Sumerians and their soups
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Sumerians and their soups Petr Charvát University of Western Bohemia in Plzeň ABSTRACT: This paper concerns the interpretation of agroup of archaic sealings from the Sumerian city of Ur (ED I, c.2,900–2,700 BC). These container sealings (in some cases from pots) bear, among others, the sign tu7 = “soup”. The author suggests that in this case, the sign refers not to liquid soups, but rather to solid boiled-down soup extracts. KEYWORDS: Ancient Mesopotamia; Sumer; Ur; seals; food preparation The study of ancient Mesopotamian history and culture, including the culinary sphere, constitutes an eloquent example of the fruitfulness of amultidisciplinary approach.1 In proportion to the quantitative growth of information supplied by textual and archaeological data and by ancient imagery, our chances at gaining deeper insights into this ancient civilization by combining the evidence offered by these and other disciplines have grown to apreviously unimagined extent. Of course, this pertains also to the sphere of nourishment and partaking of food, of which we would so much like to be better informed. An eloquent example of such procedures is aptly illustrated by the range of topics tackled by the studies published in the Gedenkschrift in memory of Jean Bottéro, editor of the now well-known Mesopotamian cookbook (Faivre— Lion— Michel 2009). In the following pages, Itake the liberty of placing before my kind readers another example of this procedure. Some of the inscribed sealings found in what Leonard Woolley called the “archaic strata” of early Sumerian Ur, which he generally denoted as SIS (= Seal Impression strata; published in UE III, last summary and discussion in Šašková— Pecha— Charvát 2010; Charvát 2017) of the early 3rd pre-Christian millennium, contain references 1 Acknowledgements: The material is published herewith with kind consent of the Near Eastern Section of the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA. Icould not complete the research presented here without support of several academic sponsoring bodies. The academic year 2003–2004 Ispent in Philadelphia thanks to aresearch grant from the Prague office of the John William Fulbright Foundation (grant No.2003-28-02, Fulbright No. ME659). In 2005, Icould pursue my goals further with the aid of the American Philosophical Society (grant no. Franklin 2005), as well as of the Grant Agency of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in Prague (grant no. A8021401). No less helpful was another grant project conferred on me jointly by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (GA ČR) and the Deutsche OPEN ACCESS
PETR CHARváT 13 to KAM = tu7, “soup”. The conjunction of archaeological data provided by the sealing reverses, textual references, and seal imagery may open us the way towards abetter comprehension of this Sumerian expression. Here is asummary of the evidence at hand (for the interpretation of the sealing carriers according to seal reverses, see Martin— Matthews 1993: 37 and Matthews 1993: 44–46): Publication (where published) Sealing reverse (what is being sealed) Counter-marks (does the sealing bear impression of other seals/seals?) Text UE III: 10 (= Scott 2005, No. 111), SIS 8 Pot No counter-mark KAM = tu7 = liquid food? TU7 = not in ZATU but related to agroup of signs HIxDIŠ, HIxAŠ, KAM, and KAM4 (Steinkeller— Postgate 1992, table on p.16). Piotr Steinkeller points to the occurrence of this sign in atext of archaic Ur (UET II: 18; III: 3) and interprets its meaning as “soup”. Also, KAM = tu7 = ummaru = “eine Suppe oder Fleischbrühe” (Bauer 1989–1990: 86), “soup” (Gelb— Steinkeller— Whiting 1991: 293), or “Eintopf(gericht)” (Brunke 2011: 382–383). In later ED Ur, areceptacle called HI x AŠ = sùr sometimes assumed gigantic proportions, as no less than 500 minas of copper were needed for its production; the lexeme also denoted agigantic and cumbersome weapon there (Alberti— Pomponio 1986: 97 ad text 44). UE III: 14 (= Matthews 1993, No.78 = Scott 2005, No.84), found in SIS 8 Pot with covering No counter-mark KAM = tu7 = liquid food? TU7 = see above. Publication Field excavation number Find division number Museum number Archaeological context UE III: 24 U18 550 740 UM 33-35-478 Pit W, SIS 6-7 See Matthews 1993: 79 = Scott 2005: 227. Museum catalogue: “Ur PG. PIT W.SIS VI–VII, Found in Storage 1989”. Obverse: signs of writing. Reverse: acylindrical object coiled around by acord. The conically expanding end of the object consists of parallel segments. Was this abale wrapped in reed matting? Cylindrical object: radius = 12 mm, Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) under GA ČR grant no.404/08/J013. Iam deeply obliged to Holly Pittman, Curator as well as to Richard Zettler and Shannon White of the Near Eastern Section of the said University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. OPEN ACCESS
14 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2018 thus d = 24 mm. Widths of the terminal segments: 11.4 mm, 10.1 mm and 9.4 mm. Cord: only the CT = 5.9 mm can be measured. Traces of fine parallel grooves, perpendicular to the axis of the cord, are visible on the surface of the cord impression. Red-brown clay without visible admixtures. Column I: ŠA3= ZATU No.503 p.280, frequently with field plots, = MSVO 1: 142. An alternative reading would be TU7= see above; The following sign is very difficult to decipher. Could it be KUŠU2= ZATU 305 p.234, missing in MSVO 1 and MSVO 4? Piotr Steinkeller (1995: 703 sub No.305) believes that the identification of this sign as KUŠU2 is erroneous but offers no alternative identification. Might there be aconnection with the site GIŠ.KUŠU2.KI, of which aking named Aka dedicated alapis-lazuli bead to Inanna, discussed by Gebhard Selz (2003: 506–511)? Jeremiah Peterson now identifies KUŠU2 as an aquatic animal other than turtle (Peterson 2007: 213–217). Another possibility could be SUKUD = ZATU 493 p.278, in MSVO 1 only the double form on p.141. ŠA= ZATU No.500 p.279 = MSVO 1: 141–142. ŠA = na5 = pitnu= in lexical lists “box, chest” (Krispijn 2008: 178–179). Column II: X X “(Delivery of) seafood in containers”? UE III: 390 = Scott 2005, 451 TU7, DILMUN, TUN3, UNUG, X,UDU, LUM? No counter-mark ?? TU7 = see above; DILMUN = see http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/epsd/nepsd-frame.htmls. v. dilmun =“(to be) made manifest; (to be) heavy; (to be) important; ritually unclean, impure person; instruction”. But Irather think that this is the toponym. On Dilmun see now Marchesi 2011. TUN3 = see http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/epsd/nepsd-frame.htmls. v. tun3, “ax, adze”. UNUG = ZATU No.583 p.303, MSVO 1: 160, the city of Uruk. Steinkeller 1995: 710 sub No.583: Sumerian “city”, iri or uru, originally written with the UNUG sign. The toponym occurs in 3 Fara-age texts (Visicato 1997: 136). UDU = ZATU No.575 p.300, MSVO 1: 158–159. Sheep. LUM = ZATU No.335 p.240, in lexical lists of trees, vessels, and plants, missing in MSVO 1. The sign is MEA No.565 p.283, signifying either “to shatter, crush”, or “to destroy”, and alternatively, “to fertilize”, “to fructify”. See also http://psd.museum. upenn.edu/epsd/nepsd-frame.htmls. v. lum. OPEN ACCESS
PETR CHARváT 15 X X Food?, Dilmun (or heavy?) axes, etc., which is the nature of this deposit? One of the abovementioned seals shows ahuman figure walking towards what might have been asacred hut(?), again with the TU7 sign (UE III: 10). As may be seen, the sign does sometimes occur with other deliveries of comestibles, such as asupply of seafood (UE III: 24) and even with heads of livestock, Dilmun axes, sheep, and goods from Uruk (UE III: 390). The last case may pertain to the LUM ceremony(?): TU7, TUN3 DILMUN, UDU, UNUG, LUM, tentatively: “soup”, Dilmun axes, sheep, Uruk, fecundation ceremony? The idea of pouring ahot and vaporing soup into storage jars, its subsequent transport, and partaking of the cold, slimy and tasteless liquid by whomever it was assigned to, does not particularly appeal to me. Moreover, Icannot imagine the presence of liquid soup in abale of reed matting. Reheating of the delivered soup in its container might be considered as atheoretical possibility. Yet the quality of the end product would, in such acase, be strongly affected by transportation times and storage conditions to which the potted food would have been exposed. On the whole, Iam not inclined to imagine that liquid soup would have been transported in storage jars. Apossible interpretation of this evidence is offered by what is known as “portable soups”. The very first recipes for “pocket soup” appeared in cookbooks shortly after 1681. High-pressured steam cooking efficiently reduced meat products to concentrated gelatinous forms of various textures. Pocket soup yielded to further processing, rendering ahard substance similar to today’s bouillon cube. The end results were lightweight, portable, easily reconstituted, nutritious, and filling— not so very different from today’s “add water” commercial food products. Late 17th and early 18th century pocket soup recipes were time-consuming and complicated, suggesting it was not commonly made at home or found in family pantries. Providers for long-range expeditions often hoarded mass quantities of commercial pocket soup to ensure supplies for their expedition crews. With nineteenth-century scientific advances (dehydration) and industrialization, mass production of several foods based on pocket soup became possible. During the U.S. Civil War, Union soldiers ate meat biscuits and desiccated vegetables produced in factories. Knorr marketed dried soups to the general public beginning in the 1870s. “With the vogue [late 17th century] for thin soup based on chicken or veal broth came anew invention. Its earliest name was ‚veal glue‘, and it was the forerunner of the bouillon cube. Strong veal stock was slowly stewed for many hours, strained and simmered again, allowed to set, scraped free of sediment, and then gently cooked… It was agreat deal of work for such asmall output. But veal glue, its name later changed to ‘pocket’ or ‘portable’ soup, continued in demand all through the eighteenth century. Jam or beef or sweet herbs were now often boiled with veal, to give atastier flavour.” (Wilson 1991: 224) OPEN ACCESS
16 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2018 The evidence suggests itself for the solution of our problems: we may imagine asolidification treatment of early Sumerian soups into what may have been the first form of “instant food”, easy to handle and to carry in containers of various kinds (on Sumerian foods in general, see Grotanelli— Milano 2004 and now Gaspa 2016). We can also speculate whether the structure rather alike the “huts with protrusions” of other Ur bullae shown on sealing UE III: 10 does not represent a“temple kitchen”, supplying (also such) foods to acircle of participants of one of the early social bodies of Sumer (for “temple kitchens” see e.g. Crawford 2004: 77, 83, 111). It seems that the products of Mr. Knorr and his confrères can indeed claim arespectable ancestry. As asort of apostscript, let me add here a19th-century recipe for “portable soup”, quoted from Beeton 1861. Portable Soup 180. INGREDIENTS.— 2 knuckles of veal, 3 shins of beef, 1 large faggot of herbs, 2bay-leaves, 2 heads of celery, 3 onions, 3 carrots, 2 blades of mace, 6 cloves, ateaspoonful of salt, sufficient water to cover all the ingredients. Mode.— Take the marrow from the bones; put all the ingredients in astock-pot, and simmer slowly for 12 hours, or more, if the meat be not done to rags; strain it off, and put it in avery cool place; take off all the fat, reduce the liquor in ashallow pan, by setting it over asharp fire, but be particular that it does not burn; boil it fast and uncovered for 8 hours, and keep it stirred. Put it into adeep dish, and set it by for aday. Have ready astew-pan of boiling water, place the dish in it, and keep it boiling; stir occasionally, and when the soup is thick and ropy, it is done. Form it into little cakes by pouring asmall quantity on to the bottom of cups or basins; when cold, turn them out on aflannel to dry. Keep them from the air in tin canisters. Average cost of this quantity, 16s. Note.— Soup can be made in 5 minutes with this, by dissolving asmall piece, about the size of awalnut, in apint of warm water, and simmering for 2 minutes. Vermicelli, macaroni, or other Italian pastes, may be added. REFERENCES Alberti, A.— Pomponio, F. (1986) Pre-Sargonic and Sargonic Texts from Ur Edited in UET 2, Supplement [Studia Pohl, Series Maior 13], Rome: Biblical Institute Press. Bauer, J. (1989–1990) Altsumerische Wirtschaftsurkunden in Leningrad, in: Archiv für Orientforschung 36–37, 78–90. Beeton, I. (1861) = Mrs. Isabella Beeton, The Book of Household Management, published originally by S.O.Beeton in 24 monthly parts 1859–1861, first published in abound edition 1861, this web edition published by eBooks@Adelaide, rendered into HTML by Steve Thomas, last updated Wednesday, July 4, 2012 at 11:57 (http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/b/beeton/ isabella/household/chapter6.html; accessed June 24, 2013). Brunke, H. (2011) Zur Rekonstruktion von Speisen in Sumer anhand administrativer Urkunden, in: G.J.Selz— K.Wagensonner OPEN ACCESS
PETR CHARváT 17 (eds.), The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies— Die empirische Dimension altorientalischer Forschungen [Wiener Offene Orientalistik, 6], Wien— Berlin: LIT Verlag, 375–403. Charvát, P. (2017) Signs from Silence— Ur of the first Sumerians, Praha: Karolinum. Crawford, H. (2004) Sumer and the Sumerians, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Faivre, X.— Lion, B.— Michel, C., eds. (2009) Et il y eut un esprit dans l’homme: Jean Bottéro et la Mésopotamie, [Travaux de la Maison RenéGinouvès, 6], Paris: De Boccard. Gelb, I.J.— Steinkeller, P.— Whiting, R.M., Jr. (1991) Earliest Land Tenure Systems in the Near East: Ancient Kudurrus, Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Gaspa, S. (2016) Condiments and sweetening agents in Assyria and their role in the development of royal food-writing in the Near East, in: S.Svärd, R.Rollinger (edd.), CrossCultural Studies in Near Eastern History and Literature, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 13–43. Grotanelli C., Milano L. (2004) Food and Identity in the Ancient World (History of the Ancient Near East— Studies IX), Padova: S.A.R.G.O.N. Krispijn, T.J.H. (2008) Music and healing for someone far away from home. HS 1556, aremarkable Ur III incantation, revisited, in: R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View and Society Presented to Marten Stol on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 173–194. Marchesi, G. (2011) Goods from the Queen of Dilmun, in: J.G.Dercksen— J.Eidem— K.van der Toorn— K.R.Veenhof (eds.), Akkade is King— ACollection of Papers by Friends and Colleagues Presented to Aage Westenholz on the occasion of His 70th Birthday 15th May 2009 [PIHANS CXVIII], Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 189–200. Martin, H.P.— Matthews, R.J. (1993) Seals and sealings, in: A.Green (ed.), Abu Salabikh Excavations, Volume 4: The 6G Ash-Tip and its Contents: Cultic and Administrative Discard from the Temple? London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 23–81. Matthews, R.J. (1993) Cities, Seals and Writing: Archaic Seal Impressions from Jemdet Nasr and Ur [Materialien zu den frühen Schrifterzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients, 2], Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. MEA: Labat, R. (1988) Manuel d’épigraphie akkadienne, Paris: Geuthner (sixième édition par Florence Malbran-Labat). MSVO 1: Englund, R.K.— Grégoire, J.-P.— Matthews, R.J. (1991) The Proto-Cuneiform Texts from Jemdet Nasr. I: Copies, Transliterations and Glossary [Materialien zu den frühen Schriftzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients, 1], Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. MSVO 4: Englund, R.K.— Matthews, R.J. (1996) Proto-Cuneiform Texts from Diverse Collections [Materialien zu den frühen Schriftzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients, 4], Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. Peterson, J. (2007) AStudy of Sumerian Faunal Conception with aFocus on the Terms Pertaining to the Order Testudines, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Scott, S.J. (2005) Figure, Symbol and Sign: Semiotics and Function of Early Dynastic ICylinder Seal Imagery from Ur, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Selz, G.J. (2003) Who is who? Akka, König von Ğiš(š)a: zur Historizität eines Königs und seiner möglichen Identität mit Aka, König von Kiš, in: G.Selz (ed.), Festschrift für Burkhart Kienast zu seinem 70. Geburtstage dargebracht von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen [Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 274], Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 499–518. Steinkeller, P. (1995) Review of ZATU, in: Bibliotheca Orientalis 52/5–6, 689–713. Steinkeller, P.— Postgate, J.N. (1992) ThirdMillennium Legal and Administrative Texts in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad, Winona Lake, Ind: Eisenbrauns. Šašková, K.— Pecha, L.— Charvát, P., eds. (2010) Shepherds of the Black-Headed People – The Royal Office Vis-à-vis Godhead in Ancient Mesopotamia, Plzeň: Západočeská Univerzita. UET II: E.Burrows. (1935) Ur Excavations, Volume II: Archaic Texts, London— Philadelphia: The Trustees of the Two OPEN ACCESS
18 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2018 Museums (The British Museum and The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia). UET III: L.Legrain. (1936) Ur Excavations, Volume III: Archaic Seal Impressions, London— Philadelphia: The Trustees of the Two Museums (The British Museum and The University Museum), by the aid of aGrant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Visicato, G. (1997) Indices of Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets of Šuruppak [Series Maior, VI A], Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici. Wilson, C.A. (1991) Food and Drink in Britain: From the Stone Age to the 19th Century, Chicago: Academy Chicago (http://www.foodtimeline. org/foodsoups.html#portable; accessed September 7, 2013). ZATU: Nissen, H.-J.— Green, M.— Damerow,P.— Englund, R.K. (1987) Zeichenliste der archaischen Texte aus Uruk. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. ELECTRONIC SOURCES: Philadelphia Sumerian Dictionary, http://psd. museum.upenn.edu/epsd/nepsd-frame.html. “Portable Soup”, http://www.soupsong.com/ bstock.html, cited July 14th, 2013. OPEN ACCESS