Jugadores no profesionales de rugby procedentes de las islas Fiyi: su transición cultural en Nueva Zelanda

ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 Non-Professional Fijian Rugby Players’ Cultural Transitioning into New Zealand Jugadores no profesionales de rugby procedentes de las islas Fiyi: su transición cultural en Nueva Zelanda KATE CARPENTER School of Psychology, Speech and Hearing, University of Canterbury, New Zealand RICHARD LIGHT College of Education, Health and Human Development. University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand [email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6864-2243 Recibido / Received: 20/01/19. Aceptado / Accepted: 24-07-2019 Cómo citar / Citation: Carpenter, K. & Light, R. (2019). Non-Professional Fijian Rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand. Ágora para la Educación Física y el Deporte, 21, 1-21. DOI: https://doi.org/10.24197/aefd.0.2019.1-21 Abstract. There is growing research interest in athlete mobility as a consequence of globalization and the personal, cultural and contextual adjustments required in transitioning from one culture to another (see, Ryba, Haapanen, Mosek & Kwok, 2012). While this work has provided valuable knowledge about the challenges facing professional athletes transitioning from one culture to another it pays little attention to the experiences of non-professional and non-elite athletes. To redress this oversight this article presents the findings of a study on the experiences of Fijian non-elite rugby players who had moved to New Zealand as adolescents to pursue opportunities in rugby. Keywords: Rugby; Fiji; New Zealand; cultural transitioning. Resumen. Debido la globalización y de los necesarios procesos de adaptación personal, cultural y contextual que conlleva la transición de una cultura a otra, hemos asistido recientemente a un creciente interés en la investigación sobre la movilidad de los deportistas (ver Ryba, Haapanen, Mosek & Kwok, 2012). Aunque, por una parte, estos estudios han proporcionado un valioso conocimiento de los retos que han de afrontar los deportistas profesionales en su transición de una cultura a otra, por otra, se ha prestado poca atención a la experiencia de los deportistas que no profesionales y/o que no son de élite. Para compensar este vacío, el presente artículo se centra en los resultados de un estudio de las experiencias de jugadores de rugby que no eran de élite, provenientes de las islas Fiyi, que, siendo adolescentes, se trasladaron a Nueva Zelanda a la búsqueda de sus sueños en el rugby. Palabras clave. Rugby; islas Fiyi; Nueva Zelanda; transición cultural. 2 Kate Carpenter & Richard Light ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 INTRODUCTION Research on the cultural and contextual adjustments required by professional athletes transitioning within the global, transnational sport industry (see, Agergaard & Ryba, 2014) makes a valuable contribution to knowledge about elite level athletes but has overlooked the experiences of non-elite, non-professional, athletes (Ryba, Stambulova & Ronkainen, 2016). In this article we redress this oversight by reporting on the findings of a study conducted on the experiences of four Fijian rugby players who moved to New Zealand as adolescents and young men to pursue opportunities for rugby with a focus on their cultural challenges and adjustments. 1. PACIFIC ISLAND MIGRATION TO NEW ZEALAND Although the participants in this study were all from Fiji viewing them as Pacific Islanders is helpful for understanding the broader issues involved in cultural transitioning into New Zealand culture and society by locating the movement of Fijian rugby players within patterns of Pacific Islander (Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia) migration to New Zealand and other countries. New Zealand is a popular destination for Pacific Island migration with Auckland having the largest urban concentration of Pacific Island people outside of the Pacific Islands (Auckland Council). Migration of Pacific Islanders to New Zealand escalated in the 1960’s and 1970’s in response to labour shortages within expanding secondary industries, which saw immigrants arrive from Samoa, Tonga and Fiji through work permits, quota schemes and family reunification policies (Lee, 2009). At the same time, peoples of the Cook Islands, Tokelau and Niue had unrestricted rights of entry and settlement into the country as New Zealand citizens (Bedford, 1994). A market-driven economy and changes to New Zealand immigration laws (which included the introduction of a points system) in the 1980’s and 1990’s created problems in securing unskilled and semi-skilled work that saw many Pacific Islanders who were New Zealand citizens relocate to Australia through the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement between Australia and New Zealand (Bedford, 1994; Lee, 2009). Significant increases in Indo- Fijian immigrants to New Zealand were encouraged by the military coups of 1987, (Bedford, 1989), 2000 and 2006 in Fiji. Non-professional Fijian rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand 3 ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 2. PACIFIC ISLANDER RUGBY MIGRATION Rugby Union’s embrace of professionalism in 1995 created a new form of labour migration by presenting professional playing opportunities for Pacific Islanders in New Zealand and Australia (Horton, 2012). More recently, this has expanded to provide opportunities for Pacific Islanders to play in Europe and Japan (Horton, 2012). Seventeen percent of the rugby playing population In New Zealand is from the Pacific Islands with fifty percent of the provincial rugby playing population identifying as Pacific Islanders (Horton, 2012) with approximately 500 Fijian players are on professional playing contracts outside Fiji (Kanemasu & Molnar, 2014). 3. RUGBY IN FIJI AND NEW ZEALAND Rugby Union is the national sport of New Zealand and Fiji where it provides international recognition (Kanemasu & Molnar, 2012) and holds a “special place in the national psyche” (Cattermole, 2008, p. 99). It is also the key point of difference between the Indigenous i-Taukei Fijians and Indo- Fijians that promotes shared identity and a sense of belonging for i-Taukei Fijians (Kamemasu & Molnar, 2012). The term i-Taukei refers to the Indigenous people of the Fijian islands who comprise approximately sixty percent of the population, speak Fijian and share a common history and culture. In the traditional rugby game of 15-a-side, Fiji stands 8th internationally with New Zealand ranked number one in the World and the current World Cup title-holder (World.Rugby, 2019). Fiji qualifies as a tier one nation in 15s but it is best known for its dominance in Rugby Sevens with the Fiji Rugby 7s Men’s Team winning the nation’s first ever Olympic and gold medal at the Rio 2016 Olympic Games (“Rio 2016 rugby 7 men”, 2016). In New Zealand, Pacific Island players have a strong presence in rugby union with indigenous i-Taukei Fijian players highly valued in Super Rugby (southern hemisphere international, professional competition) and the ITM (New Zealand provincial competition). They are also prominent in Australian rugby and increasingly in demand in Japan and Europe. Indeed, growth in the number of Pacific Island players at the most elite levels of rugby is transforming global rugby (Horton, 2012) with this rugby migration attracting increasing research interest (Dewey 2014; Kanemasu & Molnar 2012, 2014; Mumm & O’Connor, 2014). 4 Kate Carpenter & Richard Light ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 The transnational athlete migration that so many Fijian rugby players are now experiencing is a product of globalization (Chiba & Jackson, 2006) and has accelerated since professionalization in 1995 (Horton, 2012). Unlike players in the other strong rugby nations in the southern hemisphere, such as Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Argentina, Pacific Island players are not able to play professional rugby at home due to a lack of professional leagues in their countries. This forces them to play professionally offshore in New Zealand and Australia, and in countries in the northern hemisphere such as France and Japan (see, Martinez-Delcayrou, 2018, Scheider & Presterudstuen, 2014). Migrating professional Fijian rugby players typically face a range of significant economic, demographic and socio-cultural challenges to the vaka I taukei (Fijian way of life) for elite and non-elite players (Scheider & Presterudestuen, 2014). In Australasia, sub-elite Fijian players can develop their careers outside Fiji through educational scholarships, contracts arranged through family, friends or other social networks and recruitment by official talent agents working for both professional and community organisations (Kanemasu & Molnar 2012, Mumm & O’Connor 2014). Even if successful in gaining an offer to play at professional or semi-professional levels Fijian players face significant challenges in adapting to foreign ways of playing and training and with adapting to cultural differences in day-to- day life, as is the case globally across a wide range of sports (Light, Evans & Lavalllee, 2019; Ryba et al. 2012; Ryba et al. 2016). The problems that Pacific Island rugby players face in New Zealand include racism. For example, the 2015-2016 period saw highly publicized accounts of inappropriate player behaviour and misconduct in rugby that included instances of racial discrimination against, and sideline abuse of, Fijian rugby union players (As of July 28, 2015 Stuff listed on its website: “Fijian player racially abused by fan at Canterbury club final”). In response to significant pressure from prominent human rights and women’s groups, New Zealand Rugby (NZR) underwent a lengthy independent review to investigate the processes, conduct and culture of the organization. The review identified how organizational values and systems in New Zealand needed to reflect and encompass the cultural diversity of this community Fijian Rugby and Culture Successful rugby players are looked up to as role models in Fiji with securing contracts to play overseas seen as achieving the ultimate ‘rugby dream’ (Kanesmasu & Molnar 2012). Belonging to the prestigious group of Non-professional Fijian rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand 5 ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 Fijian international rugby players (irrespective of level) enhances individual self-esteem and pride among Fijians but while making a name for the individual is important for them, it is just as important for them to make a name for Fiji due to the strong connection between self, culture and national identity for Fijians (Carpenter, 2001). This reflects the communal patterns that dominate life in Fiji that are challenged by the individualism of Western societies such as New Zealand, Australia and France (Schieder & Presterudstuen, 2014) but the significant Pacific Island communities in Australia and New Zealand tend to provide more support during transitioning than Japan and European countries such as France do (see, Bresnier, 2012; Horton, 2012; Martinez-Delayrou, 2018). 4. TRANSITION THEORY A body of work on athlete cultural transitioning developed from Schlossberg’s Transition Theory (1981).draws upon a number of transition models that outline the different types of transitions and challenges individuals typically face. Schlossberg developed transition theory as a way of understanding what is involved in major transitions within people’s lives and was later applied to athlete cultural transitioning (see, Ryba et al. 2016). It provides an effective means of understanding and explaining the challenges involved in making this significant transition at an individual level for each of the four Fijian participants in this study. A transition generally results from one or a combination of events which leads to a change in assumptions about oneself and the world that requires a corresponding change in behaviour and relationships (Anderson, Goodman & Schlossberg 2011). Transition theory has been applied to athlete transitioning from a psychological perspective with Ryba and colleagues’ work (Ryba et al. 2016) identifying the social adaptive processes that athletes must overcome when transitioning. In this article we work with the definition of a transition as an event, or non-event (an expected transition that never eventuates), that significantly changes relationships, routines and assumptions and roles (see Light et al. 2019). Transitions are related to the developmental context in which they take place to include transitions inherent in sporting contexts and those related to their development at psychological, psychosocial, academic, and/or vocational levels (Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). This includes learning how to transition into a different culture of sport and life outside, around and beyond sport. 6 Kate Carpenter & Richard Light ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 5. METHODOLOGY We used narrative inquiry (NI) research design to understand human experiences by recounting it through the telling of stories. NI frames and tells of an individual’s past and present life experiences by developing knowledge and understanding from the telling of stories (Chilisa, 2012). This methodology provided insight into the experiences of the participants in transitioning from Fijian to New Zealand culture with storytelling culturally appropriate when conducting research with indigenous peoples (Light & Evans, 2018; Smith, 1999) The first author conducted a single one-on-one life story style interview (Atkinson, 2007) with each of the participants in which she asked them to tell their story of coming to New Zealand and of adapting to sport and life in New Zealand. The telling and re-telling of oral histories is commonplace in Fijian culture, which made it a more suitable research methodology than most others and one that encouraged attentive listening, striving for understanding and an open mind for the researcher (Light & Evans, 2018). The Site The study was conducted in the province of Canterbury in New Zealand where Fijians are a minority group with only 2.5% of the population identifying as Pacific Islanders. The dominant group in the South Island of New Zealand are of European descent and makes up 87% of the population (‘2013 Census Quick Stats’, 2013) but in Christchurch metropolitan rugby Pacific Islanders comprise 10% of the registered junior and senior club players and it is from this group that the participants were drawn. The central research question was: What are the experiences of male Fijian rugby players who moved from Fiji to Canterbury to play rugby as adolescents? The Participants The study reported on in this article involved four participants who were male Indigenous Fijian amateur club rugby players born in Fiji, had moved to New Zealand, and had lived in Canterbury for at least six months. Maciu, Siti, Ilisea, and Apenisa (all pseudonyms) were 2017 registered players, representing clubs competing in the Christchurch Metropolitan Competition (Division 1) run by the Canterbury Rugby Football Union (CRFU). Two were engaged on semi-professional contracts and two were amateurs. They were aged between 21-35 years at the time of the study with varying rugby experience reflecting the different stages of their rugby Non-professional Fijian rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand 7 ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 careers. While each participant originated from a different part of Fiji (both rural and urban backgrounds) all had, or were undertaking, formal school, trade or tertiary qualifications. Snowball sampling was used, which involved a participant being identified by using a trusted contact for the first author within the Canterbury Fijian Community. Maciu was 21 years old and from the one of the small outer islands of Fiji. He completed the majority of his schooling in Suva (capital of Fiji) where he began playing rugby in U10 grade. While playing 1st XV rugby he was selected for the Fiji national schoolboy team and, while playing in a tournament in New Zealand, was offered a rugby scholarship to a prestigious boy’s school. At 29 years of age Ilisea had made rapid progress in rugby after only taking up the game at the age of seventeen. Originally from the Western Division of Fiji he relocated to Suva to be part of the Fiji Rugby development program and later, the high-performance program. A national Fiji rep for both 15’s and 7’s, Ilisea moved to New Zealand in his early twenties after accepting an offer to play semi-professional rugby. Siti was 21 years old and was brought up in the village in a major city of the Western Division of Fiji where he first learnt to play rugby. He migrated to New Zealand with his family prior to starting secondary school where he found rugby very different to his experience back home. At 35 years of age Apensia was at the end of his amateur, playing career. From the Western Division of Fiji, he grew up and was educated in Suva and played 1st XV rugby for a school with a strong rugby history in Fiji. He came to New Zealand after being awarded a scholarship for secondary school from Fiji. Ethics Approval Ethics approval was gained from the University of Canterbury Human Ethics Committee and a cultural advisor from the Fijian Community guided cultural appropriateness throughout the research. Participant information and consent forms were bilingual documents (in English and Fijian). Players were informed that participation in the study was voluntary and they could withdraw at any time and consent was obtained from the rugby clubs involved. Data generation The first author conducted single individual, life story type interviews ranging in duration of thirty five to sixty minutes with each of the players that were digitally recorded and later transcribed verbatim. Each interview 8 Kate Carpenter & Richard Light ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 began by asking, ‘where in Fiji are you from?’ This was followed by asking the participant to tell his story of moving to New Zealand from Fiji and of living in New Zealand. Two participants maintained a continuous narrative during the interview, prompted only by being asked to, ‘tell me more about that’ or ‘when did that happen?’ The other two were encouraged with a series of unstructured questions such as: ‘what were your experiences of rugby in Fiji?’, ‘how did you come to live in Christchurch?’ and ‘what has been your experience of rugby in Canterbury?’ Follow-up conversations were held with two participants to further explore a particular response, clarify meaning and/or check for accuracy of interpretation. Data Analysis The transcripts were read and re-read to commence the process of interpretation and classification and to begin to get a ‘feel’ for the participants (Light & Evans, 2018). We began with open or initial coding to identify ideas and possible themes that we clustered into a number of closed codes that we developed. We then used them to develop themes from the data due to distinctive characteristics, meanings and relationships. These became the coding categories to match relevant data with three major themes produced through this process. The three major challenges that the participants had to meet in transitioning from Fiji to New Zealand are presented in order of importance from least important to the most important, which were: (1) The differences between Fijian and New Zealand rugby, (2) The demands of having dual goals and (3) Cultural transitioning, which are presented below. 6. FINDINGS Differences between Fijian and New Zealand rugby Ilisea first moved to New Zealand to play rugby after the disappointment of not being selected to represent Fiji in an international event. He was then invited to join Canterbury to play Sevens and played for a Christchurch club in what is now called the Mitre 10 Cup, which is a professional nation-wide provincial competition. Apensia arrived in Christchurch after missing out on a rugby scholarship to a prestigious boy’s school in Auckland. On a (Fiji) government sponsored education scholarship he remained hopeful of advancing in rugby and was attracted to Non-professional Fijian rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand 9 ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 Christchurch due to the fame of the Canterbury Crusaders and the standard of club rugby in Christchurch. I was aiming high, especially coming to Canterbury where it’s got a rich rugby history when you’re talking about the Crusaders, All Black players, and I thought it was probably one the best places to develop a rugby career. Siti first migrated to the North Island with his family and then moved to Christchurch on his own to undertake tertiary studies. Maciu also came to Christchurch as a teenager and was offered a scholarship to attend a private boys’ school in Christchurch after being spotted by Canterbury Crusaders talent scouts while on international duty for Fiji at a schoolboy tournament in New Zealand. The participants all felt that their rugby transition from Fiji to New Zealand was relatively easy. The challenges of adapting to different coaches, teammates, game plans and competition levels were minimal but adjusting to regimes of fitness and strength training and being held accountable to measured standards was more difficult for them. This resonates with the findings of a recent study on Australian Indigenous athletes’ journeys into The Australian Football League and the National Rugby League that identifies the same challenges of adapting to highly structured regimes of fitness training and measurement in professional sport (Light & Evans, 2018; Light, Evans & Lavallee, 2019). Maciu and Ilisea drew on their experiences of playing international age group and elite rugby for Fiji prior to their arrival in New Zealand to meet these challenges but Apensia and Siti struggled to adapt to what they saw as being highly structured and technical approaches to rugby: …if you watch the Crusaders you’ll see the similarities to how they play (club rugby) down here, the teams that win the most are the ones that are more technical, like kick when they have to kick, pass when they have to pass, they don’t always have to run it. (Siti). Maciu was happy with his progress over two seasons of senior rugby in Christchurch. He said he enjoyed having clear clarification of his positional role, the technical focus and the challenge of excelling in a region full of quality forwards and front rowers. An unexpected call-up to play for the Crusaders in a warm-up game and subsequent inclusion in other Canterbury 16 Kate Carpenter & Richard Light ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 with. It provided a way of dealing with many of the challenges involved in transitioning from Fiji into the culture of New Zealand and New Zealand rugby. Playing One Touch rugby provided a valuable coping mechanism for all four participants with the appeal of Fijian Touch so strong that it often distracted Siti from his tertiary studies. Even with assignments due he could not resist the temptation of playing One Touch. For example, Ilisea would often take a ‘drive around’ to find a game touch as a way of relaxing and unwinding. As young Fijians living away from home, Fijian Touch had powerful therapeutic benefits for the four participants, as Apensia explains: ‘…if someone is struggling there’s touch, a chat, a laugh - just like back home’. 7. DISCUSSION The participants’ stories suggest little real difficulty for them in adjusting to the more structured approach to rugby in Christchurch with the semi-professional players in particular drawing on playing experience to assist in this adjustment. For them, further indicators of a successful transition were positive rugby experiences such as feeling well looked after, achieving team honours and being selected in representative teams and wider training squads. The demands of having to study or work as well as commit to rugby gave them a high transition load but they were able to meet these as well. Combined with work and study, rugby created a high transitional load but one that they dealt with reasonably successfully through the interplay of situation, self, social support and strategies for coping (Schlossberg, 1981). The biggest challenge the participants faced was adapting to living in a vastly different culture with a significant contrast between the collective nature of Fijian life and the stress on the individual in New Zealand that is typical of Western countries. Research on cultural adaptation draws upon a number of transition models that identify different types of transitions individuals face but with all transitions related to the developmental context in which they occur. Two participants were 21 at the time of the study, had begun playing rugby as children in Fiji and moved to New Zealand before or during secondary school. One was 35 and the other was 29 but both had come to New Zealand in their early twenties. This provides a spread of developmental contexts related to their development as rugby players, but they all had to adapt to significant cultural challenges from their teenage years or early Non-professional Fijian rugby players’ cultural transitioning into New Zealand 17 ÁGORA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA Y EL DEPORTE, 21, 2019, 1-21 EISSN: 1989-7200 twenties and all saw the biggest challenge being that of adapting to the culture of life outside and around rugby. This study confirms the importance of the challenges related to psychological, psychosocial, academic, and/or vocational development and the stress they can create during athlete transitioning suggested by some of the literature (see, Light & Evans, 2018; Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). Learning how to transition into a vastly different culture presented the biggest challenge and critical to the participants’ development as rugby players and their wellbeing. The ways in which they dealt with the challenge of living in a foreign culture, such as having social support, reflect the findings of other studies in this area. This included drinking kava as a cultural ritual, but the role that playing the Fijian game, One-Touch rugby is distinctive. Playing One Touch acted as a coping mechanism that connected them with their culture and enhanced their social networks with fellow Fijians but not just through verbal interaction or dialogue. The connections with Fijian culture included the embodied culture of communicating through movement and the non-verbal conversations of playing a distinctively Fijian form of rugby. It did more than provide an escape from the stresses involved in living in the foreign culture of New Zealand by allowing them to be lost in the flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) of the game and experience the sense of freedom and relationships associated with their culture. These engagements with the ‘Fijian way’ (vaka i tauke i) were central to their coping with living in a different culture, regardless of how long they had lived in New Zealand. Confirming ethnic identity through Fijian ‘One Touch’ and rugby sevens was a significant finding in this study as part of the revision of identity and their place in the world identified among Fijian rugby players migrating to Japan (Schieder & Presterudstuen, 2014). It may have been emphasized due to the timing of the study, with interviews conducted in the off-season for 15’s but in-season for Fijian touch and sevens. While we recognize the limitations of being able to generalize from the small-scale, study this study provide useful insight into the stresses involved in adapting to a new culture for non-elite and non-professional rugby players. 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