomena which future ages may <possibly>discover most of these birds of passage never fail to (Hughes 1750, p. 76) Although it might be thought that the definitions and uses provided cannot be applied to our findings for late Modern English, given that there is a gap of two centuries between the material in our study and Quirk et al.’s work, the meanings of modals do not seem to have changed, at least in terms of their frequency of occurrence (Leech 2004). The following section will present the linguistic material for our survey and the methodology used. 3. Corpus Material and Methodology The material used for the present study (see Table 2below) has been taken from the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing (CC). More specifically, we have used four subcorpora: Corpus of English Texts on Astronomy (CETA), Corpus of English Philosophy Texts (CEPhiT), Corpus of History English Texts (CHET) and Corpus of English Life Sciences Texts (CELiST). Two of these represent disciplines pertaining to the so-called soft sciences, while the other two represent the hard sciences. Table 2. Word count per subcorpus. Subcorpus Discipline Words CETA Astronomy 409,909 CHET History 404,424 CEPhiT Philosophy 401,129 CELiST Life Sciences 400,305 Total 1,615,767 Since sex of the author is one of the variables we will be using, the distribution of words by male and female authors in our material is displayed in Figure 1below. This distribution reflects the situation of scientific text production in the Modern period: Languages 2019,4, 57 4 of 12 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 12 Figure 1. Words per sex of author. Much more variety can be found in terms of genre or communicative format. There are 12 different formats in the four subcorpora, these being unequally represented, in that not all of them were equally popular during the period. This can be seen in Figure 2: . Figure 2. Words per genre. As for the analysis itself, all cases of the adverbs possibly and perhaps in the subcorpora were considered, but only those containing a modal verb accompanying the adverbs in question were then taken into account. Thus, we focused on examples such as the following: 1403094, 87% 212673, 13% Male Female Figure 1. Words per sex of author. Much more variety can be found in terms of genre or communicative format. There are 12 different formats in the four subcorpora, these being unequally represented, in that not all of them were equally popular during the period. This can be seen in Figure 2: Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 12 Figure 1. Words per sex of author. Much more variety can be found in terms of genre or communicative format. There are 12 different formats in the four subcorpora, these being unequally represented, in that not all of them were equally popular during the period. This can be seen in Figure 2: Figure 2. Words per genre. As for the analysis itself, all cases of the adverbs possibly and perhaps in the subcorpora were considered, but only those containing a modal verb accompanying the adverbs in question were then taken into account. Thus, we focused on examples such as the following: 1403094, 87% 212673, 13% Male Female Figure 2. Words per genre. As for the analysis itself, all cases of the adverbs possibly and perhaps in the subcorpora were considered, but only those containing a modal verb accompanying the adverbs in question were then taken into account. Thus, we focused on examples such as the following: Languages 2019,4, 57 5 of 12 (5) If the time shall ever arrive, when the facts of natural history are given, without admixture with fable, the world will be more rapidly and satisfactorily advanced in improvement than can <possibly>be hoped for (Godman 1828, p. 29) (6) rational horizon does not amount to a few seconds or <perhaps>not so much as one second of a minute and (Long 1742, p. 64) (7) bodies have not so far been satisfactorily observed it is <perhaps>possible that the part removed in the formation of the (Balfour 1880, p. 63) The Coruña Corpus Tool was used to search for all the tokens of the adverbs under survey in the subcorpora. Given that we were interested in looking into the behavior of such adverbs with different types of modals, it was necessary to manually disambiguate each case. This involved a close reading of all the hits, which had previously been collected in a spreadsheet (MS Excel for Mac, version 16.24). Then, the examples that were to be used in the analysis were enriched through the addition of fields including information on the author, his or her sex, the year of publication of the text in question, and the genre to which it belonged. 4. Findings and Discussion of Results The data will be presented here from the more general to the more specific. Starting with the general findings for the adverbs (as set out in Table 3below), we can see that their use in the four disciplines certainly differs. Totals for the raw numbers have been normalized as a means of making comparisons clearer. Table 3. Frequency of possibly and perhaps in the subcorpora. Raw Figures Total (NF/10,000) Forms CHET CEPhiT CETA CELiST Total 3.61 Possibly 20 46 24 25 115 0.71 Perhaps 76 212 64 117 469 2.90 This analysis of the adverbs is enhanced when the accompanying modal verbs are taken into account. Table 4shows in raw numbers that may, with the meaning of possibility, is the most frequent modal verb in all the disciplines apart from History, where might is found most often. May, as shown in Table 5, repeatedly occurs in combination with perhaps, which can be interpreted as a reinforcement of the uncertainty that accompanies “the possibility of something becoming true”. This form of strengthening might be taken as the conscious presence of the author, who thus manifests his/her attitude toward a particular statement. Table 4. Adverbs and accompanying modal verbs. CELiST CEPhiT CETA CHET TOTAL may 31 37 20 6 94 might 6 14 0 9 29 can 9 26 9 3 47 could 2 11 7 6 26 shall 0 3 8 0 11 should 0 2 0 0 2 will 3 13 2 0 18 would 3 9 4 0 16 TOTAL (modals/subcorpus) 54 115 50 24 243 Note: Pink colour has been used to highlight the most frequent results; blue colour highlights the least frequent results. Languages 2019,4, 57 6 of 12 Table 5. Perhaps and accompanying modal verbs. CELiST CEPhiT CETA CHET TOTAL may 24 32 15 4 75 might 6 10 0 7 23 can 3 3 0 2 8 could 0 0 0 0 0 shall 0 3 1 0 4 should 0 2 0 0 2 will 3 13 1 0 17 would 3 9 4 0 16 TOTAL 39 72 21 13 145 It is also interesting to note that it is in the History discipline that the lowest number of modal verbs with the two adverbs in question are found. This is surprising, in that History, together with Philosophy, represents the so-called soft sciences, where more authorial presence is expected to be found (Hyland 2005); such disciplines are considered to be more prone to subjectivity than those of the hard sciences. Curiously, as set out in Table 5below, may is more frequently used in combination with perhaps in Philosophy texts, which are more amenable to the inclusion of the expression of feelings, opinions, or ideas; however, it is also found in CELiST, as a representative of the hard sciences, which is an unexpected finding. As for the form possibly, we have found that, although occasionally used with other modal verbs, it occurs most frequently with can and could to express the certainty of a possibility (Crespo forthcoming). Table 6below displays this information in some detail for each subcorpus. Table 6. Possibly and accompanying modals. CELiST CEPhiT CETA CHET TOTAL May 7 5 5 2 19 Might 0 4 0 2 6 Can 623 9 1 39 Could 211 7 6 26 Shall 0 0 0 0 0 Should 0 0 0 0 0 Will 0 0 1 0 1 Would 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 15 43 22 11 91 Once again, History is the discipline that exhibits the fewest cases of modals +possibly, which might account for the assertiveness and scant authorial presence in these texts. The collocation modal +stance adverb does not seem to be a mechanism to manifest the author’s value judgement or stance on a narrated event or fact. We believe, along with Biber (1991), that scientific English contains more variation than traditionally believed. Therefore, we have decided to interpret our findings in the light of three extralinguistic variables that have proved very useful in other pieces of research carried out with the CC (Monaco 2016; Puente-Castelo 2017): the date of publication of a text, the sex of the author, and the communicative format of the piece. Each of these variables will be discussed in what follows. 4.1. Adverbs, Modals, and Time As noted above, we have used data from two subperiods—the 18th and the 19th centuries, for all subcorpora, and we have found different behaviors in possibly and perhaps over these two centuries. As Tables 7and 8show, there is an increase in the use of perhaps of 36.86% from the 18th century (with 198 tokens) to the 19th (with 271). Languages 2019,4, 57 7 of 12 Table 7. Use of perhaps in time. Perhaps Period 18th c. 19th c. 198 271 Table 8, however, shows that possibly is used less frequently over time, although this decrease is very moderate: Table 8. Use of possibly in time. Possibly Period 18th c. 19th c. 59 56 The fact that perhaps is more frequently used in the second subperiod under analysis might confirm greater authorial presence in scientific writing over time. Authors, it seems, are still present in their work, and this contradicts one of the initial assumptions cited in Section 1: that scientific writing moves from an author-centered to an object-centered sphere. Authors always have a voice, to a greater or lesser degree, however necessary or important the description of an object, event, or process might be. This explanation cannot account for the decrease in the use of possibly unless we consider it as some kind of complementary distribution—that is, perhaps replacing the use of possibly. When we look into how the two adverbs behave and whether they tend to occur in structures with modals or not, we find a very slight decrease in both cases. Figure 3shows that possibly occurs in the same structure as a modal verb more often in the 18th (54 tokens) than in the 19th century (37), there being a moderate decrease in the latter. By contrast, perhaps behaves in practically the same way in both subperiods, with 73 occurrences for the 18th century and 72 for the 19th. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 12 As tables 7 and 8 show, there is an increase in the use of perhaps of 36.86% from the 18th century (with 198 tokens) to the 19th (with 271). Table 7. Use of perhaps in time. Perhaps Period 18th c. 19th c. 198 271 Table 8, however, shows that possibly is used less frequently over time, although this decrease is very moderate: Table 8. Use of possibly in time. Possibly Period 18th c. 19th c. 59 56 The fact that perhaps is more frequently used in the second subperiod under analysis might confirm greater authorial presence in scientific writing over time. Authors, it seems, are still present in their work, and this contradicts one of the initial assumptions cited in Section 1: that scientific writing moves from an author-centered to an object-centered sphere. Authors always have a voice, to a greater or lesser degree, however necessary or important the description of an object, event, or process might be. This explanation cannot account for the decrease in the use of possibly unless we consider it as some kind of complementary distribution—that is, perhaps replacing the use of possibly. When we look into how the two adverbs behave and whether they tend to occur in structures with modals or not, we find a very slight decrease in both cases. Figure 3 shows that possibly occurs in the same structure as a modal verb more often in the 18th (54 tokens) than in the 19th century (37), there being a moderate decrease in the latter. By contrast, perhaps behaves in practically the same way in both subperiods, with 73 occurrences for the 18th century and 72 for the 19th. Figure 3. Distribution of adverbs with modals in time. 54 37 73 72 18th c. 19th c. Modals with possibly and perhaps: time with possibly with perhaps Figure 3. Distribution of adverbs with modals in time. 4.2. Adverbs, Modals, and Sex Our expectations regarding the adverbs under discussion here in terms of the sex of the author were that women would probably use them more, as a means of mitigating their claims. Normalized Languages 2019,4, 57 8 of 12 figures were again used here, since there are substantially fewer words produced by women than by men in the CC, this being a matter of representativeness (far more men published scientific works in the late Modern English period). Our results (Figure 4) show—contrary to our initial hypothesis—that female authors tend to use the adverbs possibly and perhaps more often on their own than when accompanied by a modal verb, which reveals that they do not use mitigation as often as their male peers. This might be explained by them having felt the need to be more assertive if they want to be taken seriously in a highly androcentric world. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 12 4.2. Adverbs, Modals, and Sex Our expectations regarding the adverbs under discussion here in terms of the sex of the author were that women would probably use them more, as a means of mitigating their claims. Normalized figures were again used here, since there are substantially fewer words produced by women than by men in the CC, this being a matter of representativeness (far more men published scientific works in the late Modern English period). Our results (Figure 4) show—contrary to our initial hypothesis— that female authors tend to use the adverbs possibly and perhaps more often on their own than when accompanied by a modal verb, which reveals that they do not use mitigation as often as their male peers. This might be explained by them having felt the need to be more assertive if they want to be taken seriously in a highly androcentric world. Figure 4. Use of adverbs with modals per sex. On closer inspection, and taking the two adverbs separately, the same pattern is replicated, in that both possibly and perhaps are used less often by women. This is illustrated in Figure 5, as well as female writers (on the right) using fewer of these forms in general, as we had already noted. 1.54 0.89 male female Adverbs + modals per sex (nf 10,000) Figure 4. Use of adverbs with modals per sex. On closer inspection, and taking the two adverbs separately, the same pattern is replicated, in that both possibly and perhaps are used less often by women. This is illustrated in Figure 5, as well as female writers (on the right) using fewer of these forms in general, as we had already noted. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 12 Figure 5. Use of perhaps and possibly per sex. 4.3. Adverbs, Modals, and Communicative Formats Previous research (Crespo and Moskowich 2016; Moskowich 2017) has shown that both subject matter and communicative format or genre exert a great influence on linguistic choice. The genres included in the CC cover different degrees of formality and proximity to the oral register. Thus, we find samples extracted from Lectures, Dialogues, and Letters (speech-based genres) and others such as Textbooks, Treatises, or Travelogues, which are typically written to be read. We have analyzed the behavior of perhaps and possibly separately, since although the OED gives a very similar meaning for both, which might imply similar kinds of use, the results for the previous variables have led us to prefer a separate analysis, this as a means of seeing whether they would also behave differently or not here. Thus, the adverb perhaps was taken first, and a search was made for all those instances in which it was accompanied by modal verbs in the 12 different genres represented in our material. Figure 6 illustrates the very varied distribution that we found. On the one hand, Essay (2.19 nf) and Lecture (1.45 nf) are the two formats that contain the highest number of occurrences of perhaps when accompanied by a modal verb. It is to be noted that both formats are close to orality, in that lectures are conceived of as pieces of writing to be read out, and essays were originally the reports of the public demonstrations of experiments. Such characteristics of these formats may explain the preference for an adverb of Germanic origin such as perhaps. On the other hand, from the 12 genres, four contained no instances of these constructions, this being the case with Dictionary, Catalogue, Travelogue, and Biography. Curiously, these are discipline-specific genres, in that Biography and Travelogue are exclusive to the History corpus, and Catalogue has thus far only been found in the Corpus of English Life Sciences Texts (under compilation). Meanwhile, Dictionary—a format that can also be found in other disciplines—is represented here by a sample in CETA (Astronomy). It is also true that although the form and function of both Catalogue and Dictionary do not seem to be likely to contain structures such as those we are dealing with, the other two (Travelogue and Biography) might indeed be expected to contain some instances precisely because of their nature. Our analysis of possibly with modal verbs reveals that it also behaves differently depending on the oral-like character of the genres in question. Biography is the format containing most of these structures (1.49 nf), followed by Article (1.35 nf). Conversely, Dialogue and Travelogue contain no 0.61 0.23 0.93 0.66 male female Distribution of adverbs + modals per sex (nf 10,000) with possibly with perhaps Figure 5. Use of perhaps and possibly per sex. Languages 2019,4, 57 9 of 12 4.3. Adverbs, Modals, and Communicative Formats Previous research (Crespo and Moskowich 2016;Moskowich 2017) has shown that both subject matter and communicative format or genre exert a great influence on linguistic choice. The genres included in the CC cover different degrees of formality and proximity to the oral register. Thus, we find samples extracted from Lectures, Dialogues, and Letters (speech-based genres) and others such as Textbooks, Treatises, or Travelogues, which are typically written to be read. We have analyzed the behavior of perhaps and possibly separately, since although the OED gives a very similar meaning for both, which might imply similar kinds of use, the results for the previous variables have led us to prefer a separate analysis, this as a means of seeing whether they would also behave differently or not here. Thus, the adverb perhaps was taken first, and a search was made for all those instances in which it was accompanied by modal verbs in the 12 different genres represented in our material. Figure 6illustrates the very varied distribution that we found. On the one hand, Essay (2.19 nf) and Lecture (1.45 nf) are the two formats that contain the highest number of occurrences of perhaps when accompanied by a modal verb. It is to be noted that both formats are close to orality, in that lectures are conceived of as pieces of writing to be read out, and essays were originally the reports of the public demonstrations of experiments. Such characteristics of these formats may explain the preference for an adverb of Germanic origin such as perhaps. On the other hand, from the 12 genres, four contained no instances of these constructions, this being the case with Dictionary, Catalogue, Travelogue, and Biography. Curiously, these are discipline-specific genres, in that Biography and Travelogue are exclusive to the History corpus, and Catalogue has thus far only been found in the Corpus of English Life Sciences Texts (under compilation). Meanwhile, Dictionary—a format that can also be found in other disciplines—is represented here by a sample in CETA (Astronomy). It is also true that although the form and function of both Catalogue and Dictionary do not seem to be likely to contain structures such as those we are dealing with, the other two (Travelogue and Biography) might indeed be expected to contain some instances precisely because of their nature. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 12 cases at all, whereas other, more oral-like genres, such as Lecture and Essay, exhibit only 0.15 nf and 0.8 nf, respectively. The frequent use of possibly in genres written to be read (rather than read out orally) may be the result of the word’s Romance origins, which is typical of more formal and written texts (Figure 7). Therefore, it seems plausible to assume that both adverbs occur in complementary distribution. Figure 6. Use of perhaps with modals per sex. Figure 7. Use of possibly with modals per communicative format. 0.8 1.45 0.13 0 11.08 2.19 1.02 0 0.83 00 Distribution of adverbs + modals per format (nf/10,000) 0.65 0.15 0.21 0.5 0 1.35 0.8 0.61 0.66 0.33 0 1.99 Distribution of possibly + modals per format (nf/10,000) Figure 6. Use of perhaps with modals per sex. Languages 2019,4, 57 10 of 12 Our analysis of possibly with modal verbs reveals that it also behaves differently depending on the oral-like character of the genres in question. Biography is the format containing most of these structures (1.49 nf), followed by Article (1.35 nf). Conversely, Dialogue and Travelogue contain no cases at all, whereas other, more oral-like genres, such as Lecture and Essay, exhibit only 0.15 nf and 0.8 nf, respectively. The frequent use of possibly in genres written to be read (rather than read out orally) may be the result of the word’s Romance origins, which is typical of more formal and written texts (Figure 7). Therefore, it seems plausible to assume that both adverbs occur in complementary distribution. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 12 cases at all, whereas other, more oral-like genres, such as Lecture and Essay, exhibit only 0.15 nf and 0.8 nf, respectively. The frequent use of possibly in genres written to be read (rather than read out orally) may be the result of the word’s Romance origins, which is typical of more formal and written texts (Figure 7). Therefore, it seems plausible to assume that both adverbs occur in complementary distribution. Figure 6. Use of perhaps with modals per sex. Figure 7. Use of possibly with modals per communicative format. 0.8 1.45 0.13 0 11.08 2.19 1.02 0 0.83 00 Distribution of adverbs + modals per format (nf/10,000) 0.65 0.15 0.21 0.5 0 1.35 0.8 0.61 0.66 0.33 0 1.99 Distribution of possibly + modals per format (nf/10,000) Figure 7. Use of possibly with modals per communicative format. All the results presented above—both those of a general nature and those in which the three different extralinguistic variables have been considered—seem to contradict what we know about modal verbs, their meanings, and their uses. 5. Conclusions Our survey of the occurrence of possibly and perhaps with modal verbs has shown that all the verbs under study are recorded in our material. However, clearly different distributions with the two adverbs have been found: perhaps occurs more frequently in constructions with may, whereas possibly tends to appear with can and could more often. As in previous research, we have found that perhaps is more abundant in our material than possibly. We have also seen that it is more frequently used in oral-like formats, which may be due to its etymology, in that Germanic words are often considered more appropriate for less formal registers. For the same reason, we have seen that possibly, of Romance (ultimately Latin) origin, appears more frequently in formats addressed to a specialized reading public, such as Articles. Incidentally, our study also reveals that, contrary to the OED’s definition of possibly (“Chiefly, now only, used as an intensifier of can or could ”), the word was already used with this intensifier function as early as the 18th century, at least in scientific writing. The question of whether this is due to its etymological provenance (and perhaps not felt by speakers to be so naturally their own), and also what kind of behavior these adverbs may have in non-scientific writing, must be left for future research. Languages 2019,4, 57 11 of 12 Author Contributions: I.M. has acquired the financial support for the project leading to this publication and has coordinated the research activity planning and execution. Both of them have designed the methodology and conducted the research by collecting and analyzing the data. B.C. has prepared the presentation of the data in the published work, and has reviewed and edited the paper specifically what concerns to critical review, commentary or revision—including pre- or post-publication stages. Funding: The research here reported on has been funded by the Spanish Ministerio de Econom í a, Industria y Competitividad (MINECO), grant number FFI2016-75599-P and Xunta de Galicia, grant number ED431D2017/1. These grants are hereby gratefully acknowledged. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. The funding sponsors had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript, or in the decision to publish the results. List of Corpora: Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing formed by Corpus of English Texts on Astronomy (CETA), Corpus of English Philosophy Texts (CEPhiT), Corpus of History English Texts (CHET) and Corpus of English Life Sciences Texts (CELiST). References Alonso Almeida, Francisco, and Lareo In é s. 2016. The status of seem in the nineteenth-century Corpus of English Philosophy Texts (CEPhiT). In “The Conditioned and the Unconditioned”: Late Modern English Texts on Philosophy. Edited by Isabel Moskowich, Gonzalo Camiña Rioboo, In é s Lareo Mart í n and Begoña Crespo. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing. Á lvarez-Gil, Francisco J. 2019. Adverbs Ending in -LY in Late Modern English. Evidence form the Coruña Corpus of History English Texts. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València. Atkinson, Dwight. 1998. Scientific Discourse in Sociohistorical Context: The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1975–1975. London: Routledge. Biber, Douglas. 1991. Variation Across Speech and Writing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crespo, Begoña. Viewpoint and subjectivity in scientific discourse: The Coruña Corpus as a case in point. Forthcoming. Crespo, Begoña, and Isabel Moskowich. 2016. At close range: prefaces and other text types in the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing. Revista de lenguas para fines específicos 22/1: 213–37. Dossena, Marina. 2017. A matter of opinion: Stancetaking in Late Modern English historiography. In Stancetaking in Late Modern English Scientific Writing. Evidence from the Coruña Corpus Essays in Honour of Santiago Gonz á lez y Fern á ndez-Corugedo. Edited by Francisco Alonso-Almeida. Valencia: Universitat Polit è cnica de Val è ncia, pp. 27–39. Hyland, Ken. 1998. Hedging in Scientific Research Articles. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins. Hyland, Ken. 2005. Stance and engagement: A model of interaction in academic discourse. Discourse Studies 7: 173–92. [CrossRef] Leech, Geoffrey. 2004. Recent grammatical change in English: Data, description, theory. In Advances in Corpus Linguistics. Paper presented at 23rd International Conference on English Language Research on Computerized Corpora (ICAME 23), Göteborg, Sweden, May 22–26. Edited by Ajmer Karin and Altenberg Bengt. Amsterdam: Rodopi, pp. 61–81. Millward, Celia M., and Hayes Mary. 2011. A Biography of the English Language. Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage learning. Monaco, Leida Maria. 2016. Was late Modern English scientific writing impersonal? International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 21: 499–526. [CrossRef] Moskowich, Isabel, and Begoña Crespo. 2014. Stance is present in scientific writing, indeed. Evidence from the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing. Token: A Journal of English Linguistics 3: 91–114. Moskowich, Isabel. 2017. Genre and change in the Corpus of History English Texts. NJES (Nordic Journal of English Studies) 16: 84–106. Puente-Castelo, Luis. 2017. “If I mistake not” Conditionals as stance markers in Late Modern English scientific discourse. In Stancetaking in Late Modern English Scientific Writing. Evidence from the Coruña Corpus. Colecci ó n Scientia [Applied Linguistics]. Edited by Francisco Alonso-Almeida. Valencia: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad Politécnica de Valencia, pp. 111–29. Languages 2019,4, 57 12 of 12 Quirk, Randolph. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. Seoane Posse, Elena. 2016. Authorial presence in Late Modern English philosophical writing: Evidence from CEPhiT. In ‘The Conditioned and the Unconditioned’: Late Modern English Texts on Philosophy. Edited by Isabel Moskowich, Gonzalo Camiña Rioboo, In é s Lareo Mart í n and Begoña Crespo. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins, pp. 123–44. © 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). Languages 2019,4, 60 7 of 10 Concerning LR identified when performing the five most frequent CA, Table 6below depicts that participants in the Spanish sociolinguistic area mostly used English resources (LR3), except for proposing actions or activity (G2), CA which were pupils frequently performed in Basque (LR1). Nonetheless, pupils from the Basque sociolinguistic area mostly deployed English resources (LR3) in the enacted five CA. However, it can also be observed that the use of Basque resources (LR1) in both areas is more frequent than the use of Spanish ones (LR2), even in the Spanish sociolinguistic area. Therefore, the impact of the sociolinguistic area cannot be confirmed. Table 6. LR used in the most frequently performed CA in each sociolinguistic area. CA Performed School A Cluster Interactional Function LR Used LR1 LR2 LR3 LR4 LR5 LR6 LR7 LR8 - I Invite elaboration or reasoning I6 Ask for elaboration or clarification 66 17 100 13 10 14 0 3 3 GGuide direction of dialogue or activity G2 Propose action or activity 48 25 23 30 6 5 0 4 0 G5 Focusing the dialogue on key aspects of the activity (guiding) 15 10 189 9 11 26 0 2 1 PPositioning and coordination P3 Propose solution 19 10 181 5 13 27 0 6 2 P6 State (dis)agreement/position 63 31 82 18 14 12 0 2 1 CA performed School B I Invite elaboration or reasoning I6 Ask for elaboration or clarification 38 2 108 9 20 14 0 6 4 EExpress or invite ideas E2 Make other (relevant) contribution 31 12 91 12 10 21 0 2 3 G5 Guide direction of dialogue or activity G5 Focusing the dialogue on key aspects of the activity (guiding) 34 8 144 19 17 26 0 7 5 PPositioning and coordination P3 Propose solution 6 5 193 2 4 6 0 0 1 P6 State (dis)agreement/position 38 9 189 6 13 7 0 0 0 LR used in the most frequently performed CA in each sociolinguistic area. Here are two sample interactions (Tables 7and 8) to exemplify the aforementioned use of CA and the LR deployed: Table 7. Example from School A. 340. S3-Zuek jaten badituzue txuriak . . . niri eman una de cada . . . porque si no yo me quedo sin txuri. [If you it the white ones . . . give one of each . . . because the other way I won’t have white] P3 LR4 341. S1-Si uno no come . . . [If one of us don’t eat . . . ] G5 LR2 342. S2-A ver . . . nahastu behar ditugu . . . [let’s see . . . we have to mix them] G7 LR4 343. S3-Zuek jan behar dituzue hau eta hau . . . [you have to eat this and this] G5 LR1 344. S1-A ver . . . bat jaten du . . . bi hau, a ver, bi jaten du bi con leche . . . eta [Let’s see . . . you eat one . . . second this. Let’s see . . . she eats two with milk . . . and] one, one. G7 LR8 345. S3-A ver, zuk jango duzu hau eta Maiderrek hau . . . Orduan nik ez dudanez jaten txuria. [Let’s see, you will eat this and Maider this . . . So, as I don’t eat White . . . ]G7 LR4 346. S2-Nik ez dut jaten [I don’t eat] black. E1 LR5 347. S3-Pues hori . . . nik ez dudanez jaten txuria, eman behar didazue bat de [So that . . . as I don’t eat White, you have to give me a piece of] black . . . -G2 LR8 Example from School A. Languages 2019,4, 60 8 of 10 Table 8. Example from School B. 201. S26-And the cauldron we?-.-No . . . I6 LR3 202. S19- . . . and put it in the caldron . . . P3 LR3 203. S22-Pour it ez [no]! P6 LR5 204. S20-Zer eingo deu [what are we going to do]? I6 LR1 205. S22-Simmer and mix with . . . P3 LR3 206. S21-Simmer?-The ingredients are into the caldron. I6 LR3 207. S22-And simmer it-Punto [dot]. Meanwhile . . . -Meanwhile . . . P3 LR5 208. S20-A ver [let’s see] . . . in daikeu [we can do] . . . Mix together in a bowl . . . a dragon head . . . G5 LR8 209. S19- . . . and a bit of . . . P3 LR3 210. S22-Jarri daikeu [we can put] dry . . . P3 LR5 211. S20-Mix together . . . mix together. P3 LR3 212. S19-TH,T,H,E[in Basque] E2 LR1 213. S22-R E2 LR3 Example from School B. 4. Discussion The aim of the present study was twofold: on the one hand, to examine the communicative acts (CA) performed and the linguistic resources (LR) used by Grade 5 emergent trilingual pupils in the BAC while interacting in the English classroom. Also, on the other hand, to investigate the possible impact the sociolinguist area could have on the use of linguistic resources. Addressing our first research question, the analysis suggests that participants in this study mostly performed CA concerning inviting elaboration or reasoning, expressing or inviting ideas, guiding direction of dialogue or activity, positioning and coordination, and showing understanding. All these CA are closely related to the type of activities performed in the English classroom and the patterns of interaction involved in such activities. Looking at our classroom data and observations carried out throughout the academic year 2016/2017, it can be said that the pupils had plenty of opportunities for meaningful interaction with their peers due to the great amount of activities done in groups, small groups, and whole class activities in which pupils needed to organize themselves, negotiate meaning, and take a stance in order to perform the task. This pedagogical approach seems to be suitable in order to observe the translanguaging practices of these emergent trilinguals, as can be seen in the following paragraph. As Otheguy and Garc í a(2019) state, bilinguals, in this case emergent trilinguals, have access to their whole linguistic repertoire in communicative situations in which the use of linguistic features is not restricted to named languages. These were exactly the communicative situations created in the English classroom. Rosiers (2018) and St. John (2018) also found that translanguaging practices should be analyzed in an interactional framework, because factors such as communicative situations, the topic, the group, as well as cognitive and linguistic features, may impact such practices. Turning to the second research question, it was observed that pupils used similar linguistic resources (LR) regardless of the communicative acts (CA) being performed. These emergent trilinguals deployed English resources (LR3) more often than Basque (LR1) or Spanish ones (LR2) in the English classroom. Likewise, as reported by other researchers concerning bilingual students (Baker 2011; Cenoz 2017;Garc í a 2017;Garc í a-Mateus and Palmer 2017;Lewis et al. 2012), participants in the study frequently used linguistic resources coming from two systems, in this study, Basque and Spanish, in order to make meaning, share ideas, acquire understanding, and knowledge. Hence, this study confirms that spontaneous translanguaging is common practice in bilingual speakers, in our case, emergent trilingual speakers, as Cenoz and Gorter (2017) affirm. Equally, it reinforces the idea put forward by Wei (2015, p. 180), in the sense that translanguaging is not merely a combination of linguistic structures, “but also a creative strategy by the language user”. Results also showed that participants tended to deploy resources from Basque when they asked for elaboration or clarification, stated (dis)agreement or position, or when they proposed an action or activity. It seems that due to the status of Basque in both schools, as it is the main language of Languages 2019,4, 60 9 of 10 instruction, participants could have acquired more resources in that language than the ones developed in Spanish or English. Likewise, these emergent trilingual pupils deployed Spanish means (LR2) more often than Basque ones (LR1) when showing understanding, focusing the dialogue on key aspects of the activity, or when they proposed a solution. This tendency may be related to the fact that Basque is the main language of instruction in both schools, and Spanish and English are taught as subjects. Nonetheless, further research is needed to find out the possible impact of individual differences. It may well be that the home language of these emergent trilingual pupils and the use of Basque and Spanish resources in the different language domains have an impact on the use of their whole linguistic repertoire. Finally, concerning the third and last research question, a comparison between both sociolinguistic areas suggest that pupils from both schools performed similar CA related to inviting elaboration or reasoning, guiding direction of dialogue or activity, and positioning and coordination. However, in the Basque sociolinguistic area, CA related to expressing or inviting ideas are also frequent. Our finding also reveals that the use of linguistic resources (LR) was similar in both sociolinguist areas. It seems that the possible impact of the sociolinguist area in the translanguaging practices of these Grade 5 emergent trilingual pupils cannot be confirmed. This could be due to the fact that the main language of instruction in both schools is Basque. In addition, the use of the same material during the English lessons could have an impact in the CA enacted by participants in both areas, as they followed the same methodology and they had similar classroom and task organization. Nevertheless, as aforementioned, individual differences should be analyzed to fine-tune these results. Given the limited size of our sample, it is evident that further research is needed to study how these emergent trilingual pupils in the BAC communicate spontaneously to make themselves understood in the English classroom over the academic year. The present study is only an exploratory study in which fourteen pupils from two different sociolinguistic areas were randomly selected, observed, and recorded, with the aim of examining the enacted CA and LR used in the English classroom. In that line, the ongoing longitudinal study we are conducting will help us contribute to this field of research. As researchers such as Lewis et al. (2012) claim, a sociolinguistic approach is also needed in this field of research. Equally, Cenoz and Gorter (2017) highlight the possible impact of the social context when studying translanguaging practices. Author Contributions: Conceptualization, A.F. and P.S.; Investigation, A.F.; Methodology, A.F., P.S., and N.I.; Formal Analysis, A.F. and N.I.; Data curation, A.F.; Writing original draft and presentation, A.F.; Writing, review and editing, A.F., P.S., and N.I. Funding: This research received no external funding. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. References Baker, Colin. 2011. Language development and language allocation in bilingual education. In Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 3rd ed. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters LTD, pp. 269–94. Canagarajah, Suresh. 2011. Translanguaging in the Classroom: Emerging Issues for Research and Pedagogy. Applied Linguistics Review 2: 1–28. Cenoz, Jasone. 2017. Translanguaging in school contexts: International perspectives. Journal of Language, Identity & Education 16: 193–98. [CrossRef] Cenoz, Jasone, and Durk Gorter. 2017. Minority languages and sustainable translanguaging: Threat or opportunity? Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. [CrossRef] Cenoz, Jasone, and Durk Gorter. 2019. Multilingualism, translanguaging, and minority languages in SLA. The Modern Language Journal 103. [CrossRef] Fuller, Janet M. 2015. Language choices and ideology in the bilingual classroom. In Multilingual Education: Between Language Learning and Translanguaging. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 137–58. ISBN 978-1-107-47751-3. Languages 2019,4, 60 10 of 10 Garc í a, Ofelia. 2017. Translanguaging in Schools: Subiendo y Bajando, Bajando y Subiendo as Afterword. Journal of Language, Identity & Education 16: 256–63. Garc í a-Mateus, Suzanne, and Deborah Palmer. 2017. Translanguaging Pedagogies for Positive Identities in Two-Way Dual Language Bilingual Education. Journal of Language, Identity & Education 16: 245–55. Gay, Lorraine R., Mills Geoffrey, and Airasian Peter. 2006. Educational Research: Competencies for Analysis and Applications. New York: Pearson Merrill Prentice Hall. Gorter, Durk, Victoria Zenotz, and Jasone Cenoz. 2014. Multilingualism and European minority languages: The case of Basque. In Minoriy Languages and Multilingual Education. Dordrecht: Springer Science +Business Media, pp. 201–20. ISBN 978-94-007-7316-5. Hennessy, Sara, Sylvia Rojas-Drummond, Rupert Higham, Ana Mar í a M á rquez, Fiona Maine, Rosa Mar í a R í os, Roc í o Garc í a-Carri ó n, Omar Torreblanca, and Mar í a Jos é Barrera. 2016. Developing coding scheme for classroom dialogue across educational contexts. Learning, Culture and Social Interaction 9: 16–44. [CrossRef] Lewis, Gwyn, Bryn Jones, and Colin Baker. 2012. Translanguaging: Origins and development from school to street and beyond. Educational Research and Evaluation: An International Journal on Theory and Practice 18: 641–54. [CrossRef] Otheguy, Ricardo, and Ofelia Garc í a. 2019. Plurilingualism and translanguaging: Commonalities and divergences. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. [CrossRef] Otheguy, Ricardo, Ofelia Garc í a, and Wallis Reid. 2015. Clarifying translanguaging and deconstructing named languages: A new perspective from linguistics. Applied Linguistics Review 6: 281–307. [CrossRef] Rosiers, Kirsten. 2018. Translanguaging revisited Challenges for research, policy and pedagogy based on an inquiry in two Belgian classrooms. In Translation and Translanguaging in Multilingual Contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 361–83. [CrossRef] St. John, Oliver. 2018. Between question and answer Mother tongue tutoring and translanguaging as dialogic action. In Translation and Translanguaging in Multilingual Contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 334–60. [CrossRef] Wei, Li. 2015. Complementary classrooms for multilingual minority ethnic children as a translanguaging space. In Multilingual Education: Between Language Learning and Translanguaging. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 177–98. ISBN 978-1-107-47751-3. © 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). languages Article The Role of Language Policy Documents in the Internationalisation of Multilingual Higher Education: An Exploratory Corpus-Based Study Rosana Villares Department of English and German Studies, University of Zaragoza, 50009 Zaragoza, Spain; rosanavillar[email protected] Received: 13 May 2019; Accepted: 11 July 2019; Published: 15 July 2019   Abstract: Using corpus methods, this study explores the role of Language Policy (LP) documents in the internationalisation process of Spanish universities. It aims at understanding how non-Anglophone universities integrate English and local languages in the functions of education, research, and administration. Content analysis was used for the identification of key themes, and discourse analysis examined how those themes were textually expressed. Consistent with previous literature, this study shows that relevant strategic areas of LP deal with training, regulation, accreditation, and support measures. Results also highlight the role played by institutions in LP and the presence of language hierarchies between English and local languages. The discussion of these findings leads to further inquiry of mismatches between top-down institutional expectations and bottom-up realities regarding the design and implementation of institutional policies. Keywords: language policy; higher education; internationalisation; discourse analysis; language diversity; language attitudes; English linguistic imperialism; Spanish universities 1. Introduction Over the last decades, internationalisation, regarded as an indicator of excellence and quality, has become one of the main strategic objectives of universities worldwide (EHEA 2015;Maringe and Foskett 2010). Following European recommendations (European Commission 2010,2013), the national strategy for the internationalisation of Spanish universities 2015–2020 (MECD 2014) is based on four main pillars: The consolidation of a strong national university system, the increase of the international attractiveness of the university system, the creation of international competitive universities, and the promotion of cooperation with other regions of the world (MECD 2014). The actions proposed to achieve these objectives tend to focus on mobility, international collaboration, and the development of language-related initiatives, such as the implementation of English-medium instruction (EMI) that foster the international and multilingual profile of universities (Wächter and Maiworm 2014). Ferguson (2010) or Hultgren (2014), among others, have noted that there is a direct correlation between internationalisation and the use of English, which is considered to be the academic lingua franca for international communication. This hegemonic position of English is also supported by the concept of language hierarchy that classifies languages according to a series of given values and functions. Within this hierarchy, English holds the position of a ‘hypercentral’ language, thus becoming a global lingua franca (de Swaan 2001). This situation is encountered in many contexts, yet the Spanish sociolinguistic landscape presents some special characteristics. On the one hand, Spanish as the national official language holds the status of an international language with Spanish-speaking Latin American countries that works as an attractive factor for those interested in the Spanish culture and language (MECD 2014;SEPIE 2017). On the other hand, regional co-official languages are promoted Languages 2019,4, 56; doi:10.3390/languages4030056 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 56 2 of 9 in universities located in bilingual regions. Thus, the introduction of a powerful foreign language brings certain challenges that are generally addressed in Language Policy documents (LP), tools whose purpose is the regulation of languages in specific contexts and domains (Spolsky 2012). Currently, it is possible to track multiple studies on students and academics’ language practices and beliefs towards English and multilingualism in universities (e.g., Fortanet-G ó mez 2012;Hultgren 2014;P é rez-Llantada 2018;Soler-Carbonell and Karaoglu 2015), but, to the best of my knowledge, there seems to be a lack of critical studies on the role held by policy documents regulating language(s) use in the Spanish national context. This paper aims to explore how non-Anglophone universities integrate English and the local languages in their LP documents to become more internationalised and to match bottom-up practices. For this task, the following research questions will be addressed: RQ1 Do LP documents share similar language concerns to those stated in the national LP (CRUE 2017)? RQ2 What is the role played by institutional agents in the implementation of LP? RQ3 How is the relationship between English and the local languages discursively expressed? 2. Methodology The corpus compiled for this study included 37 institutional LP documents created between 2001 and 2018 from 29 Spanish universities. Depending on the origin of the LP, the documents were written in Spanish or in the co-official language of the region—Catalan, Valencian, or Galician. Several analytical approaches were used to analyse the documents following Bocanegra-Valle (2017). Content analysis and inductive coding were carried out using the qualitative software Atlas.ti v8 to identify key themes and strategic areas in the LP documents. Discourse analytical techniques were used to examine the way institutional actors presented themselves, their roles and responsibilities in the creation of LP, and the discursive strategies the authors of these documents used to align with their readers’ opinions. Lastly, a comparative analysis was carried out to describe the English language in contrast to the local languages. 3. Results 3.1. Strategic Actions Similar to the recommendations included in the Spanish national LP created for higher education (CRUE 2017), the corpus findings pointed out to the following strategic areas as recurrent concerns in LP: Language training, language regulation, language accreditation, and support measures. It was found that the majority of the strategies were related to the dimension of training and aimed at increasing university members’ language competence by means of language courses and innovative methodologies—the latter addressed to the teaching staffso they could acquire teaching techniques that adapt contents and communicative styles when teaching in a foreign language. Other initiatives referred to the possibility to participate in extra-curricular activities that promoted language learning outside the classroom. International trends, such as those stated by Wächter and Maiworm (2014), were also present in the form of modules taught in a foreign language or co-official language in undergraduate and graduate degrees. From the content analysis, it became evident that there was a common agreement on the need to regulate language use, especially in those areas where more than one language could compete for the same functions. LP was described as the most suitable tool to organise and regulate language choice and language use, a tool also fostered by European institutions to promote multilingualism and internationalisation (European Commission 2012). References to language regulation highlighted the recurrent concept of ‘linguistic security’, which referred to both the LP’s general objective of communicating the language initiatives taking place at the university, as well as the specific objective of informing university members about language use in particular settings. For example, in the case of Languages 2019,4, 56 3 of 9 EMI courses and bilingual teaching programs, information regarding the vehicular language used in the classroom should be available to students before the enrolment period. The third dimension dealt with the accreditation of language competence (CRUE 2017;European Commission 2012). The corpus results established a direct relationship between accreditation, language competence, and language requirements. The required language level changed depending on the initiative’s purpose and target group. For example, undergraduate students were expected to acquire at least a B1 level for graduation, teaching staffwho wanted to participate in EMI courses a B2-C1 level, students who wished to learn by means of bilingual degrees needed at least a B2 level for enrolment, and administrative staffworking in areas related to international relations or seeking a job promotion needed a B2 level of English and/or the co-official language of the region. The last area concerned support measures. In the documents, these measures were considered essential in the implementation of university LP. The findings explicitly recognised the efforts of communicating in a second language made by the university staff(CRUE 2017;P é rez-Llantada 2018, p. 38). Support measures included both incentives—financial, job promotion, added value for participation in mobility programmes and courses—and the creation of language service units that offered online language resources, translation and proofreading services for academic writing, or the creation of teaching materials in a language different than the mother tongue. 3.2. Institutional Agency 3.2.1. Accountability towards Languages It was observed that depending on each university’s context, the LP objectives varied and favoured certain languages over others. For instance, there was a dichotomy between the goal to become international through the use of English and foreign languages and universities’ interest in protecting local languages, which translated into the desire to give them a more predominant use in the university context. The following extracts suggest a protectionist view of languages associated with co-official languages, which creates a space for the local community in a globalised world. 1. Ser á o que entre todos e todas queiramos que sexa, exactamente igual que o futuro da lingua galega na nosa universidade (Universidade da Coruña 2006, Plano de normalizaci ó n lingü í stica). It will be whatever we, all of us, want it to be, exactly the same as the future of Galician in our university. 2. La UPV/EHU siempre ha mostrado una actitud claramente favorable al euskera, postura que este nuevo plan pretende mantener, en la l í nea del esfuerzo que la universidad lleva años realizando por lograr una universidad bilingüe (Universidad del Pa í s Vaso 2013, II Plan Director del Euskera de la UPV/EHU). The university has always shown a clear positive attitude towards Basque, an attitude this new plan is expected to maintain, similar to the effort the university has been carrying out to become a bilingual university. Generally, the university presents itself as the actor responsible for fostering the use of a specific language. In Example (1), the co-official language (Galician) is presented with inclusive possessive pronouns (nosa, ‘our’) and noun phrases (entre todos e todas, ‘all of us (men and women)’) to turn an institutional objective into the reader’s objective through a sense of proximity and community. In the case of Example (2), a more explicit discourse is found in relation to the use of the co-official language (Basque). The university’s voice is clearly identified in the document with the use of adverbs and attitude markers that state the importance of language objectives (actitud claramente favorable, ‘a clearly positive attitude’; postura . . . pretende mantener, ‘attitude [it is] expected to maintain; esfuerzo . . . lograr una universidad bilingüe, ‘effort . . . to become a bilingual university’) and the current efforts undertaken by the university to normalise the use of such language in the local context. Languages 2019,4, 56 4 of 9 3. El entorno global en el que los futuros graduados deber á n desarrollar sus carreras profesionales exige la familiarizaci ó n con contenidos con car á cter internacional y el dominio del ingl é s, actual lingua franca (Universidad de Navarra 2017, Bilingüismo en la universidad). The global context in which future graduates must develop their professional careers demands the familiarisation with international contents and proficiency in English, the current lingua franca. Example (3), on the other hand, illustrates how the institution must adapt to the external pressures of a globalised society, which means English should be introduced in the university context as a consequence of social demands and needs (actual lingua franca, ‘current lingua franca’) (Ferguson 2010; Hultgren 2014). This situation is reflected in the use of obligation verbs (exige, ‘demands’) and modal verbs (deber á n,‘must’) that identify universities as the entities responsible for providing the necessary tools to learn English, the taken-for-granted lingua franca of international communication. 3.2.2. Prestige and Excellence The institution’s role in LP was closely related to the desire to project an international prestigious image of the university. Prestige and excellence are two aspects that tend to be linked to internationalisation, and a way to achieve them is through the introduction of English and other languages in the university context (EHEA 2015;MECD 2014;SEPIE 2017). 4. La dilatada historia de la UGR, su reconocimiento como una universidad europea de prestigio y sus perspectivas de futuro exigen un enfoque constructivo hacia las lenguas y el plurilingüismo que las considere un importante recurso (Universidad de Granada 2017, Política lingüística). The extensive history of the university, its recognition as a prestigious European university, and its long-term plans demand a constructive approach towards languages and plurilingualism that considers them an important resource. In Example (4), the institution bases its argumentation on positive features to support the strategic objective of internationalisation (dilatada historia, ‘extensive history’; reconocimiento . . . universidad europea de prestigio, ‘recognition as a prestigious European university’). In doing so, it also acknowledges the importance of languages in the process (exigen un enfoque . . . hacia las lenguas y el plurilingualismo, ‘demand an approach . . . towards languages and plurilingualism’), which relates to Section 3.1 and the view of LP as a necessary tool for higher education institutions. The institution uses an authoritarian voice that creates a direct connection between prestige and languages. 5. Por tanto, la Universidad CEU San Pablo, consciente de que la apuesta por la calidad y la internacionalizaci ó n exige dar pasos cada vez m á s firmes en la exigencia de competencias transversales a todos sus grados, establece el siguiente Reglamento que obliga a que todos sus estudiantes, [ . . . ], acrediten un nivel m í nimo de conocimientos y de competencias en lengua inglesa (CEU Universidad San Pablo 2017, Acreditaci ó n de nivel de ingl é s para la obtenci ó n de los títulos de grado) The university CEU San Pablo is aware of the fact that quality and internationalisation demand sound steps to move forward, which requires the presence of transversal competences in all the degrees. Therefore, it establishes the following Regulation that makes it compulsory for all students [ . . . ] to certify a minimum level of English competence and knowledge. Similarly, Example (5) explicitly links the discourses of internationalisation and quality to English, which indicates that the three of them are tools that boost the excellence standards of the university (la calidad y la internacionalización exige . . . competencias en lengua inglesa, ‘quality and internationalisation that demand . . . English competence and knowledge’). The establishment of language requirements also highlights one of the main areas of concern of LP in Spain, which is the accreditation of university stakeholders’ language competence, as seen above in Section 3.1 and CRUE (2017). Languages 2019,4, 56 5 of 9 At the textual level, the exertion of top-down authority is often established by the use of obligation verbs (exige, exigencia, ‘demands’, ‘makes compulsory’) as well as the external social situation (perspectivas de futuro, ‘long-term plans’; por lo tanto . . . consciente de que la apuesta, ‘therefore, [the university] is aware of . . . ’). 3.2.3. Institutional Authoritarian Voice A more thorough examination of the institution’s voice shows the use of different discursive strategies to fulfil its demands for language skills. Authority is conveyed not only through the use of modal verbs and attitude markers, but also through the use of argumentation based on social practices, global demands, or aligning its objectives to external circumstances like supranational policies, national and regional regulation, or research studies. Institutional actions are consequently justified by the government’s policies and experts’ opinions. An example of the latter strategy is seen in Example (6), which gives a sense of well-founded argumentation (de com ú n acuerdo, ‘of common agreement’; como queda reflejado, ‘as it is said by’). This strategy was frequently found when languages were discussed in general, without explicitly addressing a specific language, giving more predominance to the expert’s voice and reducing the institution’s voice to a neutral stance. 6. Respecto al reto particular de la cualificaci ó n lingü í stica del profesorado es de com ú n acuerdo, tal y como queda reflejado en la literatura cient í fica, que el nivel m í nimo exigible es un nivel C1 (Universidad de Salamanca 2016, Plan para la Internacionalización Lingüística). Regarding the specific challenge of the teaching staff’s language training, it is of common agreement that, as it is said by the literature, the minimum level that can be required is C1. 7. Eso, ni qu é decir tiene, exige que el personal que atiende al p ú blico conozca tanto el euskera como el castellano (ibid. (2)). That, without hesitation, demands that the staffwho offer public-oriented services know both Basque and Spanish. However, a different approach was used when references to a specific language appeared, especially in the case of co-official languages. For instance, in Example (7), the institution used a subjective position through the use of attitude markers (eso ni que decir tiene exige, ‘that, without hesitation, demands . . . ’) that shows implications regarding language expectations—e.g., importance and obligation. This change of attitude could be linked to what was observed in Section 3.2.1, when the institution adopted an inclusive and protective stance towards local languages—e.g., Basque and Spanish in the case of Example (7). 3.3. Languages in LP 3.3.1. Language Functions Lastly, a comparative analysis was carried out to describe the English language in contrast to the local languages. One of the objectives of LP is to identify and establish the functions of the different languages that co-exist in a specific context when a situation demands regulation of use. According to the documents analysed, languages perform several functions. The introduction of English in the local context has created two scenarios, either replacement or duplication of uses (Hultgren 2014). For example, Examples (8), (9), and (10) explicitly state the different statuses and functions that languages can hold in the university (‘own language’, ‘official languages’, ‘lingua franca’, ‘working language’), whether granted by law—e.g., Catalan, Spanish—or by daily use in certain domains—English, other languages/foreign languages. Challenges appear though, in the case of languages whose presence has become expected in certain spheres, like English, but its implications are not clearly discussed (Pérez-Llantada 2018;Soler-Carbonell and Karaoglu 2015). Languages 2019,4, 56 6 of 9 8. La transparencia y la efectividad de los derechos y los deberes lingü í sticos que se derivan del estatus de las lenguas: del catal á n como lengua propia, del catal á n y del castellano como lenguas oficiales, del ingl é s como lengua franca de la comunidad acad é mica internacional, y tambi é n de otras lenguas en contextos espec í ficos (Universitat Aut ò noma de Barcelona 2016, Plan de lenguas). The transparency and effectiveness of language rights and duties result from the status of languages: Catalan as the own language, Catalan and Spanish as official languages, English as the lingua franca of the international academic community, and other languages in specific contexts too. 9. Reconoce el papel de la lengua inglesa como lingua franca acad é mica internacional, lo que se refleja en la necesidad de regular de forma espec í fica su estatus en nuestra instituci ó n (ibid. (4)). It recognises the role of English as the international academic lingua franca, which is reflected in the need to regulate its status in a specific way within our institution. 10. Angl è s com a llengua de treball o d’ ú s corrent a la Universitat Pompeu Fabra t é una s è rie de conseqü è ncies pr à ctiques i jur í diques (Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2007, Pla d’acci ó pel multilingüisme). English as the common use or working language at the University Pompeu Fabra has a series of practical and legal consequences. Several languages can be used when they fulfil a similar function, as seen in Example (11): English is used for international communication in the domain of research dissemination, while Catalan and Spanish are used for specific research purposes, which may be influenced by the research topic and target audience. 11. En les activitats de recerca i difusi ó , la UOC vol potenciar l’ ú s de la llengua anglesa com a principal vehicle d’intercanvi cient í fic internacional, mantenint l’ ú s del catal à i l’espanyol per a la difusi ó de la recerca en contextos m é s espec í fics (Universitat Oberta de Catalunya 2015, Princips generals de política lingüística). In the activities of research and dissemination, the university wants to promote the use of English as the main vehicle of international scientific exchange, keeping the use of Catalan and Spanish for the dissemination of research in more specific contexts. It can then be deduced that in this scenario, the functions of languages might be shaped by the geographical location of the target audience. Example (11) illustrates how the institutional protective view of local languages reflects concern towards the maintenance of local languages, especially in domains where English has become the predominant language choice. In general, universities (Examples (9), (10)) are aware of the need for regulation of the presence of English (en la necesidad de regular de forma expl í cita, ‘need for explicit regulation’; conseqü è ncies pr à ctiques i jur í diques, ‘practical and legal consequences’), as seen in Section 3.1, but this also brings to the fore implications for policymakers, e.g., the extent to which it can be institutionalised and become an official working language of the university; or the language requirements that will be asked for depending on different purposes or stakeholders’ needs. 3.3.2. Language Hierarchies I ended the previous section with Example (11) that insinuated a certain level of resistance to the linguistic hegemony of English. This section specifically focuses on the way in which language attitudes are translated into the LP documents at a textual level, which on some occasions may favour English, and in others the local languages. This is generally expressed at the textual level with the use of attitude markers, adverbs, enumeration, coordination, disjunction, and so on. 12. A investigación realízase principalmente en castelán ou en inglés (ibid. (1)). Languages 2019,4, 55 4 of 9 Table 2. Classification of lemmatic CLI and examples from the data. Semantic extensions Then the man enters in a coffee and eat a lot of things [café/cafeteria] Calque Both the woman and the man meet in the van of the police [the police van] Collocational transfer She makes the meal [cooks/prepares the meal] Subcategorization—Preposition Then he sees no the police phones to the police department [phones the police department] Subcategorization—Type of complement They are sitting in the table [at the table] Lemmatic self-repair There is a girl that he has hungry who is hungry NVivo was used for qualitative analysis and data were afterwards submitted to statistical treatment (Multiple Linear Regression) with SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) v20; alpha was set at 0.05. “Lexical CLI occurrences” was established as the dependent variable and “hours abroad” as the independent one; a control variable—proficiency—was also introduced in the analysis, since it has been found to be directly related to lexical CLI in previous research. A backward method through blocks was used. Normality of the data was tested through the Kolmogorov-Smornov Test. 3. Results The total number of lexical CLI occurrences was 604 out of a total of 48,748 words. As regards the two broad types of lexical CLI, lemmatic transfer (480 occurrences, 79.5%) was much more frequent than lexemic transfer (124 occurrences, 20.5%) (see Table 3below). However, it is important to note here that the number of occurrences was not equally distributed across the different participants. Thus, while 9 of the participants did not produce any instances of CLI, up to 22 instances of transfer were identified in one of the learner’s oral production. When the data were analysed according to each of the subcategories, lexemic transfer appeared as language switches in 88 instances (71%), followed by lexical inventions (21 instances, 17%), false cognates (13, 10%), and, finally, lexemic self-repair (2, 2%). Table 3. Tokens and percentages of lemmatic and lexemic transfer. Lemmatic transfer Total: 480 (79.5%) semantic extensions 244 (50.8%) subcategorization transfer 82 (17.1%) subcategorization CLI 52 (10.8%) calques 58 (12.1%) lemmatic self-repairs 30 (6.25%) collocational transfer 14 (2.9%) Lexemic transfer Total: 124 (20.5%) language switches 88 (71%) lexical inventions 21 (17%) false cognates 13 (10%) lexemic self-repair 2 (2%) In the case of lemmatic transfer, 244 (50.8%) instances of semantic extensions were traced back. The second most frequent subcategory was subcategorization transfer that involved the choice of the wrong complement, as 82 occurrences (17.1%) were singled out in the corpus. The type of subcategorization CLI that involved the choice of the wrong preposition within the prepositional phrase was fewer in number—52 cases (10.8%). A similar number—58 occurrences (12.1%)—were identified as calques, and 30 cases of lemmatic self-repairs (6.25%) appeared in the data. Finally, the less frequent type of lemmatic CLI was collocational transfer, which has been identified on 14 occasions (2.9%). However, it is important to highlight that the high number of semantic extensions in the data can be explained by the appearance of the word “police” instead of “policeman” or ‘police officer,” which accounts for 40% of the total number of semantic extensions in the data. Learners used the term ‘police’ when they want to refer to a single policeman or police officer, since “policia” in Spanish or Catalan (although with Languages 2019,4, 55 5 of 9 different pronunciation) can refer to both the officer and the department; the learner, thus, extends these two uses in English. Table 4below presents the results of the multiple linear regression. The adjusted R square shows the amount of variance in each dependent variable that can be explained by hours abroad. As can be observed in the table, hours abroad explain 24% of lexical CLI (see Figure 1for the distribution of values). Regarding lemmatic CLI and language switches, hours abroad account for 27% and 13% of the variance respectively. Table 4. Multiple Linear Regression. Predictor variable: Hours abroad. Dependent variables: lexical CLI, lemmatic CLI, language switches. Predictor Variable Dependent Variable R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate Hours Abroad Lexical CLI 0.25 0.24 0.01 Lemmatic CLI 0.29 0.27 0.008 Language switches 0.16 0.13 0.004 The results of the statistical analysis performed on the data yielded statistically significant differences between lexical CLI and hours abroad for one of the types of lexemic CLI, namely, language switches (p=0.008), and for lemmatic transfer overall (p<0.001). In both cases, there exists an inverse relationship between hours abroad and amount of lexical CLI; in other words, a higher number of hours spent in an SA programme implies a decrease in language switches and in lemmatic transfer. The statistical analysis performed with the different subtypes of lemmatic transfer appeared to be nonsignificant. 1 Figure 1. Scatterplot: Lexical CLI—Hours Abroad. 4. Discussion As explained above, our findings show that lemmatic CLI appeared more frequently than lexemic transfer in the learners’ oral productions. It is suggested here that the difference in the occurrence of both types of lexical CLI can be accounted for by the fact that lemmatic CLI is a more complex type that extends, in most cases, to the word unit. These results are in line with previous studies on lexical CLI; as Ringbom (2001) pointed out, there seems to be a change from organization by form to organization by meaning as the learners’ language proficiency develops. In other words, while transfer of form or lexemic CLI might be most predominant at the earliest stages of acquisition, transfer of meaning or lemmatic CLI seems to develop at a later proficiency stage. This suggests that CLI might work in different ways at different levels of proficiency and due to the different needs that learners have. Both factors are Languages 2019,4, 55 6 of 9 intrinsic to the definition of SA contexts. Similar findings appear in studies on CLI and proficiency, such as Celaya’s (2006) longitudinal study of the written productions of Catalan/Spanish learners of EFL, where the researcher found that whereas borrowings and coinages (two types of lexemic CLI in her study) decreased as L2 proficiency increased, calques (one type of lemmatic CLI) increased with higher levels of proficiency. This suggests that not all types of lexical CLI develop in the same way, as also evident in Nav é s et al.’s (2005) study where the researchers found a statistically significant decrease of borrowings as proficiency increased. Lindqvist’s (2010) study with 14 very advanced learners of L3 French points in the same direction, as her participants presented more instances of meaning-based transfer (54%), especially of semantic extensions, than of form-based CLI (46%). The difference appeared to be more striking in the present study, which can be accounted for by the fact of having used a slightly different classification of meaning-based transfer and, thus, including the categories of collocational CLI and subcategorization CLI, as suggested by Jarvis (2009). Furthermore, our findings suggest an impact of SA on the amount of lexical CLI, as in previous studies, (see Collentine and Freed 2004), that is, the more hours spent abroad, the less L1-based lexical CLI, as in the case of the lower number of language switches (lexemic transfer), and also the less lemmatic transfer overall. It also has to be highlighted that language switches were the type of lexemic transfer that occurred more frequently in the data, whereas the other types were scarce. This could account for the fact that no other statistically significant results were found with the other subtypes. Furthermore, such findings may also be due to the fact that, as claimed by Kroll and Stewart (1994, p. 168), “cross-language connections between lexical representations, and between lexical representations and concepts, are asymmetric” in bilingual memory. Access to rich input and plenty of opportunities to practise the TL are put forward as the reasons for such an outcome, since as claimed by Bolibaugh and Foster (2013), immersion settings provide a better environment for learning the more subtle aspects of the language. In other words, SA allows for both the automatization and proceduralisation of new knowledge, (e.g., DeKeyser 2007;Llanes and Muñoz 2009;P é rez-Vidal 2014) and for the inhibition of the L1 (Linck et al. 2009) and this is why we suggest that SA especially determines the occurrence of lemmatic transfer and one type of lexemic transfer, namely, language switches, which decrease with a higher number of hours abroad (see Hammarberg 2001); that is, when gaps in learners’ knowledge arise, they draw on their L1 less (lexemic transfer). As Tremblay (2006) has argued, exposure to the L2 is needed for the L2 to become automatized, since high proficiency in the L2 alone is not enough. Cort é s’s (2005) study with L1 English learners of Spanish also confirms the importance of language exposure in a naturalistic setting for the decrease in occurrences of transfer. She pinpointed that the learners in her study that had studied the language for a longer time, as well as in a naturalistic environment, presented fewer cases of CLI. Pavlenko and Jarvis (2002) further argued that the level of socialization in the source language is important for transfer to take place from this language. Therefore, as Andria and Serrano (2013) and Andria (2014) claimed, more research is needed to analyse the impact of SA contexts on the acquisition of second languages, since factors other than total time abroad might be reliable predictors of pattern restructuring, for example, the concentration of the stays, the type and amount of contact with the L2 while abroad, or whether the learners also receive formal instruction in the host country. In other words, more detailed information of actual contact with the language is needed in further research. 5. Conclusions The present study suggests that, since SA programmes provide more hours of contact and a more varied type of input than regular instruction, the use of L1-based resources in learners’ oral production is impacted upon; in other words, there seems to exist an inverse relationship between amount of input in SA and lexical CLI: the more hours of SA, the fewer the cases of L1-based resources, as in the case of language switches in the present study, and also the fewer the cases of lemmatic CLI. However, for further research it is essential to obtain very precise information about the learners’ use of the L2 before and after the SA so as to be able to carry out detailed analyses of the impact of SA on CLI, since Languages 2019,4, 55 7 of 9 in many cases the amount of input during the SA might be limited due to the lack of opportunities to interact with native speakers, as Muñoz and Singleton (2011) have thoroughly discussed. Author Contributions: Both authors were in charge of collecting data together with the rest of the members in the GRAL research group (www.ubgral.com). The study presented here is a revised version of part of the first author’s Ph.D. dissertation, which was supervised by the second author of this paper. For the present paper the second author has updated the review of the literature, the first author has revised the analysis of the data, worked with the statistical analysis again and prepared the corresponding tables and figures and, finally, we have carried out the discussion of the findings together. Funding: This research was funded by Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnolog í a of the Spanish Government, grant number HUM2007-64302 to the GRAL research group. Acknowledgments: The authors acknowledge support from the GRAL research group. Our special thanks to Ferran Carrascosa and Joan Carles Mora for their invaluable help with statistics. We are also grateful to the three anonymous reviewers for their valuable feedback. Any mistakes remain our own. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. References Alonso, Rosa, ed. 2016. Crosslinguistic Influence in Second Language Acquisition. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Andria, Maria. 2014. 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This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). languages Article Metaphor and Metonymy in Food Idioms Isabel Negro Department of English Studies, School of Economics, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 28223 Pozuelo de Alarcón, Spain; inegr[email protected] Received: 15 May 2019; Accepted: 23 June 2019; Published: 27 June 2019   Abstract: In recent decades, the development of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, put forward by Lakoffand other scholars. In this light, metaphor and metonymy have been found to provide a semantic motivation for a considerable number of idiomatic expressions. Within this framework, the present contribution explores the cognitive motivation of food idioms in English (e.g., ‘be a cup of tea,’ ‘bread and butter,’ ‘walking on eggshells’) and Spanish (e.g., darse pisto, tener mala uva, cortar el bacalao). The analysis reveals that idiomatic meaning often relies on metaphoric amalgams and metonymic chains, or on the interaction between metaphor and metonymy. Keywords: food; idiom; metaphor; metonymy 1. Introduction In recent decades, metaphor and metonymy have been investigated within the cognitive linguistics framework. Metaphor and metonymy are conceptual mechanisms that contribute to providing structure to the human conceptual system. The development of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, put forward by Lakoffand other scholars (e.g., Lakoffand Johnson 1980;Lakoff1987,2006;Lakoffand Turner 1989;Kövecses 2002; cf. Ruiz de Mendoza and P é rez 2011 for assessment on the later versions) has led to research along different lines. One such line is the cognitive basis of idioms (Dobrovol’skij and Piirainen 2005;Langlotz 2006;Boers and Lindstromberg 2008). In this light, a number of studies have shown the role of metaphor and metonymy in building the meaning of numerous idiomatic expressions. Within this framework, the present article discusses the metaphorical/metonymic basis of a set of food idioms in English and Spanish. 2. Theoretical Framework From a cognitive linguistics perspective, metaphor and metonymy occupy a central role in our conceptual structure. The Conceptual Metaphor Theory is based on the following principles (Lakoff2006): •Metaphor is primarily a cognitive mechanism. • Metaphor involves understanding a domain of experience (the target domain) in terms of a more concrete domain (the source domain). • A metaphor is to be regarded as a mapping (e.g., a fixed set of conceptual correspondences) between a source domain and a target domain, where one or more features of the source are projected upon the target. As Lakoff(2006, p. 192) remarks, a metaphor is “an ontological mapping across conceptual domains,” so that “the essence of meaning is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoffand Johnson 1980, p. 5). • Any linguistic metaphor, or metaphoric expression, is an instantiation of a conceptual metaphor. While a metaphor is a mapping (i.e., a set of correspondences) between two different conceptual domains, a metonymy is a domain-internal mapping. Ruiz de Mendoza and Otal (2002, p. 58) suggest two types of metonymy based on the domain-internal nature of metonymic mappings: Languages 2019,4, 47; doi:10.3390/languages4030047 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 47 2 of 8 (a) Source-in-target metonymies are those in which the source domain is a subdomain of the target domain, e.g., sign for state (‘to raise one’s eyebrows’). They involve domain expansion, which consists of broadening the amount of conceptual material associated with a domain. (b) Target-in-source metonymies are those in which the target is a subdomain of the source, for example part-for-part metonymies. They involve domain reduction and the consequent highlighting of part of a domain. Following Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera (2014), metaphors may occur within metaphoric amalgams, and metonymies can be integrated within metonymic chains. There are two types of metaphoric amalgam: (i) A single-source metaphoric amalgam consists of integrating one of the metaphors in a complex into the conceptual configuration of the other; (ii) A double-source metaphoric amalgam results from mapping two different source domains onto the same target domain. Metonymic chains consist of combining two or more metonymies in such a way that the target domain of the first constitutes the source domain of the following one. Metaphor and metonymy often interplay. Some authors (e.g., Radden 2000;Barcelona 2000; Ruiz de Mendoza and D í ez 2002;Ruiz de Mendoza and Otal 2002) have discussed the conceptual interaction between metaphor and metonymy. In this contribution, we follow Ruiz de Mendoza and Otal (2002) that, whenever metaphor and metonymy interact, it is the latter that is subsidiary to the former. This claim results from the nature of the two mappings. While a metaphor involves two conceptual domains, a metonymy involves just one. Therefore, the two domains of metaphor cannot operate within the single domain of a metonymy. Ruiz de Mendoza and Otal (2002) propose several patterns of interaction between metaphor and metonymy: 1. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source or one of its correspondences, as in “to turn one’s back on somebody.” The action of turning one’s back in the metaphoric source domain is metonymically expanded onto a situation in which a person turns his back in order to ignore somebody. 2. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source or one of its correspondences, as in “to have big ears.” The ears metonymically stand for good hearing (organ for sense). 3. This element of the source domain is then projected upon a target domain in which a person eavesdrops. 4. Metonymic expansion of a metaphoric target or one of its correspondences, as in “to clear one’s throat.” There is a metaphoric correspondence between clearing one’s throat and coughing. The result of this metaphoric mapping is then expanded by means of a metonymy, cough being understood as a sign to attract somebody’s attention. 5. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target or one of its correspondences, as in “to open one’s eyes to something.” The person who opens his eyes describes metaphorically the person who becomes aware of something important. This metaphor relies on a metonymy, inasmuch as the open eyes represent the reality seen through a person’s eyes. 3. Methodology We selected a sample of 50 metaphorically- or metonymically-based food idioms (25 in English and 25 in Spanish) from two dictionaries: Diccionario de dichos y frases hechas (Buitrago 2012) and Oxford Dictionary of English Idioms (Siefrig 2004). 4. Discussion The source domain of food is used in both English and Spanish to represent people, as shown in the idiomatic expressions ‘top banana’ (most important person in a group/organization), ‘bad egg’ (bad/dishonest/unreliable person), ‘tough cookie’ (determined person), ‘smart cookie’ (intelligent person), ‘a big cheese’ (very important person), ‘the cream/la flor y nata,un pedazo de pan ‘a piece of bread’ (very kind person), un bombón(beautiful woman), and un coco (ugly person). Languages 2019,4, 47 3 of 8 Food also provides the source for the conceptualization of money, as exemplified by the English idiom ‘peanuts’ (a very small amount of money). The meaning of some idioms is based on a single-source metaphoric amalgam. It is the case of ‘lemon’ (silly person), ‘peach’ (lovely person), un mendrugo/un berzas (unintelligent person), and un bomb ó n. The main metaphor operating in the interpretation of these expressions is people are foods, but it needs to be conceptually enriched in order to explain why a silly person is said to be a lemon, a lovely person is said to be a peach, an attractive woman is said to be a chocolate (bomb ó n), and an unintelligent person is said to be a crust of bread (mendrugo) or a cabbage (berza). This meaning effect is achieved through the application of a metaphor that maps a property of these food items onto a specific personality feature. Thus, sourness and little value are mapped onto lack of intelligence (‘a lemon’, mendrugo/berzas), and sweetness onto charm (‘a peach’) or attractiveness (un bomb ó n). These metaphors combine into single-source metaphoric amalgams with the more general metaphor people are foods. Figure 1provides an illustration of this process. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 8 The meaning of some idioms is based on a single-source metaphoric amalgam. It is the case of ‘lemon’ (silly person), ‘peach’ (lovely person), un mendrugo/un berzas (unintelligent person), and un bombón. The main metaphor operating in the interpretation of these expressions is PEOPLE ARE FOODS, but it needs to be conceptually enriched in order to explain why a silly person is said to be a lemon, a lovely person is said to be a peach, an attractive woman is said to be a chocolate (bombón), and an unintelligent person is said to be a crust of bread (mendrugo) or a cabbage (berza). This meaning effect is achieved through the application of a metaphor that maps a property of these food items onto a specific personality feature. Thus, sourness and little value are mapped onto lack of intelligence (‘a lemon’, mendrugo/berzas), and sweetness onto charm (‘a peach’) or attractiveness (un bombón). These metaphors combine into single-source metaphoric amalgams with the more general metaphor PEOPLE ARE FOODS. Figure 1 provides an illustration of this process. Figure 1. Metaphoric amalgam underlying the interpretation of ser un mendrugo/un berzas. Metonymy underlies a few idioms such as ‘full of beans’ (full of energy’) and tener mala leche ‘sour milk’ (to be bad-tempered). The first expression calls for an OBJECT FOR ITS PROPERTIES sourcein-target metonymy, since beans make an excellent source of protein and energy. The second idiom activates a CAUSE FOR EFFECT metonymy, based on the belief that the milk supplied by the mother affected the baby’s character. Other idioms are based on a metonymic complex. It is the case of ‘to bring home the bacon’ (earn the household income), ganarse el pan ‘bread’/los garbanzos ‘chickpeas’/el cocido1/las lentejas ‘lentils’/las habichuelas ‘beans’ (‘earn a living’), and ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income). In the initial metonymy, the food items are made to stand for food by virtue of a GENUS FOR SPECIES target-in-source metonymy. The second metonymic process makes food stand for the money necessary to obtain it. This metonymic operation highlights the subdomain that is relevant for interpretation, in this case, MONEY. In the idiom ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income), a third domain reduction process makes money stand for the activity done to earn it (PURPOSE OF THE ACTION FOR ACTION). Figure 2 schematizes this combination of metonymies. In much the same way, a double metonymy underlies the idiom hacer buenas migas, which evokes the migrating shepherds’ habit of meeting up to cook and then eat this dish2. Cooking this dish metonymically represents the good relationship between the shepherds who prepared it together. Such a good relationship then stands for good relationships between people in general. The interpretation of a set of idioms in our sample relies on four types of interaction between metaphor and metonymy: (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source; (2) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source; (3) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target; and (4) metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target. 1 Cocido is a dish made with chickpeas, meat and vegetables. 2 The dish consists of breadcrumbs fried with garlic and paprika. Source Target Foods People Little value Lack of intelligence Figure 1. Metaphoric amalgam underlying the interpretation of ser un mendrugo/un berzas. Metonymy underlies a few idioms such as ‘full of beans’ (full of energy’) and tener mala leche ‘sour milk’ (to be bad-tempered). The first expression calls for an object for its properties source-in-target metonymy, since beans make an excellent source of protein and energy. The second idiom activates acause for effect metonymy, based on the belief that the milk supplied by the mother affected the baby’s character. Other idioms are based on a metonymic complex. It is the case of ‘to bring home the bacon’ (earn the household income), ganarse el pan ‘bread’/los garbanzos ‘chickpeas’/el cocido 1 /las lentejas ‘lentils’/las habichuelas ‘beans’ (‘earn a living’), and ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income). In the initial metonymy, the food items are made to stand for food by virtue of agenus for species target-in-source metonymy. The second metonymic process makes food stand for the money necessary to obtain it. This metonymic operation highlights the subdomain that is relevant for interpretation, in this case, MONEY. In the idiom ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income), a third domain reduction process makes money stand for the activity done to earn it (purpose of the action for action). Figure 2schematizes this combination of metonymies. 1Cocido is a dish made with chickpeas, meat and vegetables. Languages 2019,4, 47 4 of 8 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 8 Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces— by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the ACTION FOR RESULT source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans.’ The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a WHOLE-FOR-PART source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to Food Money to obtain food Bread and butter Activity to earn money SOURCE Metonymy (THE ACTION FOR THE ABILITY TO DO IT) Be able to cut cod TARGET To control cortar el bacalao SOURCE Metonymy (ACTION FOR RESULT) Reveal the election results spill the beans TARGET Reveal a secret Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. In much the same way, a double metonymy underlies the idiom hacer buenas migas, which evokes the migrating shepherds’ habit of meeting up to cook and then eat this dish 2 . Cooking this dish metonymically represents the good relationship between the shepherds who prepared it together. Such a good relationship then stands for good relationships between people in general. The interpretation of a set of idioms in our sample relies on four types of interaction between metaphor and metonymy: (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source; (2) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source; (3) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target; and (4) metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces—by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 8 Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces— by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the ACTION FOR RESULT source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans.’ The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a WHOLE-FOR-PART source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to Food Money to obtain food Bread and butter Activity to earn money SOURCE Metonymy (THE ACTION FOR THE ABILITY TO DO IT) Be able to cut cod TARGET To control cortar el bacalao SOURCE Metonymy (ACTION FOR RESULT) Reveal the election results spill the beans TARGET Reveal a secret Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the action for result source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. 2The dish consists of breadcrumbs fried with garlic and paprika. Languages 2019,4, 47 3 of 8 Food also provides the source for the conceptualization of money, as exemplified by the English idiom ‘peanuts’ (a very small amount of money). The meaning of some idioms is based on a single-source metaphoric amalgam. It is the case of ‘lemon’ (silly person), ‘peach’ (lovely person), un mendrugo/un berzas (unintelligent person), and un bomb ó n. The main metaphor operating in the interpretation of these expressions is people are foods, but it needs to be conceptually enriched in order to explain why a silly person is said to be a lemon, a lovely person is said to be a peach, an attractive woman is said to be a chocolate (bomb ó n), and an unintelligent person is said to be a crust of bread (mendrugo) or a cabbage (berza). This meaning effect is achieved through the application of a metaphor that maps a property of these food items onto a specific personality feature. Thus, sourness and little value are mapped onto lack of intelligence (‘a lemon’, mendrugo/berzas), and sweetness onto charm (‘a peach’) or attractiveness (un bomb ó n). These metaphors combine into single-source metaphoric amalgams with the more general metaphor people are foods. Figure 1provides an illustration of this process. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 8 The meaning of some idioms is based on a single-source metaphoric amalgam. It is the case of ‘lemon’ (silly person), ‘peach’ (lovely person), un mendrugo/un berzas (unintelligent person), and un bombón. The main metaphor operating in the interpretation of these expressions is PEOPLE ARE FOODS, but it needs to be conceptually enriched in order to explain why a silly person is said to be a lemon, a lovely person is said to be a peach, an attractive woman is said to be a chocolate (bombón), and an unintelligent person is said to be a crust of bread (mendrugo) or a cabbage (berza). This meaning effect is achieved through the application of a metaphor that maps a property of these food items onto a specific personality feature. Thus, sourness and little value are mapped onto lack of intelligence (‘a lemon’, mendrugo/berzas), and sweetness onto charm (‘a peach’) or attractiveness (un bombón). These metaphors combine into single-source metaphoric amalgams with the more general metaphor PEOPLE ARE FOODS. Figure 1 provides an illustration of this process. Figure 1. Metaphoric amalgam underlying the interpretation of ser un mendrugo/un berzas. Metonymy underlies a few idioms such as ‘full of beans’ (full of energy’) and tener mala leche ‘sour milk’ (to be bad-tempered). The first expression calls for an OBJECT FOR ITS PROPERTIES sourcein-target metonymy, since beans make an excellent source of protein and energy. The second idiom activates a CAUSE FOR EFFECT metonymy, based on the belief that the milk supplied by the mother affected the baby’s character. Other idioms are based on a metonymic complex. It is the case of ‘to bring home the bacon’ (earn the household income), ganarse el pan ‘bread’/los garbanzos ‘chickpeas’/el cocido1/las lentejas ‘lentils’/las habichuelas ‘beans’ (‘earn a living’), and ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income). In the initial metonymy, the food items are made to stand for food by virtue of a GENUS FOR SPECIES target-in-source metonymy. The second metonymic process makes food stand for the money necessary to obtain it. This metonymic operation highlights the subdomain that is relevant for interpretation, in this case, MONEY. In the idiom ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income), a third domain reduction process makes money stand for the activity done to earn it (PURPOSE OF THE ACTION FOR ACTION). Figure 2 schematizes this combination of metonymies. In much the same way, a double metonymy underlies the idiom hacer buenas migas, which evokes the migrating shepherds’ habit of meeting up to cook and then eat this dish2. Cooking this dish metonymically represents the good relationship between the shepherds who prepared it together. Such a good relationship then stands for good relationships between people in general. The interpretation of a set of idioms in our sample relies on four types of interaction between metaphor and metonymy: (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source; (2) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source; (3) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target; and (4) metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target. 1 Cocido is a dish made with chickpeas, meat and vegetables. 2 The dish consists of breadcrumbs fried with garlic and paprika. Source Target Foods People Little value Lack of intelligence Figure 1. Metaphoric amalgam underlying the interpretation of ser un mendrugo/un berzas. Metonymy underlies a few idioms such as ‘full of beans’ (full of energy’) and tener mala leche ‘sour milk’ (to be bad-tempered). The first expression calls for an object for its properties source-in-target metonymy, since beans make an excellent source of protein and energy. The second idiom activates acause for effect metonymy, based on the belief that the milk supplied by the mother affected the baby’s character. Other idioms are based on a metonymic complex. It is the case of ‘to bring home the bacon’ (earn the household income), ganarse el pan ‘bread’/los garbanzos ‘chickpeas’/el cocido 1 /las lentejas ‘lentils’/las habichuelas ‘beans’ (‘earn a living’), and ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income). In the initial metonymy, the food items are made to stand for food by virtue of agenus for species target-in-source metonymy. The second metonymic process makes food stand for the money necessary to obtain it. This metonymic operation highlights the subdomain that is relevant for interpretation, in this case, MONEY. In the idiom ‘bread and butter’ (job/activity that provides you with a steady income), a third domain reduction process makes money stand for the activity done to earn it (purpose of the action for action). Figure 2schematizes this combination of metonymies. 1Cocido is a dish made with chickpeas, meat and vegetables. Languages 2019,4, 47 4 of 8 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 8 Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces— by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the ACTION FOR RESULT source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans.’ The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a WHOLE-FOR-PART source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to Food Money to obtain food Bread and butter Activity to earn money SOURCE Metonymy (THE ACTION FOR THE ABILITY TO DO IT) Be able to cut cod TARGET To control cortar el bacalao SOURCE Metonymy (ACTION FOR RESULT) Reveal the election results spill the beans TARGET Reveal a secret Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. In much the same way, a double metonymy underlies the idiom hacer buenas migas, which evokes the migrating shepherds’ habit of meeting up to cook and then eat this dish 2 . Cooking this dish metonymically represents the good relationship between the shepherds who prepared it together. Such a good relationship then stands for good relationships between people in general. The interpretation of a set of idioms in our sample relies on four types of interaction between metaphor and metonymy: (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source; (2) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source; (3) metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target; and (4) metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces—by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 8 Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces— by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the ACTION FOR RESULT source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans.’ The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a WHOLE-FOR-PART source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to Food Money to obtain food Bread and butter Activity to earn money SOURCE Metonymy (THE ACTION FOR THE ABILITY TO DO IT) Be able to cut cod TARGET To control cortar el bacalao SOURCE Metonymy (ACTION FOR RESULT) Reveal the election results spill the beans TARGET Reveal a secret Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the action for result source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. 2The dish consists of breadcrumbs fried with garlic and paprika. Languages 2019,4, 47 5 of 8 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 8 Figure 2. Metonymic complex underlying the interpretation of bread and butter. (1) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source Let us consider the idiom cortar el bacalao. In the source domain, we have a fishmonger cutting cod. The action stands for the fishmonger’s ability to cut cod—a fish that breaks easily into pieces— by virtue of a source-in-target metonymy. This ability is then mapped onto authority, which gives rise to the meaning ‘direct, control.’ The resulting pattern is one of metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source domain, as shown in Figure 3. Figure 3. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of cortar el bacalao. The idiom ‘spill the beans’ (reveal a secret) evokes the ancient Greek method of placing black or white beans in a jar to cast votes (a white bean indicated a positive vote and a black bean was negative). If someone spilled the jar of beans, the election results would be known earlier. We highlight the result of spilling the beans by virtue of the ACTION FOR RESULT source-in-target metonymy. This metaphorical process is schematized in Figure 4. Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans.’ The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a WHOLE-FOR-PART source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to Food Money to obtain food Bread and butter Activity to earn money SOURCE Metonymy (THE ACTION FOR THE ABILITY TO DO IT) Be able to cut cod TARGET To control cortar el bacalao SOURCE Metonymy (ACTION FOR RESULT) Reveal the election results spill the beans TARGET Reveal a secret Figure 4. Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source underlying the interpretation of ‘spill the beans’. The idiomatic expression descubrir el pastel calls for a whole-for-part source-in-target metonymy. Pastel refers to a meat pie eaten in the 16th and 17th centuries. Pastry cooks used to make it with more pastry than mince, so that people had to find where the meat was. The pie is made to stand for the meat inside it through an operation of metonymic expansion. Then finding the meat hidden in the pastry is mapped onto hidden information in order to yield the idiomatic meaning. (2) Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric source The idioms mandar a fre í r esp á rragos, ‘to have your cake and eat it’ and ‘walking on eggshells’ are all based on the specific for generic target-in-source metonymy. In the expression mandar a fre í r esp á rragos frying asparagus, which is a useless task, since it is easier to boil it, stands for any useless task though an operation of metonymic reduction. Making someone do something useless is then understood as keeping them away for as long as possible. To have your cake and eat it at the same time is impossible. This situation metonymically stands for any situation in which somebody attempts to obtain two incompatible things. Trying to have two incompatible things is then understood as wanting more than one deserves or can handle. The same specific for generic metonymy gives rise to the meaning of the idiom ‘walking on eggshells.’ The action metonymically stands for any action requiring caution. Hence the metaphorical meaning ‘to act sensitively to avoid offending somebody.’ The idioms estar a la sopa boba, darse pisto and ‘meat and potatoes’ reflect another target-in-source metonymy, namely the genus for the species. In estar a la sopa boba, the word sopa evokes the broth given to the homeless outside convents in the 16th century. The soup is made to stand for food. The metonymy allows for the interpretation of being fed by someone as living at their expense. In the idiom darse pisto,pisto (fried vegetable hash) used to be a dish made up of different kinds of minced meat that well-offpeople ate. Again, the dish metonymically stands for food, particularly the food that only some people could afford. Eating fine foods and dishes is then metaphorically understood as showing off. In much the same way, ‘meat and potatoes’ stand for basic food. Basic food in the metaphorical source domain is then made to correspond with the basic needs of life, or of something in the target domain. The expression atar los perros con longanizas is based on the metonymy the sign of wealth for wealth. Sausages being used as a leash indicate a person’s wealth, hence the idiomatic meaning ‘to live in opulence.’ A further target-in-source metonymy integrated into a metaphor is exemplified in the idiom ‘to have one finger in every pie,’ where the finger metonymically represents the action of eating from many pies (gesture for action). The metonymy allows the action of eating to be interpreted as doing many different things. A similar interactional pattern underlies the interpretation of the idiom tener mala uva, although the metaphorical mapping integrates a metonymic chain rather than a single metonymy. The grapes in the metaphoric source domain undergo a process of metonymic reduction that serves to highlight those Languages 2019,4, 47 6 of 8 aspects that are relevant to the metaphoric mapping. Such a process involves four consecutive domain reduction operations (see Figure 5). The first operation highlights wine by virtue of a part-for-whole metonymy. The second operation gives access to drinking through an object for action metonymy. In the third operation, wine drinking is made to stand for its effects, namely aggressive behavior. Aggressiveness as a result of wine drinking is then set in metaphoric correspondence with bad temper. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 8 Figure 5. Metonymic chain underlying the interpretation of tener mala uva. Another metonymic chain involving metonymic reduction underlies the expression ‘it’s not my cup of tea.’ First, the cup of tea stands for the action of tea drinking (OBJECT FOR ACTION). By virtue of a further target-in-source metonymy, tea drinking is then made to stand for any pleasant activity (SPECIFIC FOR GENERIC). This metonymic process allows for the use of the idiom to refer to something that the speaker enjoys doing. (3) Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The idioms comerse el coco (‘to think over and over’), tener huevos (‘be courageous’), and estar hasta los huevos (‘be fed up with something’) profile the metaphor BODY PARTS ARE FOODS. This metaphor licenses the shift from a coconut to a person’s head, and from eggs to a man’s testicles. The expression comerse el coco reflects the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), or, as per Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera (2014, p. 113), the high-level metonymy INSTRUMENT FOR FUNCTION. This target-in-source metonymy highlights the instrumental role of the head/brain in thinking. Figure 6 provides an illustration of this process. Figure 6. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of comerse el coco. In the idioms tener huevos and estar hasta los huevos, the BODY PARTS ARE FOODS metaphor subsumes the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS AND FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), as illustrated in Figure 7. The testicles are the seat of courage (tener huevos) or anger (estar hasta los huevos). Figure 7. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of tener huevos. SOURCE Tener mala uva Metonymy (PART-FOR-WHOLE) Wine TARGET Bad temper Grapes Metonymy (OBJECT FOR ACTION) Drinking Metonymy (CAUSE FOR EFFECT) Aggressiveness TARGET A person’s head Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTTIONS) To think over and over SOURCE coco TARGET A man’s testicles Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM) Be courageous SOURCE huevos Figure 5. Metonymic chain underlying the interpretation of tener mala uva. Another metonymic chain involving metonymic reduction underlies the expression ‘it’s not my cup of tea.’ First, the cup of tea stands for the action of tea drinking (object for action). By virtue of a further target-in-source metonymy, tea drinking is then made to stand for any pleasant activity (specific for generic). This metonymic process allows for the use of the idiom to refer to something that the speaker enjoys doing. (3) Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The idioms comerse el coco (‘to think over and over’), tener huevos (‘be courageous’), and estar hasta los huevos (‘be fed up with something’) profile the metaphor body parts are foods. This metaphor licenses the shift from a coconut to a person’s head, and from eggs to a man’s testicles. The expression comerse el coco reflects the metonymy body part for its typical functions (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), or, as per Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera (2014, p. 113), the high-level metonymy instrument for function. This target-in-source metonymy highlights the instrumental role of the head/brain in thinking. Figure 6 provides an illustration of this process. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 8 Figure 5. Metonymic chain underlying the interpretation of tener mala uva. Another metonymic chain involving metonymic reduction underlies the expression ‘it’s not my cup of tea.’ First, the cup of tea stands for the action of tea drinking (OBJECT FOR ACTION). By virtue of a further target-in-source metonymy, tea drinking is then made to stand for any pleasant activity (SPECIFIC FOR GENERIC). This metonymic process allows for the use of the idiom to refer to something that the speaker enjoys doing. (3) Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The idioms comerse el coco (‘to think over and over’), tener huevos (‘be courageous’), and estar hasta los huevos (‘be fed up with something’) profile the metaphor BODY PARTS ARE FOODS. This metaphor licenses the shift from a coconut to a person’s head, and from eggs to a man’s testicles. The expression comerse el coco reflects the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), or, as per Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera (2014, p. 113), the high-level metonymy INSTRUMENT FOR FUNCTION. This target-in-source metonymy highlights the instrumental role of the head/brain in thinking. Figure 6 provides an illustration of this process. Figure 6. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of comerse el coco. In the idioms tener huevos and estar hasta los huevos, the BODY PARTS ARE FOODS metaphor subsumes the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS AND FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), as illustrated in Figure 7. The testicles are the seat of courage (tener huevos) or anger (estar hasta los huevos). Figure 7. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of tener huevos. SOURCE Tener mala uva Metonymy (PART-FOR-WHOLE) Wine TARGET Bad temper Grapes Metonymy (OBJECT FOR ACTION) Drinking Metonymy (CAUSE FOR EFFECT) Aggressiveness TARGET A person’s head Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTTIONS) To think over and over SOURCE coco TARGET A man’s testicles Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM) Be courageous SOURCE huevos Figure 6. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of comerse el coco. In the idioms tener huevos and estar hasta los huevos, the body parts are foods metaphor subsumes the metonymy body part for its typical functions and for the attributes connected with them (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), as illustrated in Figure 7. The testicles are the seat of courage (tener huevos) or anger (estar hasta los huevos). Languages 2019,4, 47 7 of 8 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 8 Figure 5. Metonymic chain underlying the interpretation of tener mala uva. Another metonymic chain involving metonymic reduction underlies the expression ‘it’s not my cup of tea.’ First, the cup of tea stands for the action of tea drinking (OBJECT FOR ACTION). By virtue of a further target-in-source metonymy, tea drinking is then made to stand for any pleasant activity (SPECIFIC FOR GENERIC). This metonymic process allows for the use of the idiom to refer to something that the speaker enjoys doing. (3) Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The idioms comerse el coco (‘to think over and over’), tener huevos (‘be courageous’), and estar hasta los huevos (‘be fed up with something’) profile the metaphor BODY PARTS ARE FOODS. This metaphor licenses the shift from a coconut to a person’s head, and from eggs to a man’s testicles. The expression comerse el coco reflects the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), or, as per Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera (2014, p. 113), the high-level metonymy INSTRUMENT FOR FUNCTION. This target-in-source metonymy highlights the instrumental role of the head/brain in thinking. Figure 6 provides an illustration of this process. Figure 6. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of comerse el coco. In the idioms tener huevos and estar hasta los huevos, the BODY PARTS ARE FOODS metaphor subsumes the metonymy BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS AND FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM (Barcelona 2000, p. 265), as illustrated in Figure 7. The testicles are the seat of courage (tener huevos) or anger (estar hasta los huevos). Figure 7. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of tener huevos. SOURCE Tener mala uva Metonymy (PART-FOR-WHOLE) Wine TARGET Bad temper Grapes Metonymy (OBJECT FOR ACTION) Drinking Metonymy (CAUSE FOR EFFECT) Aggressiveness TARGET A person’s head Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTTIONS) To think over and over SOURCE coco TARGET A man’s testicles Metonymy (BODY PART FOR ITS TYPICAL FUNCTIONS FOR THE ATTRIBUTES CONNECTED WITH THEM) Be courageous SOURCE huevos Figure 7. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of tener huevos. (4) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The meaning of the Spanish idiom poner cara de vinagre—‘to be angry/bad-tempered’—is based on a metonymic process. In the metaphoric source domain we find vinegar. The target domain depicts someone who is angry or bad-tempered. Vinegar, which is made to stand for sourness (one of its properties) through metonymic expansion, maps onto anger/bad temper in the metaphoric domain. This mapping is activated through a sign of emotion for emotion target-in-source metonymy, whereby a person’s angry expression stands for the feeling of anger. See Figure 8for the schematization of this interactional pattern. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 8 (4) Metonymic expansion of the metaphoric source and metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target The meaning of the Spanish idiom poner cara de vinagre—‘to be angry/bad-tempered’—is based on a metonymic process. In the metaphoric source domain we find vinegar. The target domain depicts someone who is angry or bad-tempered. Vinegar, which is made to stand for sourness (one of its properties) through metonymic expansion, maps onto anger/bad temper in the metaphoric domain. This mapping is activated through a SIGN OF EMOTION FOR EMOTION target-in-source metonymy, whereby a person’s angry expression stands for the feeling of anger. See Figure 8 for the schematization of this interactional pattern. Figure 8. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of estar hasta los huevos. 5. Conclusions The present article has sought to give evidence of the metaphorical/metonymic basis of idioms across languages. The study of a sample of food idioms in English and Spanish has revealed (1) the role of metaphor and metonymy in construing idiomatic meaning, and (2) the interaction between metaphor and metonymy. The study has also shown that metaphor and metonymy may combine in different ways, giving rise to metaphoric amalgams and metonymic chains. The scope of the paper being limited, further research needs to explore this topic on the basis of a large corpus. Funding: This research received no external funding. Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest. References (Barcelona 2000) Barcelona, Antonio. 2000. Metaphor and Metonymy at the Crossroads. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. (Boers and Lindstromberg 2008) Boers, Frank, and Seth Lindstromberg, Eds. 2008. Cognitive Linguistic Approaches to Teaching Vocabulary and Phraseology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. (Buitrago 2012) Buitrago, Alberto. 2012. Diccionario de dichos y frases hechas. Madrid: Espasa Libros. (Dobrovol’skij and Piirainen 2005) Dobrovol’skij, Dmitrij, and Elisabeth Piirainen. 2005. Figurative Language: Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Perspectives. Amsterdam: Elsevier. (Kövecses 2002) Kövecses, Zoltan. 2002. Metaphor: A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (Lakoff 1987) Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, Fire and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Lakoff 2006) Lakoff, George. 2006. The contemporary theory of metaphor. In Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Edited by Dirk Geeraerts. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 186–238. (Lakoff and Johnson 1980) Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: Chicago University Press. (Lakoff and Turner 1989) Lakoff, George, and Mark Turner. 1989. More Than Cool Reason: A Field Guide to Poetic Metaphor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Langlotz 2006) Langlotz, Andreas. 2006. Idiomatic Creativity: A Cognitive-Linguistic Model of Idiom-Representation and Idiom-Variation in English. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, vol. 17. TARGET A person’s angry expression Metonymy (SIGN OF EMOTION FOR EMOTION) Anger SOURCE Vinegar Sourness Figure 8. Metonymic reduction of the metaphoric target underlying the interpretation of estar hasta los huevos. 5. Conclusions The present article has sought to give evidence of the metaphorical/metonymic basis of idioms across languages. The study of a sample of food idioms in English and Spanish has revealed (1) the role of metaphor and metonymy in construing idiomatic meaning, and (2) the interaction between metaphor and metonymy. The study has also shown that metaphor and metonymy may combine in different ways, giving rise to metaphoric amalgams and metonymic chains. The scope of the paper being limited, further research needs to explore this topic on the basis of a large corpus. Funding: This research received no external funding. Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest. References Barcelona, Antonio. 2000. Metaphor and Metonymy at the Crossroads. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Boers, Frank, and Seth Lindstromberg, eds. 2008. Cognitive Linguistic Approaches to Teaching Vocabulary and Phraseology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Buitrago, Alberto. 2012. Diccionario de dichos y frases hechas. Madrid: Espasa Libros. Dobrovol’skij, Dmitrij, and Elisabeth Piirainen. 2005. Figurative Language: Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Perspectives. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Kövecses, Zoltan. 2002. Metaphor: A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Languages 2019,4, 47 8 of 8 Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, Fire and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, George. 2006. The contemporary theory of metaphor. In Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Edited by Dirk Geeraerts. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 186–238. Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Lakoff, George, and Mark Turner. 1989. More Than Cool Reason: A Field Guide to Poetic Metaphor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Langlotz, Andreas. 2006. Idiomatic Creativity: A Cognitive-Linguistic Model of Idiom-Representation and Idiom-Variation in English. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, vol. 17. Radden, Günter. 2000. How metonymic are metaphors? In Metaphor and Metonymy at the Crossroads. Edited by Antonio Barcelona. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 93–108. Ruiz de Mendoza, Francisco Jos é , and Olga D í ez. 2002. Patterns of conceptual interaction. In Metaphor and Metonymy in Comparison and Contrast. Edited by Rene Dirven and Ralph Pörings. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 489–532. Ruiz de Mendoza, Francisco Jos é , and Alicia Galera. 2014. Cognitive Modeling. A Linguistic Perspective. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Ruiz de Mendoza, Francisco Jos é , and Jos é Luis Otal. 2002. Metonymy, Grammar and Communication. Granada: Comares. Ruiz de Mendoza, Francisco Jos é , and Lorena P é rez. 2011. The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor: Myths, Developments and Challenges. Metaphor and Symbol 26: 161–85. [CrossRef] Siefrig, Judit. 2004. Oxford Dictionary of Idioms. Oxford: Oxford University Press. © 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). languages Article Extraction of Terms Related to Named Rivers Juan Rojas-Garcia * and Pamela Faber Department of Translation and Interpreting, University of Granada, 18002 Granada, Spain *Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 16 May 2019; Accepted: 15 June 2019; Published: 27 June 2019   Abstract: EcoLexicon is a terminological knowledge base on environmental science, whose design permits the geographic contextualization of data. For the geographic contextualization of landform concepts, this paper presents a semi-automatic method for extracting terms associated with named rivers (e.g., Mississippi River). Terms were extracted from a specialized corpus, where named rivers were automatically identified. Statistical procedures were applied for selecting both terms and rivers in distributional semantic models to construct the conceptual structures underlying the usage of named rivers. The rivers sharing associated terms were also clustered and represented in the same conceptual network. The results showed that the method successfully described the semantic frames of named rivers with explanatory adequacy, according to the premises of Frame-Based Terminology. Keywords: named river; conceptual information extraction; geographic contextualization; text mining; Frame-Based Terminology 1. Introduction EcoLexicon (http://ecolexicon.ugr.es) is a multilingual, terminological knowledge base (TKB) on environmental science that is the practical application of Frame-Based Terminology (Faber 2012). Since most concepts designated by environmental terms are multidimensional (Faber 2011), the flexible design of EcoLexicon permits the contextualization of data so that they are more relevant to specific subdomains, communicative situations, and geographic areas (Le ó n-Ara ú z et al. 2013). However, the geographic contextualization of landform concepts depends on knowing which terms are semantically related to each landform and how these terms are related to each other. This paper presents a semi-automatic method of extracting terms associated with named rivers (e.g., Nile River) as a type of landform from a corpus of English coastal engineering texts. The aim is to represent that knowledge in a semantic network in EcoLexicon according to the theoretical premises of Frame-based Terminology. The following subsections provide the motivation for the research and the background on distributional semantic models. The rest of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2explains the materials and methods applied in this study, namely, the automatic identification of named rivers, the selection procedure for terms in distributional semantic models, and the clustering technique for rivers sharing associated terms. Section 3shows the results obtained. Finally, Section 4discusses the results and presents the conclusions derived from this work as well as plans for future research. 1.1. Motivations for the Research Despite the fact that named landforms, among other named entities, are frequently found in specialized texts on the environment, their representation and inclusion in knowledge resources has received little research attention, as evidenced by the lack of named landforms in terminological Languages 2019,4, 46; doi:10.3390/languages4030046 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 46 2 of 11 resources for the environment such as DiCoEnviro 1 , GEMET 2 , or FAO Term Portal 3 . In contrast, AGROVOC 4 basically contains a list of named landforms with hyponymic information, whereas ENVO 5 provides descriptions of the named landforms with only geographic details and minimal semantic information consisting of the relation located_in (and tributary_of in the case of named rivers and bays). Until now, knowledge resources have limited themselves to representing concepts such as bay, river, or beach, on the assumption that the concepts linked to each of them are applicable, respectively, to all named bays, rivers and beaches in the real world. To cope with this type of situation, TKBs should include the semantic representation of named landforms. To achieve this aim in EcoLexicon, regarding named rivers, the knowledge should be represented in a semantic network according to the theoretical premises of Frame-Based Terminology, which propose knowledge representations with explanatory adequacy for enhanced knowledge acquisition (Faber 2009). Hence, each named river should appear in the context of a specialized semantic frame that highlights both its relation to other terms and the relations between those terms. The construction of these semantic networks and the semi-automatic extraction of terms from a specialized corpus are described in this paper. As far as we know, this framework has not been studied in the context of specialized lexicography, which is an innovative aspect of this work. 1.2. Distributional Semantic Models Distributional semantic models (DSMs) represent the meaning of a term as a vector, based on its statistical co-occurrence with other terms in the corpus. According to the distributional hypothesis, semantically similar terms tend to have similar contextual distributions (Miller and Charles 1991). The semantic relatedness of two terms is estimated by calculating a similarity measure of their vectors, such as Euclidean distance, or cosine similarity. Depending on the language model (Baroni et al. 2014), DSMs are either count-based or prediction-based. Count-based DSMs calculate the frequency of terms within a term’s context (i.e., a sentence, paragraph, document, or a sliding context window spanning a given number of terms on either side of the target term). The Correlated Occurrence Analogue to Lexical Semantic (COALS) (Rohde et al. 2006) is an example of this type of model. Prediction-based models exploit neural probabilistic language models, which represent terms by predicting the next term on the basis of previous terms. Examples of predictive models include the continuous bag-of-words (CBOW) and skip-gram (SG) models (Mikolov et al. 2013). DSMs have been used in combination with clustering. Work on lexical semantics applying DSMs and clustering techniques includes the identification of semantic relations (Bertels and Speelman 2014), word sense discrimination and disambiguation (Pantel and Lin 2002), automatic metaphor identification (Shutova et al. 2010), and classification of verbs into semantic groups (Gries and Stefanowitsch 2010). 2. Materials and Methods 2.1. Materials 2.1.1. Corpus Data The terms related to named rivers were extracted from a subcorpus of English texts on coastal engineering, comprising roughly seven million tokens and composed of specialized and 1http://olst.ling.umontreal.ca/cgi-bin/dicoenviro/search_enviro.cgi. 2https://www.eionet.europa.eu/gemet/en/themes/. 3http://www.fao.org/faoterm/en/. 4http://aims.fao.org/en/agrovoc. 5http://www.environmentontology.org/Browse-EnvO. Languages 2019,4, 46 3 of 11 semi-specialized texts. This subcorpus is part of the English EcoLexicon corpus (23.1 million tokens) (see León-Araúz et al. (2018) for a detailed description). 2.1.2. GeoNames Geographic Database The automatic detection of the named rivers in the corpus was performed with a GeoNames database dump. GeoNames (http://www.geonames.org) has over 10 million proper names for 645 different geographic entities, such as bays, beaches, rivers, and mountains. For each entity, information about their normalized designations, alternate designations, latitude, longitude, and location name is stored. A daily GeoNames database dump is publicly available as a worldwide text file. 2.2. Methodology 2.2.1. Pre-Processing After compilation and cleaning, the corpus texts were tokenized, tagged with parts of speech, lemmatized, and lowercased in R programming language. The multi-word terms in EcoLexicon were then automatically matched in the lemmatized corpus and joined with underscores. 2.2.2. Named River Recognition Both normalized and alternate names of the rivers in GeoNames were searched in the lemmatized corpus. Since various designations can refer to the same river because of syntactic variation (e.g., Nile River and River Nile), and orthographic variation (e.g., Yangtze and Yangtse River), a procedure was created to identify variants and give them a single designation in the corpus. Because of space constraints, the procedure is not described. The variants were normalized in the lemmatized corpus and joined with underscores. The 250 rivers with the highest number of mentions in the corpus are shown on the map in Figure 1. Their latitudes and longitudes were retrieved from the GeoNames database dump. This reflects the representativeness of the corpus in reference to river locations. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 11 semi-specialized texts. This subcorpus is part of the English EcoLexicon corpus (23.1 million tokens) (see León-Araúz et al. (2018) for a detailed description). 2.1.2. GeoNames Geographic Database The automatic detection of the named rivers in the corpus was performed with a GeoNames database dump. GeoNames (http://www.geonames.org) has over 10 million proper names for 645 different geographic entities, such as bays, beaches, rivers, and mountains.. For each entity, information about their normalized designations, alternate designations, latitude, longitude, and location name is stored. A daily GeoNames database dump is publicly available as a worldwide text file. 2.2. Methodology 2.2.1. Pre-Processing After compilation and cleaning, the corpus texts were tokenized, tagged with parts of speech, lemmatized, and lowercased in R programming language. The multi-word terms in EcoLexicon were then automatically matched in the lemmatized corpus and joined with underscores. 2.2.2. Named River Recognition Both normalized and alternate names of the rivers in GeoNames were searched in the lemmatized corpus. Since various designations can refer to the same river because of syntactic variation (e.g., Nile River and River Nile), and orthographic variation (e.g., Yangtze and Yangtse River), a procedure was created to identify variants and give them a single designation in the corpus. Because of space constraints, the procedure is not described. The variants were normalized in the lemmatized corpus and joined with underscores. The 250 rivers with the highest number of mentions in the corpus are shown on the map in Figure 1. Their latitudes and longitudes were retrieved from the GeoNames database dump. This reflects the representativeness of the corpus in reference to river locations. Figure 1. Map with the location and color-coded frequency of the named rivers. Figure 1. Map with the location and color-coded frequency of the named rivers. Languages 2019,4, 46 4 of 11 The occurrence frequency of the named rivers ranged from 118 to 1 mention. In our study, only those rivers with a frequency greater than 9 were considered. Figure 2shows the 55 named rivers that fulfilled this condition, along with their numbers of mentions. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 11 The occurrence frequency of the named rivers ranged from 118 to 1 mention. In our study, only those rivers with a frequency greater than 9 were considered. Figure 2 shows the 55 named rivers that fulfilled this condition, along with their numbers of mentions. Figure 2. Designations and number of mentions of the 55 named rivers whose occurrence frequency was higher than 9. 2.2.3. Term-Term Matrix Construction A count-based DSM was selected to obtain term vectors since this type of DSM outperforms prediction-based ones on small-sized corpora (Ars et al. 2016; Sahlgren and Lenci 2016). For the construction of the DSM, terms with fewer than three characters, numbers, and punctuation marks were removed. Additionally, the minimal occurrence frequency was set to 5 (Evert 2008). The sliding context window spanned 30 terms on either side of the target term because large windows improve the DSM performance for small corpora (Rohde et al. 2006; Bullinaria and Levy 2007) and capture more semantic relations (Jurafsky and Martin 2017). We followed standard practice and did not use stopwords (i.e., determiners, conjunctions, relative adverbs, and prepositions) as context words (Kiela and Clark 2014). Since only nouns are represented in the semantic networks, adjectives, adverbs, and verbs were also disregarded as context words. The resulting DSM was a 4705 × 4705 matrix, whose row vectors represented the 55 named rivers plus the 4650 terms inside the context windows of 30 terms on either side of those rivers. 2.2.4. Term Selection Procedure and Weighting Schemes Subsequently, a 55 × 4650 submatrix was extracted, where the rows represented the 55 named rivers, and the columns represented the 4650 terms co-occurring with them. To cluster rivers sharing associated terms, the terms that best discriminated different groups of rivers were selected. This was done by applying Moisl’s (2015, chp. 3) statistical criteria, whereby only the column vectors with the highest values in raw frequency, variance, variance-to-mean ratio (vmr), and term frequency-inverse document frequency (tf-idf) were retained. Figure 3 shows the co-plot of the four criteria in descending order of magnitude. A threshold of 2000 was set. This meant that only 1858 column terms fulfilled all criteria. Figure 2. Designations and number of mentions of the 55 named rivers whose occurrence frequency was higher than 9. 2.2.3. Term-Term Matrix Construction A count-based DSM was selected to obtain term vectors since this type of DSM outperforms prediction-based ones on small-sized corpora (Ars et al. 2016;Sahlgren and Lenci 2016). For the construction of the DSM, terms with fewer than three characters, numbers, and punctuation marks were removed. Additionally, the minimal occurrence frequency was set to 5 (Evert 2008). The sliding context window spanned 30 terms on either side of the target term because large windows improve the DSM performance for small corpora (Rohde et al. 2006;Bullinaria and Levy 2007) and capture more semantic relations (Jurafsky and Martin 2017). We followed standard practice and did not use stopwords (i.e., determiners, conjunctions, relative adverbs, and prepositions) as context words (Kiela and Clark 2014). Since only nouns are represented in the semantic networks, adjectives, adverbs, and verbs were also disregarded as context words. The resulting DSM was a 4705 × 4705 matrix, whose row vectors represented the 55 named rivers plus the 4650 terms inside the context windows of 30 terms on either side of those rivers. 2.2.4. Term Selection Procedure and Weighting Schemes Subsequently, a 55 × 4650 submatrix was extracted, where the rows represented the 55 named rivers, and the columns represented the 4650 terms co-occurring with them. To cluster rivers sharing associated terms, the terms that best discriminated different groups of rivers were selected. This was done by applying Moisl’s (2015, chp. 3) statistical criteria, whereby only the column vectors with the highest values in raw frequency, variance, variance-to-mean ratio (vmr), and term frequency-inverse document frequency (tf-idf) were retained. Figure 3shows the co-plot of the four criteria in descending order of magnitude. A threshold of 2000 was set. This meant that only 1858 column terms fulfilled all criteria. Languages 2019,4, 46 11 of 11 Meyer, Ingrid, and Kristen Mackintosh. 1996. Refining the terminographer’s concept-analysis methods: How can phraseology help? Terminology 3: 1–26. [CrossRef] Mikolov, Tomas, Kai Chen, Greg Corrado, and Jeffrey Dean. 2013. Efficient estimation of word representations in vector space. Paper presented at International Conference on Learning Representations, ICLR, Scottsdale, AZ, USA, May 2–4. 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Suzuki, Ryota, and Hidetoshi Shimodaira. 2006. Pvclust: An R package for assessing the uncertainty in hierarchical clustering. Bioinformatics 22: 1540–42. [CrossRef] [PubMed] © 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). languages Article Law and Business Students’ Attitudes towards Learning English for Specific Purposes within CLIL and Non-CLIL Contexts Candela Contero Urgal Department of French and English Philology, University of Cadiz, 11002 Cadiz, Spain; candela.conter[email protected] Received: 15 May 2019; Accepted: 20 June 2019; Published: 25 June 2019   Abstract: English for Specific Purposes (ESP) courses are present within most non-linguistic undergraduate studies offered in Spain. In particular, the University of C á diz has a wide range of ESP teaching being delivered in the four campuses of the institution. Whereas this ESP instruction is thought as a way to help students develop language skills to be applied to their career paths, this very practical and useful goal may not be easily recognized by certain students. While previous research has revealed students’ attitudes towards learning ESP were generally positive, little has been said on their progression throughout the whole course. The aim of the present paper is to identify Law students’ approaches to a Legal English course taught through a specific methodology. Certain teaching strategies, which are also characteristic of the Content and Language Integrated Learning approach, were applied. For that purpose, the opinions of 88 respondents were collected and analysed during the second phase of their ESP course. Results revealed that although students showed a certain level of rejection before the course started, once they became well aware of the teaching methodology, their opinion changed positively. This would definitely be influenced by promoting students’ motivation, as well as the teaching methodology applied. Keywords: English for Specific Purposes; Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL); business English; legal English; teacher training; foreign language teaching; Integrating Content and Language in Higher Education (ICLHE); English as a medium of instruction (EMI); teaching methodologies in Higher Education; internationalization of the curriculum 1. Introduction English for Specific Purposes (ESP) courses are offered in most undergraduate programmes in Spanish universities. A good example of this is the University of C á diz, where the Department of French and English Philology is the second largest in this institution, with approximately 50% of its teaching staffcommitted to delivering ESP courses. Particularly, in the case of Law students studying in our institution, they are required to pass an ESP course during the last semester of their degree. With this being thought as a way to foster the internationalization of their curriculum once there are about to finish their studies and start their professional career, a considerable number of students have identified this insertion of ESP teaching in their undergraduate programme as an obstacle to terminating their degree. This controversial situation has made teachers concerned about the rationale behind these specific students’ negative attitude towards what was intended to be a benefit rather than a disadvantage. In previous studies, ESP students showed to have positive attitudes towards the teacher, the evaluation method and the learning of English as a Foreign Language (Martinovi´c and Poljakovi´c 2010). It is a fact that students getting into university in recent years are enjoying a progressively more international environment, as some of them have already participated in bilingual or plurilingual Languages 2019,4, 45; doi:10.3390/languages4020045 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 45 2 of 9 academic programmes. They may also have a minimum level of the Foreign Language (FL) certified 1 . Most of them are also used to travelling abroad, therefore communicating in a FL in an international context. Nevertheless, having acquired a certain level of the FL, students may show some reluctance to having ESP courses when their studies are not directly related to linguistic content. One of the main reasons for including ESP teaching in undergraduate study programmes is the internationalization of the curriculum, as studying ESP is intended to help students develop the competences their degree offers in international contexts, with international clients and colleagues. Having appreciated the reluctance of a number of students in the Law Degree at the University of C á diz towards ESP, the present paper is aimed at studying if there is a change in these students’ attitudes at the end of the course, and analysing the possible reasons for that change. The aforesaid reluctance to ESP courses is explained by the students themselves as a consequence of the process of setting aside certain credits (and therefore, academic schedule) to be employed in a language rather than a content course. In most Spanish universities, as ESP courses are present in non-linguistic undergraduate studies through an individual course in isolation during the whole programme, students perceive ESP teaching as anecdotal content and skills to develop. While this study was conducted within a monolingual undergraduate programme, results will be compared to those obtained in a bilingual teaching scheme in the Degree in Business Administration. As the rejection level in bilingual programmes seems to be less than in monolingual programmes, we wonder whether Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) 2 is offering our students a unique opportunity through which learning ESP can become a motivating challenge. 2. Materials and Methods The survey was conducted during the last sessions of the course under the name “Basic Legal Terminology in English” which is located in the Spring semester of the fourth year of the Law Degree. It must be mentioned that the exams had not been held yet and that the survey was circulated under two specific circumstances which might have shortened the number of responses collected, including the following ones: the lesson chosen was one particularly devoted to theory analysis, which prevents a considerable number of students from attending the lesson, as students’ attendance is rather prevailing in seminars. This fact is a consequence basically originating from the student/teacher ratio. As the number of students per theory group reaches 76 (in previous years it surpassed 180 students per group), students feel more motivated to attend the seminars in which the 152 students are divided into smaller groups. During the course of 2017–2018, there were no more than 38 students per seminar group. It is also quite revealing to comment on the consequences of dividing lessons between theory and practice, as it provokes a general belief that theoretical lessons are delivered in the form of lectures, thus avoiding the interaction between students and the teacher. As taking part in such big groups of students definitely does not facilitate a student-centred teaching methodology in which the student can play an active role in class, seminars are considered a better context to get trained, particularly in the productive language skills as well as in the field of listening comprehension. Our survey was conducted in a population of 152 students 3 , out of which 88 were the final participants in the sample. In total, 69% of the participants were female while the remaining 31% were male students (this gender gap reflects the disparity that can accurately be observed in Law students at the university we are analysing). They were aged from 19 to 51 years old and they were all studying 1 In a study carried out at the Business Faculty in the University of C á diz in 2017, 50% of the students said to have a B1 or higher level of English certified before coming into tertiary education. 2 CLIL is compared by many researchers to “English as a medium of instruction” (EMI) as well as the term “Integrating Content and Language in Higher Education”, ICLHE (Bradford 2016). We will be using the CLIL approach as applied by the project “Quality assurance in Andalusian plurilingual programs in Higher Education” (P12-SEJ-1588) and Pav ó n and Gaustad (2013). 3 All subjects gave their informed consent for inclusion before they participated in the study. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki of 1975 and revised in 2013. Languages 2019,4, 45 3 of 9 the Law Degree in the Faculty of Law at the University of C á diz 4 . Regarding their English language proficiency, most surveyed students reported an accredited an English level which ranged from A1 to B1 (54%) according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR). From the remaining percentage, 9% had a B2 accreditation and only 1% reached C1. No one had more than a C1 accredited and there were 36% of the surveyed students who still had no FL certificate (Figure 1). At this point, it is significant to highlight that all students at the University of C á diz (and most universities around Andalusia and Spain) must certify a B1 level of English or any other FL (certain studies require specific languages, as it is the case of the Degree in Business) before obtaining their diploma upon graduation. That implies that 36% of students who, being in the last semester of their undergraduate studies, need to be particularly interested in developing their English language skills, as they will soon be asked to certify their B1 level of English. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 9 all studying the Law Degree in the Faculty of Law at the University of Cádiz 4 . Regarding their English language proficiency, most surveyed students reported an accredited an English level which ranged from A1 to B1 (54%) according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR). From the remaining percentage, 9% had a B2 accreditation and only 1% reached C1. No one had more than a C1 accredited and there were 36% of the surveyed students who still had no FL certificate (Figure 1). At this point, it is significant to highlight that all students at the University of Cádiz (and most universities around Andalusia and Spain) must certify a B1 level of English or any other FL (certain studies require specific languages, as it is the case of the Degree in Business) before obtaining their diploma upon graduation. That implies that 36% of students who, being in the last semester of their undergraduate studies, need to be particularly interested in developing their English language skills, as they will soon be asked to certify their B1 level of English. Figure 1. Respondents’ level of English certification. Students were given a list of nine statements (see Table 1) selected and adapted from a previous validated study carried out in the State University of Kashan in Iran (Eshghinejad 2016) and applied to the sample shown in Contero’s study (forthcoming). Table 1. Set of statements adapted from Esghinejad’s 2016 work for Contero’s forthcoming study. Statements to Be Analyzed by the Students Surveyed 1. Speaking English in class makes me feel worried. 2. When I hear a student in my class speaking English well, I like to practice speaking with him/her. 3. I am not relaxed whenever I have to speak in English. 4. I feel embarrassed to speak English in front of other students. 5. I feel enthusiastic to come to classes taught in English. 6. Frankly, I study in English just to pass the exams. 7. I can apply the knowledge from the subjects taught in English in my real life. 8. I prefer studying in my mother tongue rather than any other foreign language 9. Studying in English is enjoyable. 3. Results The results obtained from our study can be classified into the following three main topics: (1) skills expected to be developed by the students in an ESP course; (2) students’ positive attitude towards an ESP course which has already been delivered; and (3) students’ awareness of the usefulness of ESP in real life. These findings will be described in detail in the subsequent sections. 3.1. Skills Students Expect to Develop in an ESP Course 4 While the results show us a considerable disparity in the age of the respondents, we must clarify that only seven students out of the 88 respondents were older than 30. That means more than the 90% of the students were in their twenties. 54% 9% 1% 0% 36% A1-B1 B2 C1 C2 No level Figure 1. Respondents’ level of English certification. Students were given a list of nine statements (see Table 1) selected and adapted from a previous validated study carried out in the State University of Kashan in Iran (Eshghinejad 2016) and applied to the sample shown in Contero’s study (forthcoming). Table 1. Set of statements adapted from Esghinejad’s 2016 work for Contero’s forthcoming study. Statements to Be Analyzed by the Students Surveyed 1. Speaking English in class makes me feel worried. 2. When I hear a student in my class speaking English well, I like to practice speaking with him/her. 3. I am not relaxed whenever I have to speak in English. 4. I feel embarrassed to speak English in front of other students. 5. I feel enthusiastic to come to classes taught in English. 6. Frankly, I study in English just to pass the exams. 7. I can apply the knowledge from the subjects taught in English in my real life. 8. I prefer studying in my mother tongue rather than any other foreign language 9. Studying in English is enjoyable. 3. Results The results obtained from our study can be classified into the following three main topics: (1) skills expected to be developed by the students in an ESP course; (2) students’ positive attitude towards an ESP course which has already been delivered; and (3) students’ awareness of the usefulness of ESP in real life. These findings will be described in detail in the subsequent sections. 4 While the results show us a considerable disparity in the age of the respondents, we must clarify that only seven students out of the 88 respondents were older than 30. That means more than the 90% of the students were in their twenties. Languages 2019,4, 45 4 of 9 3.1. Skills Students Expect to Develop in an ESP Course The surveyed students were asked whether they were expecting to develop law-related or language-related skills throughout this legal English course, as this course seems to help students acquire cross curricular competences. However, before analysing the students’ expectations towards the competences to be acquired in this course, we might need to examine what the course description says regarding this item of the syllabus. In fact, in the description of the course the University of C á diz 5 offers for its students, the section referring to competences presents no additional information regarding the general skills mentioned in the main description of the Degree. It is only the section related to cross curricular competences which specifically makes reference to the “understanding of legal language in the foreign language” (Official record of the Law Degree as verified by the (Andalusian Agency of Evaluation and Accreditation 2016, p. 73)). Nevertheless, other institutions make a more precise description of the competences law students are expected to acquire in the legal English courses offered within their undergraduate or even postgraduate law studies. The following five institutions offer different perspectives towards apparently similar courses, at least, according to the content they cover. The first of the cases to examine is the University of Granada 6 which focuses its attention on two main skills, namely, “getting to know contrastive legal terminology in English, French, Italian or German”, as well as “communicating and writing legal texts in English, French, Italian or German”. This implies that studying legal English is basically offering the possibility to students to learn legal terminology in a FL, and, additionally being able to communicate in legal contexts with non-Spanish speakers. When observing the cases of the following institutions, we came across these same two competences in institutions like the Distance University of Madrid (Universidad a Distancia de Madrid). The course “English for jurists”7is said to help the students develop the following competences: •To develop the capacity of analysis and synthesis. •To acquire organizational skills and planning ability. •To communicate in English in both its written and oral forms. •To encourage interpersonal relationship skills and manage communication techniques. •To work in multicultural environments and international contexts. • To improve the flexibility of the student’s communicative capacity to produce specific discourse for different functions, contexts, means, activities and situations in her/his work environment, which will allow her/him to adapt to new situations. Another institution to mention in the region of Madrid is the University Carlos III de Madrid, as it offers a course titled “Legal and Business English”. This course is part of a postgraduate programme, in particular, the Master’s Degree in Business Legal Consultancy 8 , which is described in its syllabus by having the following objectives: •To learn the basic concepts of the Anglo-American legal system. •To master the basic English legal terms regarding the six aforementioned branches of law. • To know the peculiarities of Anglo-American legal language, including the differences between British English and American English about legal matters, above all, on so-called false friends which, despite their apparent similarity, may have opposite meanings in English and Spanish. 5https://derecho.uca.es/docs/Centros/Derecho/Oferta_academica/9045.pdf. 6http://masteres.ugr.es/negocios/pages/info_academica/asignaturas-pdf/inglesjuridico/!. 7https://www.udima.es/es/ingles-juristas.html. 8https://aplicaciones.uc3m.es/cpa/generaFicha?est=317&asig=16821&idioma=1. Languages 2019,4, 45 5 of 9 • To be able to use these skills to explain (oral and written forms) basic aspects of Spanish Law in English in the six areas of Law covered in the course. In the Andalusian context, it is worth mentioning the course “Introduction to legal English”, offered in the Law Degree at the University Pablo de Olavide (Seville) 9 , which incorporates the following competences: •Resolution of legal issues within the context of English law. •Management and understanding of the main institutions of the English Legal System. •Knowledge and interpretation of legal texts within the framework of English law. •Development of teamwork synergy to solve problems. • Acquisition of skills in the management of a proper legal language visà -vis the basic institutions of the Legal English System. Finally, the last institution we will be commenting on is the University of Jaen, where their legal English course 10 does not specify the competences to be acquired by the students in its syllabus but presents the following objectives which may refer to certain skills: 1. To encourage students to acquire competence in reading skills to facilitate the reading of legal texts in English. 2. To develop speaking skills to improve oral communication skills on topics in their field of expertise. 3. To become familiar with the historical and conceptual singularity of the legal system that is applied in the U.K, since this has influenced Civil Law. 4. To become familiar with the basic terminology of the sources of the U.K Legal System and the organization and administration of justice. 5. To become familiar with the distinctive morphosyntactic features of legal language. 6. To improve oral competence through debate technique, which will be based on reading informative texts in the field of Law. 7. To acquire vocabulary from different didactic activities. 8. To apply strategies to infer the meaning of unknown words from reading activities considering the context in which they appear. 9. To know when and how to use a dictionary. 10. To become familiar with the different strategies of extensive and intensive reading. This observation of the descriptors of the legal English courses present in Law Degrees in similar contexts to the one of the University of C á diz suggests there is a very close tie established between law-related and language-related skills. This was confirmed by the results obtained in our survey (Figure 2), as most law students (75%) were expecting to develop both legal as well as language skills. Whereas, only 15% of the students predicted they would only be trained in language skills. If we compare these results to the ones obtained in previous studies (Contero forthcoming), there is a slightly higher proportion of business students (83%) that agreed to state that they were expecting to develop both content-related and language-related skills11 (Figure 3). 9 https://www.upo.es/cms2/export/sites/facultades/facultad-derecho/es/oferta-academica/grados/grado-en-derecho/ descargas/guias-docentes/2015-2016/opt-semestre1/101039-Introduccion-al-Ingles-Juridico.pdf. 10 http://www4.ujaen.es/~{}avcasas/programa_ingles_juridico.pdf. 11 It must be mentioned that by content-related skills we are making reference to skills to be developed when acquiring content knowledge, that is to say, facts, concepts, theories, and principles that are taught and learned in specific academic courses (The Glossary of Education Reform 2016: https://www.edglossary.org/content-knowledge/). In the case of language-related skills, we are essentially covering the four basic language skills (speaking, listening, writing and reading). Languages 2019,4, 45 6 of 9 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 9 Figure 2. Law students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course. Figure 3. Business students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their ESP course. 3.2. Students’ Positive Attitudes towards ESP The participants in the survey were given a list of statements so as to identify their degree of agreement with them by using a Likert scale. Such a scale ranged from 1 to 5, where 1 was “strongly disagree”, 2 “disagree”, 3 “neutral”, 4 “agree” and 5 “absolutely agree”. It must be highlighted that the use of an odd number of options hindered the possibility of obtaining meaningful results and most students avoided to decide upon agreement or disagreement by locating their opinion in the neutral zone. Nonetheless, we would like to draw attention to the statement whose results were closer to 1, meaning strong disagreement. This statement made reference to the surveyed students’ attitude towards learning legal English, as they indicated passing the final exam was not the only motivation they had to study, to come to class and to play an active role in it. This positive attitude towards learning ESP was considerably higher when compared to the results seen in previous studies (Contero, forthcoming). As it can be seen in Figure 4, business students were clearly convinced that they had other prevailing motivations to take part in the ESP course which were much more important to just passing the final exam. Figure 4. Business students’ and Law students’ motivations to study ESP. 3.3. Usefulness and Applications of ESP in Real Life 15% 12% 73% Basic Legal Terminology in English NON-CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Legal skills Both 13% 4% 83% English for International Business CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Business skills Both Commented [M2]: Reminder: make sure you write from ... to ... Figure 2. Law students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 9 Figure 2. Law students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course. Figure 3. Business students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their ESP course. 3.2. Students’ Positive Attitudes towards ESP The participants in the survey were given a list of statements so as to identify their degree of agreement with them by using a Likert scale. Such a scale ranged from 1 to 5, where 1 was “strongly disagree”, 2 “disagree”, 3 “neutral”, 4 “agree” and 5 “absolutely agree”. It must be highlighted that the use of an odd number of options hindered the possibility of obtaining meaningful results and most students avoided to decide upon agreement or disagreement by locating their opinion in the neutral zone. Nonetheless, we would like to draw attention to the statement whose results were closer to 1, meaning strong disagreement. This statement made reference to the surveyed students’ attitude towards learning legal English, as they indicated passing the final exam was not the only motivation they had to study, to come to class and to play an active role in it. This positive attitude towards learning ESP was considerably higher when compared to the results seen in previous studies (Contero, forthcoming). As it can be seen in Figure 4, business students were clearly convinced that they had other prevailing motivations to take part in the ESP course which were much more important to just passing the final exam. Figure 4. Business students’ and Law students’ motivations to study ESP. 3.3. Usefulness and Applications of ESP in Real Life 15% 12% 73% Basic Legal Terminology in English NON-CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Legal skills Both 13% 4% 83% English for International Business CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Business skills Both Commented [M2]: Reminder: make sure you write from ... to ... Figure 3. Business students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their ESP course. 3.2. Students’ Positive Attitudes towards ESP The participants in the survey were given a list of statements so as to identify their degree of agreement with them by using a Likert scale. Such a scale ranged from 1 to 5, where 1 was “strongly disagree”, 2 “disagree”, 3 “neutral”, 4 “agree” and 5 “absolutely agree”. It must be highlighted that the use of an odd number of options hindered the possibility of obtaining meaningful results and most students avoided to decide upon agreement or disagreement by locating their opinion in the neutral zone. Nonetheless, we would like to draw attention to the statement whose results were closer to 1, meaning strong disagreement. This statement made reference to the surveyed students’ attitude towards learning legal English, as they indicated passing the final exam was not the only motivation they had to study, to come to class and to play an active role in it. This positive attitude towards learning ESP was considerably higher when compared to the results seen in previous studies (Contero forthcoming). As it can be seen in Figure 4, business students were clearly convinced that they had other prevailing motivations to take part in the ESP course which were much more important to just passing the final exam. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 9 Figure 2. Law students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course. Figure 3. Business students’ expectations towards the skills to develop in their ESP course. 3.2. Students’ Positive Attitudes towards ESP The participants in the survey were given a list of statements so as to identify their degree of agreement with them by using a Likert scale. Such a scale ranged from 1 to 5, where 1 was “strongly disagree”, 2 “disagree”, 3 “neutral”, 4 “agree” and 5 “absolutely agree”. It must be highlighted that the use of an odd number of options hindered the possibility of obtaining meaningful results and most students avoided to decide upon agreement or disagreement by locating their opinion in the neutral zone. Nonetheless, we would like to draw attention to the statement whose results were closer to 1, meaning strong disagreement. This statement made reference to the surveyed students’ attitude towards learning legal English, as they indicated passing the final exam was not the only motivation they had to study, to come to class and to play an active role in it. This positive attitude towards learning ESP was considerably higher when compared to the results seen in previous studies (Contero, forthcoming). As it can be seen in Figure 4, business students were clearly convinced that they had other prevailing motivations to take part in the ESP course which were much more important to just passing the final exam. Figure 4. Business students’ and Law students’ motivations to study ESP. 3.3. Usefulness and Applications of ESP in Real Life 15% 12% 73% Basic Legal Terminology in English NON-CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Legal skills Both 13% 4% 83% English for International Business CLIL CONTEXT Language skills Business skills Both Commented [M2]: Reminder: make sure you write from ... to ... Figure 4. Business students’ and Law students’ motivations to study ESP. 3.3. Usefulness and Applications of ESP in Real Life Although the previously mentioned neutrality was leading the results of our survey regarding the nine statements displayed to our students, we can also emphasize the statement whose results were closer to 5, that is, to total agreement. It was the assertion that they noticeably saw the application of Languages 2019,4, 45 7 of 9 their legal English course in their own life. Law students stated their level of agreement was 3.6, which was located in our scale from neutrality to agreement (Figure 5). However, results were more driven towards total agreement when in previous studies (Contero forthcoming) most business students appreciated a clear usefulness of the ESP course they were taking part in in their real life. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 9 Although the previously mentioned neutrality was leading the results of our survey regarding the nine statements displayed to our students, we can also emphasize the statement whose results were closer to 5, that is, to total agreement. It was the assertion that they noticeably saw the application of their legal English course in their own life. Law students stated their level of agreement was 3.6, which was located in our scale from neutrality to agreement (Figure 5). However, results were more driven towards total agreement when in previous studies (Contero, forthcoming) most business students appreciated a clear usefulness of the ESP course they were taking part in in their real life. Figure 5. Business students’ and Law students’ opinions towards the application of ESP in real life. 4. Discussion and Conclusions The following three main ideas can be derived from our study: Law students who are in the second semester of their fourth year at the University of Cádiz, that is to say, those who are bound to finish their undergraduate studies in the forthcoming months, believe that in a legal English course: (1) they will be trained in both language-related and content-related skills; (2) there are real motivations for them to have an active role in the course rather than just trying to get the required qualifications; and (3) they see learning legal English will be particularly useful for climbing the career ladder. The reasoning behind the identification of these three ideas can be found in the teaching methodology applied in the ESP course. As it has formerly been pointed out in recently conducted research (Contero 2018), a new role of the FL teacher is emerging in the spread of CLIL programmes at university. Three were the main functions attached to FL teachers who started teaching in the context of CLIL programme implementations12, namely, the coordinator of the bilingual programme, a member of the CLIL teacher training team, and the model for the teaching style of emerging CLIL programmes. If we focus on the third aforesaid function, it is the ESP teacher who can offer a model to the CLIL teacher on how to develop specific language-related skills by means of an appropriate and modern teaching methodology. It is the Foreign Language Acquisition Teaching Method (Haidl Dietlmeier 1993) which can be suggested as a teaching approach used by FL teachers suitable to be combined with the CLIL teaching approach, so as to put forward certain key methodological strategies which might facilitate the integrated learning of the FL and the content. The reason why both teaching approaches can be easily and fruitfully combined (Contero 2017) is that both teaching methods share a major focus on authenticity. From the linguistic point of view, as Haidl Dietlmeier (1993) pointed out, it is the spontaneous and natural use of a language which fosters the acquisition of a language. That implies language acquisition means authentic exposure to it, thus being able to face real challenges from a linguistic perspective. Besides, CLIL researchers also accentuate the importance of authenticity in this particular teaching approach (Pinner 2013), maintaining the CLIL resources used in class are expected to be authentic (Papaja 2014). It is the ESP teacher that can foster authenticity in class so as to combine the effectiveness of both teaching approaches. In her study, Contero (2017) presented the CLILUT Pentagon as a proposal for systematizing the five main methodological areas which should be covered in all CLIL Teacher Training schemes for 12 We may always bear in mind both content and FL teachers’ worries on the spread of CLIL due to its implications in their roles (Pavón and Rubio 2010). Figure 5. Business students’ and Law students’ opinions towards the application of ESP in real life. 4. Discussion and Conclusions The following three main ideas can be derived from our study: Law students who are in the second semester of their fourth year at the University of C á diz, that is to say, those who are bound to finish their undergraduate studies in the forthcoming months, believe that in a legal English course: (1) they will be trained in both language-related and content-related skills; (2) there are real motivations for them to have an active role in the course rather than just trying to get the required qualifications; and (3) they see learning legal English will be particularly useful for climbing the career ladder. The reasoning behind the identification of these three ideas can be found in the teaching methodology applied in the ESP course. As it has formerly been pointed out in recently conducted research (Contero 2018), a new role of the FL teacher is emerging in the spread of CLIL programmes at university. Three were the main functions attached to FL teachers who started teaching in the context of CLIL programme implementations 12 , namely, the coordinator of the bilingual programme, a member of the CLIL teacher training team, and the model for the teaching style of emerging CLIL programmes. If we focus on the third aforesaid function, it is the ESP teacher who can offer a model to the CLIL teacher on how to develop specific language-related skills by means of an appropriate and modern teaching methodology. It is the Foreign Language Acquisition Teaching Method (Haidl Dietlmeier 1993) which can be suggested as a teaching approach used by FL teachers suitable to be combined with the CLIL teaching approach, so as to put forward certain key methodological strategies which might facilitate the integrated learning of the FL and the content. The reason why both teaching approaches can be easily and fruitfully combined (Contero 2017) is that both teaching methods share a major focus on authenticity. From the linguistic point of view, as Haidl Dietlmeier (1993) pointed out, it is the spontaneous and natural use of a language which fosters the acquisition of a language. That implies language acquisition means authentic exposure to it, thus being able to face real challenges from a linguistic perspective. Besides, CLIL researchers also accentuate the importance of authenticity in this particular teaching approach (Pinner 2013), maintaining the CLIL resources used in class are expected to be authentic (Papaja 2014). It is the ESP teacher that can foster authenticity in class so as to combine the effectiveness of both teaching approaches. In her study, Contero (2017) presented the CLILUT Pentagon as a proposal for systematizing the five main methodological areas which should be covered in all CLIL Teacher Training schemes for University Teachers (CLILUT). One particular methodological area to be tackled is precisely authenticity, as it can facilitate the applicability of the content in real life, it can be a way to link academic teaching to the students’ environment and it can help teachers start addressing concrete concepts in order to progressively incorporate abstract concepts into their teaching, consequently fostering acquisition. 12 We may always bear in mind both content and FL teachers’ worries on the spread of CLIL due to its implications in their roles (Pavón and Rubio 2010). Languages 2019,4, 45 8 of 9 The final results of our survey demonstrate students’ attitudes towards learning ESP are rather positive. However, we should take into account that this study was conducted at the very end of the course. As we explained in the introduction to this paper, students’ attitudes were not that positive at the beginning of the course, in which certain preconceptions of what the ESP course would consist of lead students be rather skeptic towards this module of their degree. One of the causes which might have provoked this skepticism is the scarcity of information offered to students regarding the course’s competences to be developed and goals to be achieved. If students are convinced from the very first lesson of the purpose for the inclusion of that course in the last phase of their undergraduate studies, they will probably be taking the course in a much more positive attitude. The reason why this survey was compared to the results obtained in a previous study conducted in the Business and Administration Degree within the same institution is that the business students were also studying ESP. However, this ESP course had the characteristic of being located within the framework of a CLIL context. Students immersed in a CLIL programme are certainly more used to the integration of content and language in a natural way. This suggests they are more accustomed to acquiring and using a FL in an authentic context in which the connection between the teaching goals and their real life is highly perceptible. That made the data obtained in this prior study more positive regarding the students’ attitudes towards the course. The generation of an authentic context in which the acquisition of a FL is facilitated is recommended both within CLIL and non-CLIL contexts. Developing a positive attitude towards an ESP course can be stimulated by a clear recognition of the competences expected to be acquired by the students. This can be done by means of teaching strategies which can be used by the ESP teacher both within CLIL and non-CLIL programmes in order to foster authentic exposure to the FL, therefore creating a real necessity and willingness in the students to learn. Funding: This research received no external funding. Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest. References Andalusian Agency of Evaluation and Accreditation. 2016. Official record of the Law Degree as verified by the Andalusian Agency of Evaluation and Accreditation. Cadiz: University of Cadiz. Bradford, Annette. 2016. CBI, CLIL & EMI: Differing Approaches and Goals. Paper presented at Conference: JALT 2016: Japan Association for Language Teaching 42nd Annual International Conference on Language Teaching and Learning & Educational Materials Exhibition, Nagoya, Japan, November 25–28. Contero, Candela. Forthcoming. From teaching English for International Business to teaching International Business in English. Considerations for an ESP teacher to start providing CLIL teacher training. In Language and Communication: Strategies and Analyses in Multilingual and International Contexts. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholar. Contero, Candela. 2017. T é cnicas did á cticas y metodol ó gicas para el perfeccionamiento de la gesti ó n del aprendizaje del profesor AICLE en la enseñanza superior. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Cádiz, Cádiz, Spain. Contero, Candela. 2018. The key role of Foreign Language teachers in Content and Language Integrated Learning at University. The International Journal of Learning in Higher Education 25: 7–16. [CrossRef] Eshghinejad, Shahrzad. 2016. EFL students’ attitudes toward learning English language: The case study of Kashan University students. Cogent Education 3: 1236434. [CrossRef] Haidl Dietlmeier, Anton. 1993. La ‘Teor í a de la Relevancia’ y los procesos de adquisici ó n en la enseñanza de idiomas extranjeros. Pragmalingüística 1: 367–98. Martinovi´c, Anna, and Ivan Poljakovi´c. 2010. Attitudes toward ESP among university students. Fluminensia 22: 145–61. Papaja, Kasia. 2014. Focus on CLIL. A Qualitative Evaluation of Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) in Secondary Education. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. Pav ó n, V í ctor, and Fernando D. Rubio. 2010. Teachers’ Concerns about the Introduction of CLIL Programmes. Porta Linguarum 14: 45–58. Languages 2019,4, 45 9 of 9 Pav ó n, V í ctor, and Martha Gaustad. 2013. Designing Bilingual Programmes for Higher Education in Spain: Organisational, Curricular and Methodological Decisions. International CLIL Research Journal 2: 81–94. Pinner, Richard. 2013. Authenticity and CLIL: Examining Authenticity from an International CLIL Perspective. International CLIL Research Journal 2: 44–54. © 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). Languages 2019,4, 38 7 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 19 Figure 12. Almazora: Top-down signs. The regional legislation of the Valencian Community states that Valencian-speaking areas should implement linguistic policies that boost exposure to the minority language. This initiative is key to making Valencian (67%) more visible than Spanish (25%). Such monolingual signs include traffic and medical signs that can be observed as a combination of signs. Clear examples involve an outpatient clinic where monolingual signs in Spanish and Valencian can be observed. More specifically, the language employed in the official name of this medical building is Valencian (Figure 13) rather than Spanish. However, Spanish is used to provide patients with general information of the healthcare fields offered in this area (Figure 14). In this sense, similar signs that aim at generating bilingual experiences are spread throughout the town. Figure 13. Almazora: Valencian-only sign on an outpatient clinic. 25% 67% 4%4% Almazora: Top-down signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-Valencian English Figure 12. Almazora: Top-down signs. The regional legislation of the Valencian Community states that Valencian-speaking areas should implement linguistic policies that boost exposure to the minority language. This initiative is key to making Valencian (67%) more visible than Spanish (25%). Such monolingual signs include traffic and medical signs that can be observed as a combination of signs. Clear examples involve an outpatient clinic where monolingual signs in Spanish and Valencian can be observed. More specifically, the language employed in the official name of this medical building is Valencian (Figure 13) rather than Spanish. However, Spanish is used to provide patients with general information of the healthcare fields offered in this area (Figure 14). In this sense, similar signs that aim at generating bilingual experiences are spread throughout the town. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 19 Figure 12. Almazora: Top-down signs. The regional legislation of the Valencian Community states that Valencian-speaking areas should implement linguistic policies that boost exposure to the minority language. This initiative is key to making Valencian (67%) more visible than Spanish (25%). Such monolingual signs include traffic and medical signs that can be observed as a combination of signs. Clear examples involve an outpatient clinic where monolingual signs in Spanish and Valencian can be observed. More specifically, the language employed in the official name of this medical building is Valencian (Figure 13) rather than Spanish. However, Spanish is used to provide patients with general information of the healthcare fields offered in this area (Figure 14). In this sense, similar signs that aim at generating bilingual experiences are spread throughout the town. Figure 13. Almazora: Valencian-only sign on an outpatient clinic. 25% 67% 4%4% Almazora: Top-down signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-Valencian English Figure 13. Almazora: Valencian-only sign on an outpatient clinic. Languages 2019,4, 38 8 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 19 Figure 14. Almazora: Spanish-only sign on an outpatient clinic. Contrary to all expectations, the distribution of bilingual and multilingual signs is barely noticeable. As in Benasal, bilingual signs (4%) correspond to street names regulated by the town council, where Valencian is the dominant language (Figures 15 and 16). Even though there are no official signs where Spanish or Valencian are combined with other foreign languages, English is displayed in the monolingual Tourist Info sign. Figure 15. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Figure 16. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Even though the population of the city by and large has Spanish as its mother tongue, policies have been developed to include the minority language. In the centre of Valencia, approximately 55% of the signs are monolingual (Figure 17). There seems to be a balance in the use of Spanish-only (22%) and Valencian-only (33%) items. Although both languages are co-official, Valencian is still the preferred language to preserve the identity of the city. Figure 14. Almazora: Spanish-only sign on an outpatient clinic. Contrary to all expectations, the distribution of bilingual and multilingual signs is barely noticeable. As in Benasal, bilingual signs (4%) correspond to street names regulated by the town council, where Valencian is the dominant language (Figures 15 and 16). Even though there are no official signs where Spanish or Valencian are combined with other foreign languages, English is displayed in the monolingual Tourist Info sign. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 19 Figure 14. Almazora: Spanish-only sign on an outpatient clinic. Contrary to all expectations, the distribution of bilingual and multilingual signs is barely noticeable. As in Benasal, bilingual signs (4%) correspond to street names regulated by the town council, where Valencian is the dominant language (Figures 15 and 16). Even though there are no official signs where Spanish or Valencian are combined with other foreign languages, English is displayed in the monolingual Tourist Info sign. Figure 15. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Figure 16. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Even though the population of the city by and large has Spanish as its mother tongue, policies have been developed to include the minority language. In the centre of Valencia, approximately 55% of the signs are monolingual (Figure 17). There seems to be a balance in the use of Spanish-only (22%) and Valencian-only (33%) items. Although both languages are co-official, Valencian is still the preferred language to preserve the identity of the city. Figure 15. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 19 Figure 14. Almazora: Spanish-only sign on an outpatient clinic. Contrary to all expectations, the distribution of bilingual and multilingual signs is barely noticeable. As in Benasal, bilingual signs (4%) correspond to street names regulated by the town council, where Valencian is the dominant language (Figures 15 and 16). Even though there are no official signs where Spanish or Valencian are combined with other foreign languages, English is displayed in the monolingual Tourist Info sign. Figure 15. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Figure 16. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Even though the population of the city by and large has Spanish as its mother tongue, policies have been developed to include the minority language. In the centre of Valencia, approximately 55% of the signs are monolingual (Figure 17). There seems to be a balance in the use of Spanish-only (22%) and Valencian-only (33%) items. Although both languages are co-official, Valencian is still the preferred language to preserve the identity of the city. Figure 16. Almazora: Bilingual street name. Even though the population of the city by and large has Spanish as its mother tongue, policies have been developed to include the minority language. In the centre of Valencia, approximately 55% of the signs are monolingual (Figure 17). There seems to be a balance in the use of Spanish-only (22%) and Valencian-only (33%) items. Although both languages are co-official, Valencian is still the preferred language to preserve the identity of the city. Languages 2019,4, 38 9 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 19 Figure 17. Valencia: Top-down signs. Both languages can be found in historical, religious, and governmental signs. For instance, Valencian is the language displayed in the archaeological centre (Figure 18). By contrast, Spanish can be seen in the traders’ market, which was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site (Figure 19). Figure 18. Valencia: Valencian-only sign on an archeological centre. Figure 19. Valencia: Spanish-only sign on a traders’ market. The distribution of bilingual signs in Valencia (11%) is higher than in Almazora. As the centre of Valencia is an eminent tourist area, languages other than Spanish and Valencian are used, particularly English. Hence, it is possible to find bilingual signs combining Spanish and English, and Valencian and English. The sign in Figure 20 is predominantly for national and international tourists. The font size and colour are the same for both languages; however, Spanish seems to be the more powerful language as it is on the top. 22% 33% 5% 6% 17% 17% Valencia: Top-down signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-English Valencian-English Spanish-Valencian-English Others Figure 17. Valencia: Top-down signs. Both languages can be found in historical, religious, and governmental signs. For instance, Valencian is the language displayed in the archaeological centre (Figure 18). By contrast, Spanish can be seen in the traders’ market, which was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site (Figure 19). Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 19 Figure 17. Valencia: Top-down signs. Both languages can be found in historical, religious, and governmental signs. For instance, Valencian is the language displayed in the archaeological centre (Figure 18). By contrast, Spanish can be seen in the traders’ market, which was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site (Figure 19). Figure 18. Valencia: Valencian-only sign on an archeological centre. Figure 19. Valencia: Spanish-only sign on a traders’ market. The distribution of bilingual signs in Valencia (11%) is higher than in Almazora. As the centre of Valencia is an eminent tourist area, languages other than Spanish and Valencian are used, particularly English. Hence, it is possible to find bilingual signs combining Spanish and English, and Valencian and English. The sign in Figure 20 is predominantly for national and international tourists. The font size and colour are the same for both languages; however, Spanish seems to be the more powerful language as it is on the top. 22% 33% 5% 6% 17% 17% Valencia: Top-down signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-English Valencian-English Spanish-Valencian-English Others Figure 18. Valencia: Valencian-only sign on an archeological centre. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 19 Figure 17. Valencia: Top-down signs. Both languages can be found in historical, religious, and governmental signs. For instance, Valencian is the language displayed in the archaeological centre (Figure 18). By contrast, Spanish can be seen in the traders’ market, which was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site (Figure 19). Figure 18. Valencia: Valencian-only sign on an archeological centre. Figure 19. Valencia: Spanish-only sign on a traders’ market. The distribution of bilingual signs in Valencia (11%) is higher than in Almazora. As the centre of Valencia is an eminent tourist area, languages other than Spanish and Valencian are used, particularly English. Hence, it is possible to find bilingual signs combining Spanish and English, and Valencian and English. The sign in Figure 20 is predominantly for national and international tourists. The font size and colour are the same for both languages; however, Spanish seems to be the more powerful language as it is on the top. 22% 33% 5% 6% 17% 17% Valencia: Top-down signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-English Valencian-English Spanish-Valencian-English Others Figure 19. Valencia: Spanish-only sign on a traders’ market. The distribution of bilingual signs in Valencia (11%) is higher than in Almazora. As the centre of Valencia is an eminent tourist area, languages other than Spanish and Valencian are used, particularly English. Hence, it is possible to find bilingual signs combining Spanish and English, and Valencian and English. The sign in Figure 20 is predominantly for national and international tourists. The font size and colour are the same for both languages; however, Spanish seems to be the more powerful language as it is on the top. Languages 2019,4, 38 10 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 19 Figure 20. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a car park. Figure 21 shows a governmental sign in Valencian and English. As can be observed, this is a combination of two signs. The sign on the top has to do with the name of the organisation, but the focus of this picture is on the sign below, where English is the first language appearing. It seems to be addressed to locals and international individuals who work with these languages on a regular basis, especially because it is a regional institution. Figure 21. Valencia: Bilingual sign on an official institution. Multilingualism (30%) in Valencia involves the use of Spanish, Valencian, and English (24%). The power relations established suggest that Spanish is the dominant language as it is the first language employed to address locals and tourists (Figure 22). The inclusion of the minority language involves the use of italics and a light colour, which makes it difficult to read. However, even though English is the third language, it can be read without difficulty. Figure 20. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a car park. Figure 21 shows a governmental sign in Valencian and English. As can be observed, this is a combination of two signs. The sign on the top has to do with the name of the organisation, but the focus of this picture is on the sign below, where English is the first language appearing. It seems to be addressed to locals and international individuals who work with these languages on a regular basis, especially because it is a regional institution. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 19 Figure 20. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a car park. Figure 21 shows a governmental sign in Valencian and English. As can be observed, this is a combination of two signs. The sign on the top has to do with the name of the organisation, but the focus of this picture is on the sign below, where English is the first language appearing. It seems to be addressed to locals and international individuals who work with these languages on a regular basis, especially because it is a regional institution. Figure 21. Valencia: Bilingual sign on an official institution. Multilingualism (30%) in Valencia involves the use of Spanish, Valencian, and English (24%). The power relations established suggest that Spanish is the dominant language as it is the first language employed to address locals and tourists (Figure 22). The inclusion of the minority language involves the use of italics and a light colour, which makes it difficult to read. However, even though English is the third language, it can be read without difficulty. Figure 21. Valencia: Bilingual sign on an official institution. Multilingualism (30%) in Valencia involves the use of Spanish, Valencian, and English (24%). The power relations established suggest that Spanish is the dominant language as it is the first language employed to address locals and tourists (Figure 22). The inclusion of the minority language involves the use of italics and a light colour, which makes it difficult to read. However, even though English is the third language, it can be read without difficulty. Languages 2019,4, 38 11 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 19 Figure 20. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a car park. Figure 21 shows a governmental sign in Valencian and English. As can be observed, this is a combination of two signs. The sign on the top has to do with the name of the organisation, but the focus of this picture is on the sign below, where English is the first language appearing. It seems to be addressed to locals and international individuals who work with these languages on a regular basis, especially because it is a regional institution. Figure 21. Valencia: Bilingual sign on an official institution. Multilingualism (30%) in Valencia involves the use of Spanish, Valencian, and English (24%). The power relations established suggest that Spanish is the dominant language as it is the first language employed to address locals and tourists (Figure 22). The inclusion of the minority language involves the use of italics and a light colour, which makes it difficult to read. However, even though English is the third language, it can be read without difficulty. Figure 22. Valencia: Trilingual sign on a bus station. Linguistic diversity is also determined by the presence of other international languages in multilingual signs (6%). Figure 23 below shows a wide range of languages including Spanish, Valencian, English, French, Italian, and German. The inclusion of these languages may be related to the main nationalities of the tourists who visit Valencia. The first three languages have the same font size, whereas the font size of the rest of the languages seems to be smaller. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 19 Figure 22. Valencia: Trilingual sign on a bus station. Linguistic diversity is also determined by the presence of other international languages in multilingual signs (6%). Figure 23 below shows a wide range of languages including Spanish, Valencian, English, French, Italian, and German. The inclusion of these languages may be related to the main nationalities of the tourists who visit Valencia. The first three languages have the same font size, whereas the font size of the rest of the languages seems to be smaller. Figure 23. Valencia: Multilingual sign on a traders’ market. 3.1.2. Bottom-Up Regarding bottom-up signs, clear differences can be found in terms of bilingual and multilingual patterns. In Benasal, a total of 67% of bottom-up signs are monolingual whilst the remaining 33% are bilingual signs (Figure 24). Figure 24. Benasal: Bottom-up signs. 50% 17% 33% Benasal: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-Valencian Figure 23. Valencia: Multilingual sign on a traders’ market. 3.1.2. Bottom-Up Regarding bottom-up signs, clear differences can be found in terms of bilingual and multilingual patterns. In Benasal, a total of 67% of bottom-up signs are monolingual whilst the remaining 33% are bilingual signs (Figure 24). Languages 2019,4, 38 12 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 19 Figure 22. Valencia: Trilingual sign on a bus station. Linguistic diversity is also determined by the presence of other international languages in multilingual signs (6%). Figure 23 below shows a wide range of languages including Spanish, Valencian, English, French, Italian, and German. The inclusion of these languages may be related to the main nationalities of the tourists who visit Valencia. The first three languages have the same font size, whereas the font size of the rest of the languages seems to be smaller. Figure 23. Valencia: Multilingual sign on a traders’ market. 3.1.2. Bottom-Up Regarding bottom-up signs, clear differences can be found in terms of bilingual and multilingual patterns. In Benasal, a total of 67% of bottom-up signs are monolingual whilst the remaining 33% are bilingual signs (Figure 24). Figure 24. Benasal: Bottom-up signs. 50% 17% 33% Benasal: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian Spanish-Valencian Figure 24. Benasal: Bottom-up signs. Nonofficial signs in Benasal are characterised by the predominance of Spanish-only items (50%). The presence of Spanish in the private sector does not only have to do with the establishment of international companies but also with the opening of businesses that took place during the second half of the 20th century. This is the case of bakeries and bank offices whose brand name is in Spanish (Figures 25 and 26). Interestingly, the role of the Valencian language in the private sector is not as frequent as expected (17%). Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 19 Nonofficial signs in Benasal are characterised by the predominance of Spanish-only items (50%). The presence of Spanish in the private sector does not only have to do with the establishment of international companies but also with the opening of businesses that took place during the second half of the 20th century. This is the case of bakeries and bank offices whose brand name is in Spanish (Figures 25 and 26). Interestingly, the role of the Valencian language in the private sector is not as frequent as expected (17%). Figure 25. Benasal: Spanish-only sign on a confectionery and candy store. Figure 26. Benasal: Valencian-only sign on a bakery. Bilingual signs are addressed to potential customers. Hence, local businesses try to develop appropriate communication strategies by addressing individuals in Spanish and Valencian. In Figures 27 and 28 there is no doubt that Valencian is the most relevant language, as it highlighted in bold, whereas its translation in Spanish may appear in italics and different colours. Figure 25. Benasal: Spanish-only sign on a confectionery and candy store. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 19 Nonofficial signs in Benasal are characterised by the predominance of Spanish-only items (50%). The presence of Spanish in the private sector does not only have to do with the establishment of international companies but also with the opening of businesses that took place during the second half of the 20th century. This is the case of bakeries and bank offices whose brand name is in Spanish (Figures 25 and 26). Interestingly, the role of the Valencian language in the private sector is not as frequent as expected (17%). Figure 25. Benasal: Spanish-only sign on a confectionery and candy store. Figure 26. Benasal: Valencian-only sign on a bakery. Bilingual signs are addressed to potential customers. Hence, local businesses try to develop appropriate communication strategies by addressing individuals in Spanish and Valencian. In Figures 27 and 28 there is no doubt that Valencian is the most relevant language, as it highlighted in bold, whereas its translation in Spanish may appear in italics and different colours. Figure 26. Benasal: Valencian-only sign on a bakery. Languages 2019,4, 38 13 of 19 Bilingual signs are addressed to potential customers. Hence, local businesses try to develop appropriate communication strategies by addressing individuals in Spanish and Valencian. In Figures 27 and 28 there is no doubt that Valencian is the most relevant language, as it highlighted in bold, whereas its translation in Spanish may appear in italics and different colours. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 19 Nonofficial signs in Benasal are characterised by the predominance of Spanish-only items (50%). The presence of Spanish in the private sector does not only have to do with the establishment of international companies but also with the opening of businesses that took place during the second half of the 20th century. This is the case of bakeries and bank offices whose brand name is in Spanish (Figures 25 and 26). Interestingly, the role of the Valencian language in the private sector is not as frequent as expected (17%). Figure 25. Benasal: Spanish-only sign on a confectionery and candy store. Figure 26. Benasal: Valencian-only sign on a bakery. Bilingual signs are addressed to potential customers. Hence, local businesses try to develop appropriate communication strategies by addressing individuals in Spanish and Valencian. In Figures 27 and 28 there is no doubt that Valencian is the most relevant language, as it highlighted in bold, whereas its translation in Spanish may appear in italics and different colours. Figure 27. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a butchery. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 19 Figure 27. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a butchery. Figure 28. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a bank office. Unlike in Benasal, there is no considerable differences in the use of Valencian-only (27%) and Spanish-only (23%) signs in Almazora (Figure 29). Valencian patterns are found in a variety of areas, such as architecture, podiatry, butchery, haberdashery, bakeries, and language academies, among others. Similarly, Spanish items can be identified in dentists, cafés, hairdressers, and butcheries. Figure 29. Almazora: Bottom-up signs. The recurrent pattern in bilingual signs (42%) has to do with the two co-official languages of the region. Some shop names are in Valencian, but Spanish is the selected language to communicate additional information. Evidence can be found in health food (Figure 30) and stationery shops (Figure 31). 23% 27% 4% 19% 15% 4% 4% 4% Almazora: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian English Spanish-Valencian English-Spanish English-Valencian Romanian-Spanish Others Figure 28. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a bank office. Unlike in Benasal, there is no considerable differences in the use of Valencian-only (27%) and Spanish-only (23%) signs in Almazora (Figure 29). Valencian patterns are found in a variety of areas, such as architecture, podiatry, butchery, haberdashery, bakeries, and language academies, among others. Similarly, Spanish items can be identified in dentists, cafés, hairdressers, and butcheries. Languages 2019,4, 38 14 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 19 Figure 27. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a butchery. Figure 28. Benasal: Bilingual sign on a bank office. Unlike in Benasal, there is no considerable differences in the use of Valencian-only (27%) and Spanish-only (23%) signs in Almazora (Figure 29). Valencian patterns are found in a variety of areas, such as architecture, podiatry, butchery, haberdashery, bakeries, and language academies, among others. Similarly, Spanish items can be identified in dentists, cafés, hairdressers, and butcheries. Figure 29. Almazora: Bottom-up signs. The recurrent pattern in bilingual signs (42%) has to do with the two co-official languages of the region. Some shop names are in Valencian, but Spanish is the selected language to communicate additional information. Evidence can be found in health food (Figure 30) and stationery shops (Figure 31). 23% 27% 4% 19% 15% 4% 4% 4% Almazora: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian English Spanish-Valencian English-Spanish English-Valencian Romanian-Spanish Others Figure 29. Almazora: Bottom-up signs. The recurrent pattern in bilingual signs (42%) has to do with the two co-official languages of the region. Some shop names are in Valencian, but Spanish is the selected language to communicate additional information. Evidence can be found in health food (Figure 30) and stationery shops (Figure 31). Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 19 Figure 30. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a health food shop. Figure 31. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a stationery shop. Notwithstanding, bilingual signs in English-Valencian (4%), English-Spanish (15%), and Romanian-Spanish (4%) can be observed. English is the dominant language in the items below as English is the language of instruction in these language academies. In Figure 32, Valencian patterns seem to be smaller, whereas in Figure 33 Spanish is highlighted with a different colour and font size. Figure 32. Almazora: English-Valencian sign on a language academy. Figure 33. Almazora: English-Spanish sign on a language academy. Figure 30. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a health food shop. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 19 Figure 30. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a health food shop. Figure 31. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a stationery shop. Notwithstanding, bilingual signs in English-Valencian (4%), English-Spanish (15%), and Romanian-Spanish (4%) can be observed. English is the dominant language in the items below as English is the language of instruction in these language academies. In Figure 32, Valencian patterns seem to be smaller, whereas in Figure 33 Spanish is highlighted with a different colour and font size. Figure 32. Almazora: English-Valencian sign on a language academy. Figure 33. Almazora: English-Spanish sign on a language academy. Figure 31. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a stationery shop. Languages 2019,4, 38 15 of 19 Notwithstanding, bilingual signs in English-Valencian (4%), English-Spanish (15%), and Romanian-Spanish (4%) can be observed. English is the dominant language in the items below as English is the language of instruction in these language academies. In Figure 32, Valencian patterns seem to be smaller, whereas in Figure 33 Spanish is highlighted with a different colour and font size. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 19 Figure 30. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a health food shop. Figure 31. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a stationery shop. Notwithstanding, bilingual signs in English-Valencian (4%), English-Spanish (15%), and Romanian-Spanish (4%) can be observed. English is the dominant language in the items below as English is the language of instruction in these language academies. In Figure 32, Valencian patterns seem to be smaller, whereas in Figure 33 Spanish is highlighted with a different colour and font size. Figure 32. Almazora: English-Valencian sign on a language academy. Figure 33. Almazora: English-Spanish sign on a language academy. Figure 32. Almazora: English-Valencian sign on a language academy. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 19 Figure 30. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a health food shop. Figure 31. Almazora: Bilingual sign on a stationery shop. Notwithstanding, bilingual signs in English-Valencian (4%), English-Spanish (15%), and Romanian-Spanish (4%) can be observed. English is the dominant language in the items below as English is the language of instruction in these language academies. In Figure 32, Valencian patterns seem to be smaller, whereas in Figure 33 Spanish is highlighted with a different colour and font size. Figure 32. Almazora: English-Valencian sign on a language academy. Figure 33. Almazora: English-Spanish sign on a language academy. Figure 33. Almazora: English-Spanish sign on a language academy. Figure 34 is a Romanian-Spanish sign. The flag and the shop name are Romanian rather than Spanish, which is used to attract the Romanian community living in Almazora as well as local customers. Other international languages such as Italian appear as the only language on certain signs (Figure 35). Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 19 Figure 34 is a Romanian-Spanish sign. The flag and the shop name are Romanian rather than Spanish, which is used to attract the Romanian community living in Almazora as well as local customers. Other international languages such as Italian appear as the only language on certain signs (Figure 35). Figure 34. Almazora: Romanian-Spanish sign on a butchery. Figure 35. Almazora: Italian sign on a restaurant. When it comes to Valencia, 65% of nonofficial signs are monolingual. The linguistic landscape of the city seems to be dominated by Spanish (26%), closely followed by Valencian (23%) and English (16%) (Figure 36). Figure 36. Valencia: Bottom-up signs. The bilingual landscape (29%) in Valencia is determined by private initiatives, since they are concerned with strategic marketing decisions dealing with companies’ international orientation. Taking this into account, the most predominant languages in bottom-up signs include Spanish, Valencian, and English. Figure 37 is a Spanish-English sign. As can be observed, the properties of the font-size employed in this bilingual item reveal that Spanish is the dominant language. Actually, the name of the bookshop, which is in English, is smaller. 26% 23% 16% 7% 16% 3%3% 6% Valencia: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian English Spanish-Valencian Spanish-English Arabic-Spanish Chinese-Spanish Others Figure 34. Almazora: Romanian-Spanish sign on a butchery. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 19 Figure 34 is a Romanian-Spanish sign. The flag and the shop name are Romanian rather than Spanish, which is used to attract the Romanian community living in Almazora as well as local customers. Other international languages such as Italian appear as the only language on certain signs (Figure 35). Figure 34. Almazora: Romanian-Spanish sign on a butchery. Figure 35. Almazora: Italian sign on a restaurant. When it comes to Valencia, 65% of nonofficial signs are monolingual. The linguistic landscape of the city seems to be dominated by Spanish (26%), closely followed by Valencian (23%) and English (16%) (Figure 36). Figure 36. Valencia: Bottom-up signs. The bilingual landscape (29%) in Valencia is determined by private initiatives, since they are concerned with strategic marketing decisions dealing with companies’ international orientation. Taking this into account, the most predominant languages in bottom-up signs include Spanish, Valencian, and English. Figure 37 is a Spanish-English sign. As can be observed, the properties of the font-size employed in this bilingual item reveal that Spanish is the dominant language. Actually, the name of the bookshop, which is in English, is smaller. 26% 23% 16% 7% 16% 3%3% 6% Valencia: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian English Spanish-Valencian Spanish-English Arabic-Spanish Chinese-Spanish Others Figure 35. Almazora: Italian sign on a restaurant. When it comes to Valencia, 65% of nonofficial signs are monolingual. The linguistic landscape of the city seems to be dominated by Spanish (26%), closely followed by Valencian (23%) and English (16%) (Figure 36). Languages 2019,4, 38 16 of 19 Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 19 Figure 34 is a Romanian-Spanish sign. The flag and the shop name are Romanian rather than Spanish, which is used to attract the Romanian community living in Almazora as well as local customers. Other international languages such as Italian appear as the only language on certain signs (Figure 35). Figure 34. Almazora: Romanian-Spanish sign on a butchery. Figure 35. Almazora: Italian sign on a restaurant. When it comes to Valencia, 65% of nonofficial signs are monolingual. The linguistic landscape of the city seems to be dominated by Spanish (26%), closely followed by Valencian (23%) and English (16%) (Figure 36). Figure 36. Valencia: Bottom-up signs. The bilingual landscape (29%) in Valencia is determined by private initiatives, since they are concerned with strategic marketing decisions dealing with companies’ international orientation. Taking this into account, the most predominant languages in bottom-up signs include Spanish, Valencian, and English. Figure 37 is a Spanish-English sign. As can be observed, the properties of the font-size employed in this bilingual item reveal that Spanish is the dominant language. Actually, the name of the bookshop, which is in English, is smaller. 26% 23% 16% 7% 16% 3%3% 6% Valencia: Bottom-up signs Spanish Valencian English Spanish-Valencian Spanish-English Arabic-Spanish Chinese-Spanish Others Figure 36. Valencia: Bottom-up signs. The bilingual landscape (29%) in Valencia is determined by private initiatives, since they are concerned with strategic marketing decisions dealing with companies’ international orientation. Taking this into account, the most predominant languages in bottom-up signs include Spanish, Valencian, and English. Figure 37 is a Spanish-English sign. As can be observed, the properties of the font-size employed in this bilingual item reveal that Spanish is the dominant language. Actually, the name of the bookshop, which is in English, is smaller. Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 19 Figure 37. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a bookshop. Efforts to promote the minority language have also been made by regional supermarkets, where products are signed in both co-official languages. No differences in terms of font properties are recognised, so it can be stated that Spanish and Valencian have the same status (Figure 38). Figure 38. Valencia: Bilingual sign in a supermarket. Other languages used in nonofficial signs are Arabic, Italian, and Chinese. A clear example is that of the Arabic butchery (Figure 39). The presence of both Arabic and Spanish indicates that the patrons of this business are local and Arabic communities. Nonetheless, the use of Arabic is limited to translate the Spanish name, with the latter also being used to describe the kind of products they offer. Figure 39. Valencia: Arabic-Spanish sign on a butchery. 3.2. Language Contact The co-existence of a number of languages in the same area may lead to language contact or mixing in terms of syntax and lexicon. This process can be observed in the three municipalities under study. In Benasal, language contact occurs between Spanish and Valencian. Surprisingly, this phenomenon is observed in top-down signs, which are expected to be precise within the rules of the languages used. Thus, even though there exist signs that appear to be completely written in Spanish, some lexical items are introduced in Valencian. Despite having a Spanish version, the Valencian name is used in Figure 40. Another example is found in the laundry sign, where the century is described in the minority language (Figure 41). Figure 37. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a bookshop. Efforts to promote the minority language have also been made by regional supermarkets, where products are signed in both co-official languages. No differences in terms of font properties are recognised, so it can be stated that Spanish and Valencian have the same status (Figure 38). Languages 2019, 4, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 19 Figure 37. Valencia: Spanish-English sign on a bookshop. Efforts to promote the minority language have also been made by regional supermarkets, where products are signed in both co-official languages. No differences in terms of font properties are recognised, so it can be stated that Spanish and Valencian have the same status (Figure 38). Figure 38. Valencia: Bilingual sign in a supermarket. Other languages used in nonofficial signs are Arabic, Italian, and Chinese. A clear example is that of the Arabic butchery (Figure 39). The presence of both Arabic and Spanish indicates that the patrons of this business are local and Arabic communities. Nonetheless, the use of Arabic is limited to translate the Spanish name, with the latter also being used to describe the kind of products they offer. Figure 39. Valencia: Arabic-Spanish sign on a butchery. 3.2. Language Contact The co-existence of a number of languages in the same area may lead to language contact or mixing in terms of syntax and lexicon. This process can be observed in the three municipalities under study. In Benasal, language contact occurs between Spanish and Valencian. Surprisingly, this phenomenon is observed in top-down signs, which are expected to be precise within the rules of the languages used. Thus, even though there exist signs that appear to be completely written in Spanish, some lexical items are introduced in Valencian. Despite having a Spanish version, the Valencian name is used in Figure 40. Another example is found in the laundry sign, where the century is described in the minority language (Figure 41). Figure 38. Valencia: Bilingual sign in a supermarket.