Translingual Practices and Reconstruction of Identities in Maghrebi Students in Galicia

languages Article Translingual Practices and Reconstruction of Identities in Maghrebi Students in Galicia Adil Moustaoui Srhir 1,* , Gabriela Prego Vázquez 2,* and Luz Zas Varela 2,* 1 Department of Linguistics and Oriental Studies, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 28040 Madrid, Spain 2Departmento de Lingua e Literatura Españolas, Teoría da Literatura e Linguística Xeral, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 15782 Santiago de Compostela, Spain *Correspondence: [email protected] (A.M.S.); [email protected] (G.P.V.); [email protected] (L.Z.V.) Received: 8 May 2019; Accepted: 10 August 2019; Published: 15 August 2019   Abstract: In this article, we explore the emergence of a new translingual repertoire among young adolescents of Moroccan and Algerian origin in Galicia and the role it plays in reconstructing the transnational identity of young people within the Maghrebi diaspora. The data include a multimodal corpus with spoken and written interactions, collected as part of a classroom action research project, in which each student reconstructed their family and school language repertoire, as well as a WhatsApp group chat set up with the same young people. The results of our analysis reveal how the intercrossing of parental and adolescent agency plays a crucial role in dealing with the new multilingual translingual repertoire. The findings also indicate how this repertoire is deeply rooted in Moroccan Arabic as the family language and the incorporation of local languages, namely Spanish and Galician, and relies heavily on translingual multimodal practices, associated with transnational trajectories and the local schooling process of these young people. Keywords: translingual multimodal practices; multilingualism; identities; Maghrebi students in Galicia and diaspora 1. Introduction In this article, we explore how a new translingual repertoire has emerged among young adolescents of Moroccan and Algerian origin in Galicia and the role of the new communicative repertoire in addressing issues of identity (Moustaoui Srhir 2016,2019a;Pereiro et al. 2017). The research was conducted in Arteixo, a rurban municipality located on the outskirts of the city of A Coruña (Galicia, Spain). Arteixo has traditionally been a bilingual Spanish/Galician community 1 . However, over the last few decades, migratory trends have led to the emergence of a new multilingual and multicultural ecology (Prego V á zquez and Varela 2015,2018,2019;Zas Varela and Prego V á zquez 2018). In the 1960s, the municipality’s population was less than 11,000 inhabitants, and there was a strong outbound migratory flow abroad. This contrasts sharply with the 2018 data for the municipality released by the Galician Statistics Institute (IGE, based on its Spanish initials), which revealed a population of 31,917, 5% of whom were of foreign origin. It must be remembered that this percentage does not include those who have been granted Spanish citizenship, foreigners not registered on the municipal census, or, in the case of adolescents, those that were born in Galicia but are of foreign descent. This new multilingual ecology, positioned on the limits of superdiversity (Vertovec 2007;Mutsaers and Swanenber 2012;Wang et al. 2014), provides a space shared by speakers of varieties of Galician 1Spanish and Galician are co-official languages in Galicia. Languages 2019,4, 63; doi:10.3390/languages4030063 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2019,4, 63 2 of 18 and Spanish (Galician, Venezuelan, Uruguayan, Argentinean, or Colombian Spanish), Moroccan and Algerian Arabic, Amazigh, French, Wolof, Russian, Romanian, and Portuguese, amongst other languages. These languages and varieties form symbolic frames of self-identification and self-affirmation (Bourdieu 1977) and are of particular relevance amongst young people of Maghrebi origin, some of whom, although they were born in Galicia, comprise a strong allochthonous group within the community and the educational environment, both in terms of their number and social visibility. Students of Maghrebi origin account for around 0.8% of the total school community. The data obtained from the sociolinguistic survey that we conducted during the 2018–2019 school year 2 (Rodr í guez Neira et al. 2019) reveal that 78 pupils aged between 12 and 17 years of age claim to have a knowledge of Arabic. Moreover, 52 of these students indicated that they have an intermediate or advanced mastery of Moroccan Arabic, compared with 26 who believed that they have a low level of competency. A total of 46 of 78 believed that they have an intermediate or advanced mastery of Modern Standard Arabic, and 32 believed they have a low level of competency. This contrasts with other varieties of Arabic and Amazigh, for which the language skills of the respondents are lower: 18 respondents claimed to have an intermediate/advanced knowledge of other Arabic varieties—a number that drops to just 13 in the case of the Amazigh language. Within this educational context, the Maghrebi group can be considered to form a community of practice (Wenger 2001), in which its members forge a network of dense, multiple social relationships (Milroy 1980), in which young people of Moroccan origin exert a strong leadership. In this sense, the Moroccans not only outnumber the Algerians, but the group has also adopted the Moroccan Arabic variety used in the central-southern region of Tadla-Azilal for their group conversations, as we observed in our ethnographic research project that targets the educational community of this municipality and that has been ongoing since 2016. This research, which falls within the frame of critical ethnographic sociolinguistics, focuses on this community of practice made up of young students of Maghrebi origin in Arteixo (Galicia, Spain) and aims to provide the answer to the following research questions based on a corpus of multi-sited data: What are the translingual resources used by this community of practice, and to what degree are they relevant to identity issues? What are the linguistic ideologies underpinning these practices, and how do they affect various forms of language resistance and maintenance? What are the underlying processes involved in addressing this new translingual repertoire? 2. Methodological Considerations3 This research was conducted within a multidisciplinary frame, combining critical ethnographic sociolinguistics (Fairclough 1990,1999;Heller 2002;Mart í n Rojo 2010), interactional sociolinguistics (Gumperz 1982), and an educational approach called critical language awareness (Garc í a 2008; Hawkins 1984 ,1992). The methodology employed included frame analysis (Goffman 1981). The concepts of translanguaging (Garc í a 2009) and translanguaging moments (Wei 2018) were also included in order to address hybrid practices and the emergence of this new multilingual and translingual repertoire (Corona et al. 2013;Garc í a et al. 2018;Llompart 2016;Rampton 1995). Bourdieu’s concepts of agency and habitus (Bourdieu 1977) are also pertinent to the interpretation of the results obtained. The data include a multimodal corpus with spoken and written interactions, collected as part of a classroom action research project, in which each student was invited to reflect on their family and school language repertoire, based on the personal reconstruction of their language biography 2 The sociolinguistic survey universe included all pupils enrolled in the municipality’s secondary and baccalaureate schools. We are currently analyzing the data collected. 3All subjects gave their informed consent for inclusion before they participated in the study. Languages 2019,4, 63 3 of 18 as well as on a WhatsApp group chat we set up with the same young people. The multi-sited and multimodal ethnographic collection of data allowed for the creation of a corpus containing data from various contexts, which in turn was intended to reconstruct the emic vision of the social actors in light of these new multilingual realities. Multimodality is of particular relevance in our study due to adolescents’ continued use of varying repertoires and semiotic systems in their interactions (Kress 2010). As we will show, they deploy a mix of simplified script, various alphabets, and semiotic systems. WhatsApp is a new, delocalized, multimodal space positioned on the boundary between orality and literacy in which translingual practices emerge spontaneously. This multi-sited corpus allows us not only to contrast meta-communicative practices in formal and informal contexts but also to observe the divergence between metalinguistic awareness and the practices actually employed. The following types of data complement the corpus: 1. Discussion groups, based on the Jigsaw technique (Aronson 1978), in which language trajectories are constructed in a group format; 2. The reconstruction of family language biographies based on an activity known as ‘the Language Tree’, in which participates record the languages of their ancestors in a genealogical tree format, together with the languages used in their family environment, both in Galicia and their country of origin; 3. Longitudinal interviews; 4. A discussion group set up via a WhatsApp chat (Dud@sxlingu@s), providing the respondents with a forum for reflection on the various languages included in their family trajectories; 5. A quantitative sociolinguistic survey (Rodríguez Neira et al. 2019). The data selected for the qualitative analysis of this article focus on students of Maghrebi origin: 28 pupils (18 males and 10 females) aged between 12 and 17 years of age. The activities were carried out within the framework of the Arabic classes developed in the program of this school, entitled “Arabic Language and Moroccan Culture”. Three researchers and the Arabic teacher also participated in the activities. One researcher and the Arabic teacher are Moroccan and male. The other two researchers are women and Spanish. None of the three researchers belongs to the local Maghrebi community. The three researchers hold three different positions with respect to this community. The Moroccan researcher connects with them because of their culture of origin but lives in Madrid (far from Arteixo). One of the researchers lives in the same village as the pupils, and she also has a life trajectory linked to migration. The third researcher lives in another locality in Galicia and has had different types of experiences (research and teaching) with migrants of Maghrebi origin from other networks in Galicia. 3. Results of Our Analysis Our analysis shows that the translingual repertoire involved in addressing the identity of young people within the Maghrebi diaspora is the result of parental and adolescent agency intercrossing within the community of practice forged by these young students. In this sense, we observed three key agentive processes (Bourdieu 1977) that intercrossed to form a transnational (Guarnizo 1997)habitus (Bourdieu 1977): (a) parental agency in maintaining the language of origin; (b) adolescent agency in handling family multilingualism; and (c) adolescent agency in handling new forms of language resistance within the context of digital discourse. 3.1. Parental Agency in Maintaining the Family Language Parental agency plays a crucial role in transmitting and maintaining languages of origin. The language socialization of young Maghrebis takes place mainly in the language varieties of origin within the family context. At home, they watch television programs broadcast from Morocco or other Arab countries and use social media to maintain an ongoing flow of communication with friends and relatives in their places of origin, where, in turn, they visit practically every summer with their parents. Languages 2019,4, 63 4 of 18 The families also encourage activities aimed at the acquisition of Arabic language skills and cultural knowledge. Families pass on their religious practices and attend the local mosque, which acts not only as a place of worship but also as a space in which to learn and reproduce the language and cultural practices of their countries of origin. The municipality has two Maghrebi cultural centers that organize religious activities and courses in Modern Standard Arabic, which are attended by the majority of children and young people. Families also enroll their children in the program entitled “Arabic Language and Moroccan Culture” (PLACM, based on its Spanish initials). Set up following the signing of a cultural cooperation agreement between the governments of Spain and Morocco, the principal aim of this program is to teach Arabic and Moroccan culture to Moroccan students enrolled in junior and secondary schools in Spain, although it is also open to non-Moroccan pupils and teaching staff. A total of 47 pupils at the school were enrolled in this program during the 2018–2019 school year; the majority were of Moroccan origin, although the program was also utilized by Algerian pupils. No autochthonous students and teachers or those of any other nationalities signed up. Practically all the Moroccan and Algerian pupils at the school take part in this activity. Parental agency is therefore of particular relevance in ensuring the lingual vitality of the languages of origin amongst young Maghrebis and guaranteeing sociolinguistic cohesion within their families and language communities (Moustaoui Srhir 2019a,2019b). The following fragment is an example of the parental agency process and highlights the importance of the family context as the hub in which this transnational habitus unfolds (Bourdieu 1977). Example 1. ¿Quélengua o quélenguas son las más importantes? 1. INV: ¿Quélengua o quélenguas de las que habéis señalado cada uno en su árbol es la más importante? 2. INV: Para vosotros. 3. (Todos los alumnos contestan a la vez y no se entiende) 4. INV: No vamos a hablar así, que cada uno diga una idea ¿vale? 5. (0.72) 6. INV: Vamos a empezar por aquí. 7. SR: Eh, árabe 8. INV: XXX 9. (0.52) 10. INV: ¿Por quéxxx? 11. SR: Porque es la que más se usa en Marruecos. 12. CG: xxxx. 13. INV: Estamos hablando no solo de Marruecos, sino de Marruecos, España, la familia, el barrio, la escuela, todo. 14. (0.20) 15. INV: Todo vuestro entorno. 16. (Niño 3 asienta con la cabeza) 17. INV: ¿Vale? 18. (2.03) 19. INV: ¿Vale? árabe. 20. (0.65) 21. SR: Eh, ¿cómo, quéde qué? 22. INV: ¿Por quées la más importante para ti? 23. SR: Porque es la que yo uso y considero más importante. 24. INV2: ¿Túla usas? 25. (0.42) Languages 2019,4, 63 5 of 18 26. SR: Sí, xxxx. 27. (Todos los alumnos se ríen y no se escucha lo que dice el alumno que estáinterviniendo) 28. INV: xxxx 29. INV: ¿Sí? 30. (1.33) 31. INV: árabe ¿con la familia, no? 32. SR: Sí, con la familia, pero xxxx. 33. INV: Vale, ¿XX? 34. SM: Dariya. 35. INV: ¿Dariya también? 36. (1.21) 37. INV: ¿Por qué? 38. (0.60) 39. SM: Porque es la que nos enseñan nuestros padres y nos la siguen enseñando. 40. (0.42) 41. SM: Para 42. INV: Uhu. 43. (0.66) 44. INV: Y ¿pensáis que la vais a transmitir a vuestros hijos también? 45. SM: Sí. 46. INV: ¿La ten é is que aprender porque solamente porque la hablas todos los d í as o porque es algo muy importante y tenéis que mantenerla y luego transmitirla...? 47. (0.31) 48. INV: ¿No? 49. (0.38) 50. INV: ¿Por qué? 51. (0.26) 52. INV: árabe ¿quépensáis los demás? 53. CG: Dos. 54. CR árabe. 55. INV: árabe. 56. (0.53) 57. CG: Yo dos el español y el, y el, el árabe. 58. CG: Dariya. 59. INV: Dariya. a. (0.49) 60. INV: Son muy importantes, ¿por qué? 61. CG: ¿Por qué? Porque yo las uso las dos para hablar en casa con los amigos, todo. b. (0.25) 62. CG: La familia, el cole. 63. (0.36) 64. CG: Es que, es que es la que más uso con todo. 65. INV2: ¿El gallego no xxxx? 66. CG: A ver. 67. (0.82) Languages 2019,4, 63 6 of 18 68. CG: En español entra el gallego, pero yo no hablo gallego solo en clase de gallego. 69. (0.75) 70. CG: Sabes, yo yo como personalmente yo el gallego no lo uso. 71. (0.85) 72. (N5 gesticula con las manos y encoge los hombros) 73. CG: ¿Sabes? 74. (2.30) 75. INV: O sea, en t é rminos de uso crees que el español y el dariya son los m á s importantes porque los usas m á s. 76. CG: Para mí, sí. 77. INV: Para ti. 78. (0.19) 79. INV: Sí, sí, para ti xxx. 80. (1.30) 80. CG: Para ti. 82. (N5 le pone la mano en el hombro a su compañero de al lado mientras lo mira) 83. INV: ¿Quién, quién quiere hablar, opinar? 84. CR: Yo. 85. (0.28) 86. (N5 señala a N6 con el dedo) 87. CR: Yo. 88. INV: xxxx. 89. CR Yo, dariya. 90. INV: ¿También? 91. CR: Sí. 92. (0.57) 93. CR: Porque, porque yo soy de una religión que estáen ese idioma. 94. (0.39) 95. INV: ¿La religión estáen este idioma? 96. (0.66) 97. INV: ¿Y crees que por ser musulmán tienes que hablar esta lengua? 98. (0.35) 99. CR: Hombre, sí. [Which language or languages are the most important? 1. REA: Which language or languages that you marked on your individual trees are the most important? 2. REA: To you. 3. (All the pupils answer at the same time, and therefore, their responses are unintelligible) 4. REA: Let us not do it that way; each person should put forward their idea, OK? 5. (0.72) 6. REA: Let us start with you. 7. SR: Er, Arabic 8. REA: XXX 9. (0.52) 10. REA: Why xxx? 11. SR: Because it is the one spoken most in Morocco. 12. CG: xxxx. Languages 2019,4, 63 7 of 18 13. REA: We are not just talking about Morocco, but Morocco, Spain, the family, the neighborhood, school, everywhere. 14. (0.20) 15. REA: Your environment as a whole. 16. (Child 3 nods) 17. REA: OK? 18. (2.03) 19. REA: OK? Arabic. 20. (0.65) 21. SR: Eh, like, like what? 22. REA: Why is it the most important one for you? 23. SR: Because it is the one I speak, and I consider it to be the most important. 24. REA2: So, you speak it? 25. (0.42) 26. SR: Yes, xxxx. 27. (All the pupils laugh, and it is impossible to make out what the pupil who is speaking is saying) 28. REA: xxxx 29. REA: So? 30. (1.33) 31. REA: Arabic, with the family, right? 32. SR: Yes, with the family, but xxxx. 33. REA: OK, ¿XX? 34. SM: Dariya. 35. REA: Dariya as well? 36. (1.21) 37. REA: Why? 38. (0.60) 39. SM: Because that is the one our parents taught us, and they still do. 40. (0.42) 41. SM: For 42. REA: Uh-huh. 43. (0.66) 44. REA: And do you think you will pass it on to your kids as well? 45. SM: Yes. 46. REA: Do you have to learn it just because you speak it every day or because it is important and something you should maintain and then pass on . . . ? 47. (0.31) 48. REA: Is that not the case? 49. (0.38) 50. REA: Why? 51. (0.26) 52. REA: Arabic. What do the rest of you think? 53. CG: Two. 54. CR Arabic. 55. REA: Arabic. 56. (0.53) 57. CG: In my case two: Spanish and, and Arabic. Languages 2019,4, 63 8 of 18 58. CG: Dariya. 59. REA: Dariya. a. (0.49) 60. REA: Why are they so important? 61. CG: Why? Because I speak both languages at home, with my friends, everyone. b. (0.25) 62. CG: Family, school. 63. (0.36) 64. CG: And it is like the one I use most, for everything. 65. REA2: Don’t you speak Galician xxxx? 66. CG: Well. 67. (0.82) 68. CG: Galician and Spanish go together, but I do not just speak Galician in Galician language lessons. 69. (0.75) 70. CG: You know, personally, I, I do not speak Galician. 71. (0.85) 72. (Child 5 gesticulates and shrugs his shoulders) 73. CG: You know what I mean? 74. (2.30) 75 REA: In other words, in terms of usage, you think that Spanish and Dariya are more important because you use them more. 76. CG: In my case, that is true. 77. REA: In your case. 78. (0.19) 79. REA: Yes, yes, in your case xxx. 80. (1.30) 81. CG: In your case. 82. (N5 places his hand on the shoulder of the classmate sitting next to him and turns to look at him) 83. REA: So, who would like to say something and give their opinion? 84. CR: Me. 85. (0.28) 86. (Child 5 points to Child 6) 87. CR: Me. 88. REA: xxxx. 89. CR In my case, Dariya. 90. REA: So, you agree? 91. CR: Yes. 92. (0.57) 93. CR: Because that is the language of my religion. 94. (0.39) 95. REA: Religion is in that language? 96. (0.66) 97. REA: So, you think that because you are a Muslim, you have to speak that language? 98. (0.35) 99. CR: Basically, yes.] Languages 2019,4, 63 9 of 18 This episode is a multi-party interaction (Lerner 1996) in which the researcher uses glances, gestures, and references to a second party to single out the various respondents or encourage self-selection. The respondents forge an informal interactional frame (Goffman 1981), as shown in the jocular byplays (Goffman 1981) reflected in lines 27, 82, and 86. The researcher initiates the first part with an adjacency pair (lines 1–2) by posing the following question: “Which language or languages are the most important?” The various respondents complete the pair with references to Dariya/Moroccan Arabic 4 (lines 7, 19, 23, 26, 31, 34, 35, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58, and 59), amongst others. All the pupils except one, CG, claim that for them, Dariya/Moroccan Arabic is the most important language. It is worth noting that CG, the only boy who considers Spanish to be equally as important as Dariya, comes from a mixed family comprising a Galician mother and a Moroccan father—a situation that is still relatively rare in the community under study. In contrast, Galician, the language of Galicia, does not hold a position of relevance amongst the children’s preferences. The responses provided by these students reflect a leaning towards their culture of origin from the anchor point of the “here and now in Galicia”. Together, they construct a chronotope ( Bakhtin 1989 ) that neutralizes the sense of opposition between here (Galicia) and there (Morocco). In this sense, Dariya is important to SR, because it is the language spoken in Morocco (line 9), and it is also the language he uses most in Galicia (line 18) with his family and friends. Dariya indexicalizes a key ‘delocalized’ and transnational chronotope that positions these young people in a territorialized space between Galicia and Morocco, which they use to construct a new ‘territory’ based on their identity and translingual practices. When the researcher asks for reasons that justify this response (lines 10, 22, and 37), the respondents jointly evoke key aspects of their identity: Morocco, their place of origin (lines 11 and 13); the frequent use of this language when interacting with friends and relatives (lines 23 and 29); their upbringing and transmission from family members (lines 39, 44, and 45); their own role in transmitting the language (lines 44 and 45); and the religion of Islam and its association with the language (lines 93–95; “Because that’s the language of my religion”). In this sense, language—Dariya/Moroccan Arabic; place of origin—Morocco; and the sense of Muslimness that is often associated with the Arabic language act as creatively effective indexical elements (Silverstein 1976), intended to reconstruct key aspects of the sense of identity of being a young Moroccan within the diaspora. Essentially, the family provides a space for transnational habitus, encouraged by parental agency, which stems from the creation of a delocalized space that connects here (Galicia) and there (Morocco) through a series of social, linguistic, religious, economic, and political practices (Giddens 1991; Guarnizo 1997 ;Ostergaard Nielsen 2003;Vertovec 2007). Factors related to religion, cultural heritage, and socio-communicative elements, mediated through parental agency, forge positive ideologies associated with Arabic, and Dariya in particular, due to its mother tongue status. Such ideologies are favorable for the capitalization of the languages of origin in the diaspora and promote their transmission and maintenance within the family context. 3.2. Adolescent Agency in Handling Family Multilingualism Our analysis of both the ‘Language Tree’ activity and the ‘sociolinguistic survey’ has shown that varieties of Galician and Spanish are also included in the communicative repertoire of these young people. Socialization within the context of school and other spaces outside their family environment is crucial to their acquisition of these two languages. School is of particular importance in that it provides a regular meeting point for both autochthonous and allochthonous groups. One of the results of this situation is that the young Moroccans introduce this new multilingual repertoire into the family space, and consequently, they change the home sociolinguistic regime and its interactional order. Adolescents are essential in articulating families’ multilingual profiles in the sense that their agency is crucial for 4Dariya is the term commonly used to refer to Moroccan and Algerian Arabic. Languages 2019,4, 63 16 of 18 Author Contributions: All three authors contributed equally to collecting, processing, and analyzing the data, as well as the writing of this article. Funding: The data analyzed and discussed in this paper come out of a research project financed by FEDER/Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovaci ó n y Universidades—Agencia Estatal de Investigaci ó n. FI2016-76425-P.: Project I +D+I Superdiversidad lingü í stica en á reas periurbanas. An á lisis escalar de procesos sociolingü í sticos y desarrollo de la conciencia metalingüística en aulas multilingües. Acknowledgments: We would like to extend our thanks to the anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of our manuscript and for their useful comments. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. 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