Old and new coins in Southern Hispania in the sixth century A.D

Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie und Centre Michel de Boüard CRAHAM (UMR 6273) Université de Caen Normandie Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2016 SondeRdRUCk / tiRé à pARt RGZM – tAGUnGen Band 29 Jérémie Chameroy · Pierre-Marie Guihard (dir.) pRodUktion Und ReCyCeln von MünZen in deR SpätAntike pRodUiRe et ReCyCleR lA MonnAie AU BAS-eMpiRe 1. Internationales Numismatikertreffen / 1ères Rencontres internationales de numismatique (15-16 mai 2014, Mainz) Comité de lecture: Gabriela Bijovsky (Israel Antiquities Authority), Simon Esmonde Cleary (University of Birmingham), Suzanne FreyKupper (University of Warwick), Wolfgang Hahn (Universität Wien), Dominique Hollard (BnF, Département des monnaies, médailles et antiques), Antony Hostein (Université Paris I), Cécile Morrisson (UMR 8167 Orient & Méditerranée), Laurent Popovitch (Université de Bourgogne), Karl Strobel (Universität Klagenfurt) Redaktion: Jérémie Chameroy (RGZM), Pierre-Marie Guihard (CRAHAM) Satz: Claudia Nickel (RGZM) Umschlaggestaltung: Reinhard Köster (RGZM) Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie: Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-88467-270-9 ISSN 1862-4812 © 2016 Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Die dadurch begründeten Rechte, insbesondere die der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, der Entnahme von Abbildungen, der Funkund Fernsehsendung, der Wiedergabe auf fotomechanischem (Fotokopie, Microkopie) oder ähnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen, Tonund Bildträgern bleiben, auch bei nur auszugsweiser Verwertung, vorbehalten. Die Vergütungsansprüche des §54, Abs.2, UrhG. werden durch die Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort wahrgenommen. Herstellung: betz-druck GmbH, Darmstadt Printed in Germany. III INhalt Jérémie Chameroy · Pierre-Marie Guihard Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII la monnaie entre réformes de l’État et usus publicus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Jean-Michel Carrié Ressources métalliques, politiques monétaires, production et circulation des espèces dans l’Empire romain tardif . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Filippo Carlà Dal perpetuum exilium al taglio della mano: falso in moneta e maiestas nel diritto tardoromano, bizantino e romano-germanico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Jérémie Chameroy Réformes monétaires tardo-romaines à la lumière des dépôts enfouis en Gaule (c. 274-c. 310) . . . . . . . 47 Soutenir l’économie monétaire : usage et longue circulation des espèces officielles et non officielles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Cristina Crisafulli Radiati ufficiali e radiati irregolari in Italia alla fine del III secolo: alcune osservazioni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Guillaume Blanchet Vie et survie du petit numéraire dans le nord de la Gaule : l’exemple des découvertes de la domus au grand péristyle de Vieux-la-Romaine (Calvados) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Markus Peter Zum spätrömischen Kleingeldumlauf anhand kontextualisierter Einzelfunde . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Johan van Heesch · Erika Weinkauf Coin Deposits in Roman Graves at Turnacum (Belgica secunda) and the Monetary Circulation at the End of the 3rd and Early 4th Century AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Pierre-Marie Guihard · Oriol Olesti · Jordi Guàrdia · Oriol Mercadal Soutenir l’usage monétaire dans le nord de la péninsule Ibérique au VIe siècle. L’exemple du dépôt de minimi de Llívia (Espagne) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Bartolomé Mora Serrano Old and New Coins in Southern Hispania in the 6th Century AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Bruno Callegher Imitations and Proto-Vandalic nummi in the Circulating Stock in Upper Galilee between the End of the 5th and Early 6th Century: the Capernaum Deposit (Locus 812) . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 IV Ateliers et officines en milieux urbain et rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Michele Asolati La distribuzione della moneta bronzea ufficiale e imitativa in età tardo antica: i casi dei gruzzoli di Gortyna 2011 (IV sec. d. C.) e di Aquileia 2011 (V sec. d. C.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 David Wigg-Wolf Supplying a Dying Empire? The Mint of Trier in the Late-4th Century AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Jérémie Chameroy · Pierre-Marie Guihard Falsa fusio à Trèves. Les moules monétaires du IIIe siècle de la Löwenbrauerei et la place du denier dans la circulation monétaire en Gaule du Nord . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Fabien Pilon Les imitations du milieu du IVe siècle : production, diffusion, interprétation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Alexandre Burgevin Dépôts d’imitations urbains et atelier monétaire rural dans l’est de la Gaule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Jean-Michel Carrié Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren / Adresses des auteurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 V INtroDuctIoN L’idée de ces Rencontres remonte déjà à plusieurs années. Elle a vu le jour en Normandie lorsque, en mars 2011, nous avons organisé un premier colloque à l’Université de Caen Normandie autour du thème « Circulations monétaires et réseaux d’échanges en Normandie et dans le Nord-Ouest européen » 1. Portés par le succès de cette manifestation, nous avons voulu initier des rencontres internationales de numismatique régulières qui, grâce au soutien de nos institutions respectives, le Römisch-Germanisches Zentral museum (RGZM) et le Centre de recherches archéologiques et historiques anciennes et médiévales (CRAHAM UMR6273, Université de Caen Normandie), se tiendraient tous les trois ans et porteraient sur des sujets d’histoire monétaire de l’Antiquité au Haut Moyen Âge. En mai 2014 à Mayence, nous avons ainsi invité des historiens, numismates et archéologues à réfléchir sur le thème « Produire et recycler la monnaie au Bas-Empire ». Le sujet volontairement large appelait à une analyse croisée des productions monétaires officielles et non officielles, alors que beaucoup d’études menées jusqu’ici privilégient une approche spécifique de ces productions. Dans la veine des travaux de J.-P. Callu 2, nombre de recherches ont examiné le lien entre l’État et sa monnaie afin de définir les politiques monétaires des empereurs successifs, tandis que la monnaie produite localement au Bas-Empire a le plus souvent été considérée à part. Cette approche unilatérale est bien sensible dans les colloques, dont on citera parmi les plus notables celui tenu à Paris en janvier 1986 sur les « Rythmes de la production monétaire, de l’Antiquité à nos jours » 3, celui organisé à Martigny en 2002 sur les « Faux – contrefaçons – imitations » 4 ou encore celui de Barcelone en 2010 sur la « Falsificació i manipulació de la moneda » 5. Pour notre part, nous avons voulu aborder le sujet d’une manière différente en nous intéressant à l’interaction de l’État et des particuliers au sein de la production monétaire ainsi qu’au degré d’adaptation du système monétaire romain face aux situations de crise. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse que l’État romain devait être en mesure, grâce à l’ouverture d’ateliers impériaux aux IIIe et IVe siècles dans les provinces, de réagir rapidement et efficacement aux besoins locaux de numéraire. Les réformes monétaires étaient censées, par décri, retrait, refonte et injection de nouvelles monnaies, renouveler le stock monétaire disponible dans l’Empire. Toutefois, la part élevée des monnaies non officielles parmi les trouvailles isolées soulève la question d’un certain « Laissez-faire » de l’État romain tardif face à la production de numéraire en dehors des ateliers impériaux. Ces monnaies irrégulières étaient-elles tolérées à certains niveaux de l’économie monétaire, pour des échanges locaux par exemple ? Comment auraient-elles pu échapper au contrôle de l’État ? Le recyclage de la vieille monnaie, compris ici comme sa récupération et sa réintroduction dans les circuits monétaires de l’Empire, pouvait-il parer aux déficits locaux de nouvelles monnaies officielles ? Devant la diversité des problématiques abordées, les communications présentées par les participants enrichissent la discussion par leurs réflexions, leurs synthèses et la nouvelle documentation qu’elles apportent autour de trois thèmes : la monnaie entre réformes de l’État et usus publicus ; l’usage et la longue circulation des espèces officielles et non officielles ; les ateliers et les officines en milieux urbain et rural. Au seuil de ces actes, nous avons plaisir à remercier tous ceux qui nous ont soutenu depuis l’organisation et le déroulement du colloque jusqu’à la présente publication, notamment la directrice a. D. du département des Antiquités romaines du RGZM Madame Barbara Pferdehirt et le directeur du CRAHAM Monsieur Pierre Bauduin. Il nous est tout autant agréable de remercier Jean-Michel Carrié qui nous a fait l’honneur de présider le colloque et d’en rédiger les conclusions : l’éclairage d’un grand historien de l’économie a stimulé les débats et l’exigence scientifique dans la réalisation de ce volume. Les collègues qui ont accepté avec enthousiasme notre invitation à participer à ces deux journées. Les éditions du RGZM pour la préparation des actes VI et Clive Bridger pour la traduction et la correction des textes anglais. Enfin, les rapporteurs scientifiques pour leur relecture patiente et critique des manuscrits : Mesdames Gabriela Bijovsky (Israel Antiquities Authority), Suzanne Frey-Kupper (University of Warwick), Cécile Morrisson (UMR 8167 Orient & Méditerranée) et Messieurs Simon Esmonde Cleary (University of Birmingham), Wolfgang Hahn (Universität Wien), Dominique Hollard (BnF, Département des monnaies, médailles et antiques), Antony Hostein (Université Paris I), Laurent Popovitch (Université de Bourgogne) et Karl Strobel (Universität Klagenfurt). Mayence / Caen, janvier 2016 Notes 1) Chameroy / Guihard 2012. 2) En particulier Callu 1969. 3) Depeyrot / Hackens / Moucharte 1987. 4) Auberson / Derschka / Frey-Kupper 2004. 5) Campo 2010. Bibliographie Auberson / Derschka / Frey-Kupper 2004: A.-F. Auberson / H. R. Derschka / S. Frey-Kupper (éd.), Faux-contrefaçons-imitations. Études de numismatique et d’histoire monétaire 5 (Lausanne 2004). Callu 1969: J.-P. Callu, La politique monétaire des empereurs romains de 238 à 311. Bibl. Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 214 (Paris 1969). Campo 2010: M. Campo (dir.), Falsificació i manipulació de la moneda. Curs d’Història monetària d’Hispània 14 (Barcelone 2010). Chameroy / Guihard 2012: J. Chameroy / P.-M. Guihard (dir.), Circulations monétaires et réseaux d’échanges en Normandie et dans le Nord-Ouest européen (Antiquité-Moyen Âge). Tables rondes du CRAHM 8 (Caen 2012). Depeyrot / Hackens / Moucharte 1987: G. Depeyrot / T. Hackens / G. Mou charte (éd.), Rythmes de la production monétaire, de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Publications d’histoire de l’art et d’archéologie de l’Université catholique de Louvain 50 (Louvain-la-Neuve 1987). Produktion und Recyceln von Münzen in der Spätantike / Produire et recycler la monnaie au Bas-Empire 139 BARTOLOMÉ MORA SERRANO olD aND New coINS IN SoutherN Hispania IN the 6th ceNtury aD The purpose of this paper 1 is to analyse the behaviour of monetary circulation in Southern Hispania in the 6th century AD. During this time, there was a visible renewal of the monetary stock. This large quantitative increase contrasts with a shortage of information on coin circulation for the previous period, between the second quarter of the 5th century and the arrival of Byzantine authority in the Iberian Peninsula. We know in broad terms the characteristics of monetary circulation in Late Roman Hispania, especially regarding the bronze currency, thanks to various works of synthesis. However, these studies are mostly quantitative and do not bring us closer to a real understanding of the use and subsequent disappearance of these coins. This problem does not only stem from studies on monetary circulation in Hispania; only a few publications including Late Roman coin finds offer sufficient data on their archaeological context 2. The identification of these Late Roman contexts is complex for several reasons, although the ceramic context is essential for knowing when these coins disappeared 3. Late Roman fine ware is important for dating purposes, because of its fast pace of replacement. Nevertheless, in many cases their chronologies still have very wide limits 4, making it necessary to also consider the chronologies proposed for Hispanic sites 5. There are several Late Roman sites in Hispania, which have been extensively studied and constitute valuable references for the time period. Unfortunately, coin evidence for these sites, although relevant, is still largely restricted to quantitative terms 6. The pattern of bronze currency in Hispania during the 6th century is a continuation of the situation recorded for the previous century, although adapted to new geopolitical and economic conditions in the region. The importance of gold coins, both Visigothic and Byzantine (including the ones attributed to Spania) coincides with a continuation in the use of earlier bronze issues. Although bronze coinage – nummus or its equivalents – was not new, it still played a prominent role. In sum, the situation was complex, considering the different origins and characteristics of the new coinage, which could be Vandal, Byzantine or »local Late Roman«, known also in some academic literature as »Visigothic bronzes«. This is one of the most attractive themes in Late Antiquity coinage in Hispania, although there is another aspect, which also deserves attention: the persistence of old coins and their renewal rate. The different ways they could have been combined and their proportion in respect to others is difficult to discern, because the archaeological provenance of many of these coins is unknown, owing to treasure hunting and other uncontrolled practices. The poorly preserved Late Imperial bronze coinage does not hold the same value as other »selected« coinage on the numismatic market, and therefore may still be recorded in archaeological contexts. This is the most probable cause behind the striking absence of mixed coin finds at sites; at least this is what may be gauged from known research and publications. One could almost guess the existence of a »ghost« monetary circulation. Although publications on coin finds and monetary circulation figure prominently among the academic literature in Spanish numismatics 7, Late Antiquity is still not well represented 8. Besides an initial effort led by Mateu i Llopis with his series Hallazgos Monetarios, the main references for Late Antiquity coinage in Hispania are the works of T. Marot, as well as the earlier contribution by M. Crusafont on local bronze coin- 140 B. Mora Serrano · Old and New Coins in Southern Hispania in the 6th Century AD age. All of these works responded to a rise in interest in the history and archaeology of the Late Antiquity period, marked by the influential Byzantine presence in Spain 9. These new bronze coins (Vandal, Byzantine and especially local Late Roman or »Visigothic bronzes«) have generated a great amount of discussion, encouraging the publication of this kind of modest coinage 10. Their number is slowly increasing, particularly in territories that were not well-known before, such as Portugal. Although there is still a considerable lack of nummi in Portugal – finds are limited and isolated –, they bear great relevance, for they contribute to expanding the distribution area of Byzantine bronze coinage, particularly of the Justinian period, as far as the Atlantic coast in Hispania. For example, a pentanummium coined by Justinian I was found at the important site of Olysipona 11 (Lisbon) (fig. 1, 2); moreover, it was found associated with a Theodosius AE2 in a Late Roman fish-salting factory. Its archaeological context greatly increases the significance of the find. Aside from this interesting Portuguese find there are also other examples, which are sometimes only known through vague references, but at least point at the continuity of coin usage in these territories, which maintained commercial contact with the Mediterranean, as demonstrated by the well-known cases of fine ware and transport vases recorded both in urban and rural contexts, which are also associated with Byzantine exagia 12. To the known list of Portuguese coins we may now also add a follis of Justinian I found in Nisa (Portalegre), a decanummium of Justinian I from Menoita (Guarda), a pentanummium – possibly also coined by Justinian I – found in the River Arade (Portimão) and a decanummium of Phocas from Ansião, to the south-west of Conimbriga (fig. 6) 13. As for Spain, important coin finds have also been recorded in key places, such as Carthago Spartaria (Cartagena, Murcia), Eio (Tolmo de Minateda, Hellín, Albacete), Malaca (Malaga) and more recently Hispalis / Ispali (Seville) 14. They all provide valuable information for quantification and for archaeological contexts, allowing the comparison with other important sites, such as Reccopolis (Zorita de los Canes, Guadalajara) 15, Benalúa (Lucentum, Alicante) or Illa Cullera (Portus sucrone, Cullera, Valencia), leading to the configuration of models of regional or even local monetary circulation. This is one of the most interesting outcomes from studies on these coin finds and the main justification for research on the subject. The regionalisation of monetary circulation in the Iberian Peninsula and Balearic Islands is not a phenomenon characteristic of the Late Antiquity period. It responds to the accentuation of a constant in the monetary circulation of Hispania, the reasons for which exceed the strictly numismatic field. In order to understand this phenomenon, a distinction must be drawn between the Mediterranean area – or of Mediterranean influence – and the territories of inland Spain. This nomenclature has been applied many times imprecisely or even incorrectly, as will be shown in the case of Andalusia, where monetary uses are less intense, yet still complex 16. Coastal territories and their hinterlands in Hispania, as well as the Balearic Islands, were open to the influence of the Mediterranean core. During the Late Antiquity period they maintained a particular monetary profile, which may be explained, among other reasons, by their strategic geographic locations and the survival of cities as political and religious centres, as well as consumption centres 17 (fig. 6). Many of these urban enclaves still used small value coins for daily transactions and as a complement to other economic activities. Academic literature has experienced a renewal in the last years, especially as a result of an increase in archaeological data. The situation in the so-called Dark Ages and Late Antique numismatics in Hispania cannot be explained merely from a chronological point of view, but must also be explained from a regional perspective. In absolute terms, the lack of data on the use and circulation of bronze coinage in Hispania poses greater challenges to studies on the 7th century; information on the 5th and first quarter of the 6thcenturies, although fragmented, is at least more abundant. On the other hand, the most »visible« period continues to be the 6th century, particularly the last third of the century. Produktion und Recyceln von Münzen in der Spätantike / Produire et recycler la monnaie au Bas-Empire 141 From a methodological point of view, it is difficult to find an urban archaeological site with a precise stratigraphy for the entire coin sequence. Until recently, only the territories belonging to Tarraconensis show, hitherto, continuity in the use of bronze coinage between the 5th and 6th centuries, thanks not only to the recording of Late Antique contexts, but also to their association with the relatively frequent presence of rare AE issues of the 5th century and especially with imitations of Late Imperial coins. Barcino (Barcelona) is one of the urban sites where this monetary circulation model is best recorded 18. Its uniqueness is largely due to is geographical location, positioned outside the circle comprising the current territories of Valencia – to the south of Saguntum –, Alicante, Murcia and the Balearic Islands. The lack, or rather the scant renewal of coinage in these territories during the 5th century, evidenced in well recorded stratigraphies, such as in Cullera 19, appears to have experienced a slight recovery in the last quarter of the century and the first decades of the following one. This is due to the scarce presence of Vandal nummi recorded in coastal sites, such as Portus Ilicitanus 20, and particularly to the content of some treasures, such as the Mazarrón hoard, where this coinage, although in the minority, is still not associated with Byzantines coins, as will be the case further ahead in the 6th century 21. The Imperial arrival Hispania in 553/554 is identifiable as a point of inflection in the historical and archaeological record 22, particularly in regards to numismatics, when compared to the scant and confusing data of the previous period. These changes in the numismatic record are best seen in some sites of the Spanish Levant, of which two are especially relevant for this study: Illa Culera (Valencia) and Tolmo de Minateda (Hellín, Albacete). Differences between these two enclaves are significant, although there are also similarities, which are important for endorsing a Late Antique regional model of monetary circulation that could potentially be applied to other territories in Hispania, such as parts of Andalusia. The finds at Illa Cullera were brought to light in the 1970s by Mateu i Llopis, their relevance being clearly established in the comprehensive study published by Marot and Llorens 23. Today, these finds still constitute one of the best examples of monetary circulation during the mid 6th century AD along the coast of the Spanish Levant, characterized, among other factors, by the joint circulation of Late Imperial coinage, Vandalic Fig. 1 Main nominal (AE) in circulation during the second half of the 6th century AD: Byzantine and local coinages: 1 follis from Biniatzén (Menorca) (after Moll 2005, 27). – 2 pentanummion from Lisboa (after Fabião 2009, 25). – 3 nummus from Málaga (after Mora 2009, 2. MIBE 191). – 4 nummus from Illa Cullera (Valencia) (Museu de Prehistoria de Valencia 8145. DOC 311). – 5 nummus from La Régula (Palomares, Sevilla) (after Fernández-Flores / Pliego / Carvajal 2013, n. 42. Group A). – 6 nummus from Málaga (after Mora-Serrano 2009, pl. 1.7, Group E). – 7 nummus from Salteras NW (Sevilla) (after Fernández-Flores / Pliego / Carvajal 2013, n. 41, Group C). – 8 nummus from Illa Cullera (Valencia) (Museu de Prehistoria de Valencia 8141. Group D). – 9 Nummus from Carthage Spartaria (Cartagena) (Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, 18211011). – Scale 1:1 n. 1-2; 2:1 n. 1-9. 3 2 1 7 6 5 4 98 148 B. Mora Serrano · Old and New Coins in Southern Hispania in the 6th Century AD The contrast with the model of monetary circulation observed in Malaga is evident, although there are also similarities. Despite differences in the presence of Byzantine coinage, both regions feature important percentages of locally produced Hispanic nummi, among an aged monetary mass in the 6thcentury. Crusafont groups A and B are important in Seville, while the considerable concentration of Crusafont group E in Malaga supports its attribution to this city (fig. 4). On the other hand, the distribution of finds in Seville and Malaga show certain similarities. In both cases, but particularly in the first, local and foreign nummi circulate in the urban hinterlands. For Seville, this is as evident as it is significant. There are known sites – unexcavated and unsurveyed – in the surroundings of the city (Montequinto and San Juan de Aznalfarache) and in the Vega del Guadalquivir (Salteras and Palomares del Río), but also in further localities, such as Coria del Río and Alcalá del Río, ancient Caura and Ilipa Magna respectively, which provide evidence for a modest distribution of this coinage along the still important Guadalquivir (Baetis) river route 65. The distribution of Late Antique nummi in Malaga is less than in Seville, although there also have been finds in the city’s hinterland, such as in Churriana, located about 9 km north-west of Malaga. The coins were found in a poorly defined Late Roman context, the existence of which is explained in terms of the fertility of its lands and its location on one of the branches of the Malaca-Hispalis road 66. References to nummi finds of Crusafont group E type have also been recorded in Cártama and Teba, which may indicate the continuity of commercial activity along this ancient communication route connecting the coast and the interior of Andalusia, which is confirmed indirectly by the campaign Leovigild carried out against Malaca in 570 67. Although in lesser amounts, groups A-B are also recorded in Malaga and its hinterland, just as group E is found in Seville. Moreover, Malaga’s territories also record finds of groups C and D, which are concentrated largely in Seville (figs 3-4). Another possible connection that would explain the distribution of these monetary finds is the existence of maritime routes. As seen in many places along the coast of the Spanish Levant, these late local Hispanic nummi appear associated with Byzantine coinage and bronze coins of the 4th and 5thcenturies. The final port of call of this maritime route – passing by Ispali or Malaca – were the Balearic Islands, the existence of which, despite the lack of archaeological contexts, is clearly evidenced by coin finds on the islands 68. coNcluSIoNS In this paper we have tried to deepen the study of monetary circulation of the 6thcentury into the south of the Iberian Peninsula. We defend the singularity of these territories, mostly coinciding with the ancient Roman province of Baetica. The connections with the area of the Tarraconsensis are evident, but also some differences can be emphasized (fig. 6). We have had, however, a significant lack of information for a large part of this territory. Only few cities have provided good information on this matter: Baria (Villaricos, Almería) and unpublished papers from Iulia Traducta (Algeciras, Cádiz), which are based on ancient findings, Malaca (Málaga) and Hispalis / Ispali (Seville). These finds are very unequal in number and archaeological context, and correspond with territories under the Byzantine and Visigothic domain respectively. Nevertheless, political frontiers should not occupy a principal place in the analysis of monetary circulation in the region, but their influence should not be denied. For example, the presence of Byzantine bronze coins is significant in Malaca as well as in Hispalis, but in both cities, in addition to the use of old Roman Imperial coins, we have found late nummi of Hispanic origin. Their study has its epicentre in southern Spain and, therefore, the case studies of Malaga and Seville are so important. In our opinion this is a phenomenon motivated or encouraged by the presence of Byzantine influence in Hispania, but its justification is eminently civic, that is to say autonomous. Produktion und Recyceln von Münzen in der Spätantike / Produire et recycler la monnaie au Bas-Empire 149 Therefore, we do not agree with its designation as »Visigothic bronze / copper coinage«, as the use and production of these nummi is extraneous to the monetary policy of Regum Visigothorum. However, in cities and territories under their control, near or well connected with the Byzantine domains, the self-production of modest bronze coin was allowed. Of the proposed identifications for these south Hispanic nummi, only those assigned to Hispalis / Ispali (Crusafont groups A and B) are the most reliable, while Toleto (Crusafont group B) and Emerita (Crusafont group C) should look for more southerly points. This possibility should be especially considered in the case of those attributed to Corduba (Group E). Malaga has the largest number of finds of these nummi, and possibly this city was its production centre. The distribution of these nummi requires a local circulation, Groups A-B in Seville and Group E in Malaga. Another important coincidence unknown elsewhere is its distribution in the hinterlands of both cities (Salteras, Ilipa, … Churriana), i. e. in rural and small towns, where the use of the Late Roman coinage remains, but where also the new currency or local nummi occur. Beyond political frontiers again, this coin flowed by land and sea routes, as shown in Illa Cullera, Alicante and Menorca, but in a proportion according to potential production sites. The findings from Malaca and Hispalis (figs 3-4) show common features: the city, but also singularities, such as the intensity of Byzantine influences. The aggressive policy of Leovigild from 570 possibly accentuated the differences between the Byzantine and Visigothic territories and especially could affect the distribution of post-Justinianian nummi. Notes 1) I would like to thank C. Morrisson and P. Bartlett for taking time to read my paper, and the support of Research Group HAR2012-32588. 2) Lockyear 2012, 195. 3) Reece 2011. 4) A good example is offered by amphoras of type Keay LXII: Bonifay 2004, type 49.10 fig. 75. 5) This has been proposed for ceramic materials from Cerro del Castillo (Lorca) (Blázquez 2002, 300-301), and more general contributions (Cau / Reynolds / Bonifay 2008). 6) Doménech Belda 2009. 7) Del Río / Ripollès 2012, 220. 8) Besides the British model of Portable Antiquities Scheme (www.finds.org.uk), we have the useful compilations in Medi terranean countries: Italy (Arslan 2005), Greece (Morrisson / Popović / Ivanišević 2006). 9) Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009; 2013. – Vallejo Girvés 2012; 2013. 10) Other basic reference tools include numismatic auction websites and collector forums, which feature isolated coins and even small assemblages. Cf. www.subastasevilla.com [15.6.2013]. The problem with these sites is that there may exist double references for certain coins, particularly when dealing with groups that are still scarcely recorded. One solution is to use a unique ID identifier – permalink – for each coin auctioned. This interesting practice is only available for now in some public institutions (Gozalbes / Ripollès in print). 11) Fabião 2009, 25. 12) Fabião 2009, 38-40 contributes an important reflection on methodology, which can also be applied to the remainder of Hispania, considering these territories share the same variables. 13) Thanks to the studies of Carlos Fabião 2009, 27-28, who helpfully provided the new data included in this paper, presented in 2013 and still waiting to be published (Fabião in print). 14) Doménech Belda 2009, 717-719. – Gutiérrez Llorent / Doménech Belda 2006. – Mora Serrano 2009; 2012. – FernándezFlores / Pliego-Vázquez / Carvajal-Mateos 2013, 277-278. 15) Olmo / Castro 2011. 16) Marot 1997, 168 ff.; 2001-2002, 140 ff. – Ripollès 2002, 214. 17) García Vargas 2011, 106-107. 18) The model was set out in the works of Marot 1997; 20002001 and recently expanded with new contributions (Berdúm 2012). 19) Hurtado et al. 2008, 130-132. 20) Abascal 1989, 18. 91. – Abascal / Arbeloa 1998, 149-150. – Marot 1997, 164. 21) Iniesta / Martínez 2000, 211-212 tab. 1. 22) This is more evident with the inclusion of coin in general surveys such as Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 687 ff. – Vallejo Girvés 2012. 23) Although it should be noted that these coins do not come from a recent excavation: Hurtado et al. 2008, 131. 24) Caballero Zoreda 2006, 106-107. 25) Bernal 2010a, 23-24. 26) Roselló Mesquida / Pérez Ballester / Pascual Berlanga 2008. 27) Marot / Llorens / Sala Sellés 2000. – Lara Vives et al. 2007, 67. 28) Gutiérrez / Domenech 2006, 346-347. 29) Marot 1997, 188-190. – Moll 2005, 11-13. – Vallori / Mas Florit / Cau Ontiveros 2011, 161-162. 150 B. Mora Serrano · Old and New Coins in Southern Hispania in the 6th Century AD 30) Ramallo 2000, 601. – Vallejo Girvés 2012, 170-171. 31) And for this reason the interesting monetary findings of Eio should be assessed with caution on this point. 32) A phenomenon that highlights the old Bética: Sánchez Ramos 2010, 243. 33) Sánchez Ramos 2010, 251 ff. 34) As compared to other nearby centres like Carteia and Traducta, because from a commercial point of view Baelo was inserted into the commercial circuits of the Strait until the 7thcentury: Bernal 2010b, 196 ff. 35) A recent overview (Sánchez Ramos 2010) is complemented by more specific studies (Ordóñez et al. 2013; Román Punzón 2005, 167-168). 36) Doyen 2011, i-ii. – Fernández-Flores 2003. 37) Vallejo Girvés 2012, 102. – Bernal 2009, 703. 708. 38) Bernal 2009, 709. – Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 720-721. 39) Bernal 2010b, 204-205. 40) Arévalo González / Mora Serrano in print. 41) There is a high number of Gloria Romanorum coins, which originated from the east, possibly pointing to the maintenance of contacts with the Imperial pars Orientalis (López Sánchez 2012, 341). 42) Marot 1997, 160. 163. 168; 2000-2001, 150. 43) Marot 1997, 188 s. v. Villaricos / Las Herrerías. – Menasanch 2007, 139. 147. – Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 700 tab. 108; 720. 44) Menasanch 2007, 149. 150 n. 21. 45) Navarro et al. 2000. – Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 138. – Vallejo Girvés 2012, 169-172. 46) Morrisson 2003, 81-82; 2010-2011, 157. 47) This is a result of the identification of restored coins recovered from recent excavations and to the revision of finds deposited in the Museum of Malaga. Thanks must be given to the directors and scientific staff at the Museum. 48) Mora Serrano 2009, 429. I am grateful to C. Morrisson for this data. 49) As observed in the recent compilation of coin finds by Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 690 tab. 104. 50) Mora Serrano 2009, pls. 1. 4. 9. 51) Mora Serrano 2012, 130. 52) Crusafont 1994, group E. 53) Mora Serrano 2001, 135-137; 2009, 425. 430; 2012, 127. 54) Mora Serrano 2012, 125-126 or 1.23 g, according to data provided by Fernández-Flores / Pliego-Vázquez / Carvajal-Mateos 2013, 292. But today we propose the possibility of several values in this group, thus explaining the disparity of weights. At present we are working on this. 55) Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 709-711. 56) Domenech 2009, 712. – Moll 2005, 13. 57) Bartlett / Oddy / Morrisson 2011, 377-378. 58) This possible attribution has been raised by other authors (Vico / Cores / Cores 2006, 111-116; Vallejo Girvés 2012, 170171 n. 8) and by us (Mora Serrano 2009, 425; 2012, 127). However, in recent publications this is questioned, maintaining its Visigoth attribution (Fernández-Flores / Pliego-Vázquez / Carvajal-Mateos 2013, 277). 59) Gozalbes Cravioto 2005. 60) Also recorded in other archaeological contexts in Malaga (Mora Serrano / Martínez Ruiz 2008, 196). The data from the Churriana finds were provided by Martín Ruiz / Carecido Rozada / García Carretero in print, with gratitude. 61) The attribution of group D to Toletum (Toledo) (fig. 1, 8), seems completely unfeasible, as demonstrated by studies on Late Roman monetary circulation, both in Reccopolis (Olmo / Castro 2011) and in Vega Baja de Toledo (García Lerga / Gómez Laguna / Rojas Rodríguez-Malo 2007). 62) Just like the readings of place-names in Crusafont groups C (Emerita?) and D (Toleto?) are not definite, the letters SP may also be interpreted differently, as in SP(es in Deo) (Mora Serrano 2012, 128). But we must remember the problematic inclusion of the letter ¿L? – SPL – in some very few coins belonging to group A Crusafont. 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Sowohl der archäologische Befund als auch bestimmte Literaturquellen zeigen, dass Hispania nicht von den mediterranen Handelsrouten abgeschnitten war, trotz der Ereignisse, die die Region im Laufe des 5. bzw. in der ersten Hälfte des 6. Jahr hunderts betrafen. Ab der Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts bringt die kaiserliche Präsenz auf der Iberischen Halbinsel, den Balearen und in einem Teil der ehemaligen Tingitana substanztielle Änderungen im historischen bzw. archäologischen Bild der Region. Eine wichtige Konsequenz dieser Präsenz ist der signifikante Aufschwung der Handelstätigkeit, der sich in der Fundkeramik wie auch in anderen Fundgattungen widerspiegelt – z. B. in dem spürbaren Aufschwung in der Benutzung von Bronzemünzgeld, vor allem von Münzen geringen Wertes wie nummi, die meistens in städtischen Kontexten vorkommen. Übersetzung: J. Chameroy old and new Coins in Southern Hispania in the 6th Century Ad As evidenced in the archaeological record, also discernible in certain literary sources, Hispania was not cut off from the Mediterranean commercial routes, despite the events that affected the region during the 5th and first half of the 6thcenturies. The Imperial presence in the Iberian Peninsula from the mid 6th century, as well as in the Balearic Islands and part of the ancient Tingitana, substantially transforms the historical and archaeological image of the region. An important effect of this presence is the significant commercial recovery, which is reflected in the pottery evidence, but also in other material records, such as the impulse perceived in the use of bronze coinage, especially for pieces of lesser value, the nummi, mostly found in urban settings. Monnaies anciennes et nouvelles dans l’Hispanie méridionale au vie siècle apr. J.-C. Les trouvailles archéologiques comme certaines sources littéraires témoignent que l’Hispania n’était pas coupée des routes commerciales méditerranéennes, malgré les événements qui affectèrent la région au cours du Ve et de la première moitié du VIe siècle. La présence impériale dans la péninsule Ibérique à partir du milieu du VIe siècle ainsi que dans les îles Baléares et une partie de l’ancienne Tingitane, transforme de manière substantielle l’image historique et archéologique de la région. Une conséquence importante de cette présence est la reprise significative des activités commerciales, qui est reflétée par le témoignage de la céramique, mais également par d’autres traces mobilières, comme l’élan ressenti dans l’usage du numéraire de bronze, plus particulièrement de pièces de moindre valeur: les nummi, découverts le plus souvent dans des implantations urbaines. Traduction: J. Chameroy