Death of an Old Assyrian Salesman
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Death of an Old Assyrian Salesman Adam G.Anderson University of California, Berkeley ABSTRACT: Were it not for the death of the salesman, it would have been an otherwise mundane story. What made Death of aSalesman unique, was that it dealt respectfully with the decline of ageneration, juxtaposed against the death of one man. It described the daily life of amiddle-class American, which has remained in the cultural memory for at least six generations—astory which many could relate to still today. In this same way, the archives of Šalim-Aššur preserve asimilar sounding story. Written upon 1,600 clay tablets is the impression of aman who opened new territories with his family’s trade, and who marked acycle of decline that impacted all subsequent generations. The overarching message confronts the many years of scholarly emphasis of the ‘family model’ to address what has clearly been lacking: the social context that extended beyond the family, which was paradigmatically leveraged by the Assyrians to form avast hierarchical network of trade. By situating this one family within their extra-familial ties, this paper explores how extended relationships exerted their strong and weak forces in supporting and sustaining the viability of the trade during the Old Assyrian Period (ca. 1950–1750 B.C.E.). KEYWORDS: Old Assyrian Trade network, Šalim-Aššur, network analysis of the family model “Asmall man can be just as exhausted as agreat man. He works for acompany thirty-six years this March, opens up unheard-of territories to their trademark, and now in his old age they take his salary away.”— Linda Loman, wife of Willy Loman (Arthur Miller, Death of aSalesman) 0. INTRODUCTION We meet Šalim-Aššur mid-stride in his career, aman engaged in numerous business ventures—most of which appear to be unsuccessful—and encumbered with considerable familial responsibilities, both in Assur and the Anatolian territories. From the remains of his archive, we can surmise that the only way we know of this man’s life is because of achain of calamities, which necessitated large numbers of tablets to be written in order to avoid financial bankruptcy. In this way, Šalim-Aššur exemplified an Old Assyrian Everyman, the same way Willy Loman did; as product of the merchant class, aman who was as much an active participant in the colonial enterprise as he was astark witness to the decline of his own family’s ventures. And just as every market bubble eventually bursts, Šalim-Aššur’s story stands as atestament to the OPEN ACCESS
6 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 inevitability of the old, trite saying, “what goes up, must come down.” After two (or three) generations of unprecedented growth, the earliest Assyrian families were met with one of two outcomes: assimilation or collapse. While Šalim-Aššur and his family no doubt had many successful ventures, these were apparently carried out without the need for documentation. What remains in his archive is atragic pattern of deaths followed by lawsuits, and more deaths as the role of paterfamilias fell from Šalim-Aššur’s father, to his elder brother, to his own shoulders. Despite the fact that longevity is never the norm in antiquity, with the exception of his father, Issu-arik, who may have lived into his 90s, each of Šalim-Aššir’s sons who were living in Anatolia likely met an untimely death, expedited by being mantled with the heavy weight of their family’s livelihood. The stress this caused the family, and Šalim-Aššur directly, over the subsequent fifteen years is palpable, and unfortunately the pattern repeated, in amore insidious way, after the death of Šalim-Aššur, as sibling rivalry ended in the death of the eldest son, Ennam-Aššur, and adossier concerning the collection of ‘blood money’ (Larsen 2014). Despite their best efforts to continue in the family tradition, of increasing their influence in the trade networks of the Middle Bronze Age, we see that the far-reaching power and influence of this early Assyrian family of merchants in the Anatolian region comes to an end amere five years after the death of Šalim-Aššur. The inquiry pursued throughout this article revolves around the power and influence of asingle individual, specifically Šalim-Aššur. By reading the story of one merchant and analyzing the social context surrounding the rise and fall of one salesman, afocused inquiry can unpack the complex hierarchical relationships and influence that the Assyrians and Anatolians exerted upon each other. In addition to the inquiry into certain individuals’ power and ability to compel or force others, Ipursue asecond question throughout this article relating to aquantitative method: how does network analysis help us define the power dynamics between both individuals and groups? To answer these questions, the family archives of Šalim-Aššur and his sons stand as examples of this influence. We see how the archives that each family left behind suggest that the second and third generations of Assyrians effectively became Anatolian themselves, after having assimilated in many ways to the local Anatolian culture at Kanesh.1 This Anatolian cultural influence upon the Assyrians was exhibited in the adoption of Anatolian family members and Anatolian hypocoristics. Collectively, the family archives exhibit the combination of adeeply pragmatic approach to the trade, and what can be characterized as social strategy, at times even scheming, but most often referred to as the family model, which in Old Assyrian communities included an extended family for extensive control over trade. 1 For this reason, Highcock (2018) is correct in emphasizing that the Old Assyrian “colony” is amisnomer, and should instead be seen as acentury of cultural encounters based on an economic incentive that drives these two groups to become one over time. OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 7 1. THE SALESMAN, ŠALIM-AŠŠUR Our primary perspective on Šalim-Aššur’s narrative comes from the ca. 1,200 tablets found in situ in the Šalim-Aššur archive. From the many individuals mentioned therein, we see how his story reflects atightly-knit reality that resonated with many of the prominent Assyrian families, whose archives provide us with accounts of numerous types of contracts and similar relationships with the local Anatolian neighborhoods. Extensive lists of people are linked together on these clay annals, from short termloans with ‘working capital’ (be’ulatum) to long-term contracts with ‘joint-stock capital’ (narūqum), and cross-cultural indentured service agreements with polygamous marriages (amtum i.e. ‘handmaid, slave-girl; second wife’). From the sum of these individual records, we see how the relationships they forged together provided the Assyrians with anew home advantage, and gave the Anatolians access to the trade (tamkārum) and ‘the city’ (ālum) of Assur, acity-state and kingdom on the verge of becoming an empire. When read as anarrative, Šalim-Aššur’s archive in many ways resembles amicrocosm of the Assyrian Empire, with acentury of documentation that speaks to the rise and fall of six generations. Beginning with arapid and steady expansion, between REL 40 to 75, ca. 1932–1897 B.C.E., these initial 30 years of the Šalim-Aššur family describe the growth resulting from this family’s drive for greater access to resources and wider reaching influence in the Anatolian bronze circuit. Naturally, the increased access to valuable resources and the proceeds from favorable trade incentivized the Assyrian’s presence at Kanesh, as both the number of houses and the size of their families grew dramatically in the second and third generation. However, the estates of the second generation becomes an unbearable burden for the third and fourth generations (REL 76–105, ca. 1896–1869 B.C.E.), which is carried out in subsequent years in the form of financial instability, smaller family sizes, and shortened lifespans often due to unexpected death. In their drive for endless progress and expansion, the Assyrian families reached the inevitable tipping point in which their multiple estates were too expensive to manage effectively for more than ageneration or two. Within each of the Old Assyrian archives, we find evidence of this tipping point, typically at the end of the second generation, after the death of the head of the family. At which point, the call of the creditors and lawyers signals the ensuing decline and demise of the family business. 2. THE ŠALIM-AŠŠUR FAMILY ARCHIVE Šalim-Aššur’s father, Issu-Arik son of Ur-SIG5 (Ur-damqat), was among the first Assyrians to move into Anatolian territory in the Old Assyrian Period. Forgoing an estate among the Assyrian neighborhoods, which we assume was in close proximity to the trade port office (bīt kārum), they purchased an estate closer to the Anatolian quarters in Kanesh, and asecond home in the outlying trade station of Waršama. Their early presence in the region speaks to their success as aprominent Assyrian OPEN ACCESS
8 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 family, who by all measures were independently and interdependently wealthy, and capable of sustaining alarge extended family by building strong and weak relationships with the Anatolian communities. One of the more recent family archives excavated in situ and published in its entirety is known as the Šalim-Aššur family archive. Excavated primarily in asingle year, in 1994 by Professor Tahsin Özgüç, the archive was located in two rooms within ahouse complex dated to 1935 B.C.E., the beginning of the Old Assyrian period. Prof. Özgüç shared the house plans and adescription of where the archive was discovered with Mogens Larsen, who subsequently edited and published the archive in the series Ankara Kültepe Tablets from 2010–2018.2 The archive clearly identified Šalim-Aššur as the primary owner of the house, which had been emptied with the exception of alarge number of tablets discovered in rooms 5 and 6 (see Fig. 1.2): An archive of 947 tablets and unopened envelopes and pottery were found in these two small rooms. They were evidently kept on wooden shelves against the walls. The tablets that were found on the floor along the walls are those that fell off the shelves in the fire. The tablets had been packed in bags, in straw wrappings, and sacks were discovered in piles at the middle of the rooms. Agroup of the tablets, as usual, were kept in pots. The pottery was set along the base of the walls (nos.5–6)… Next to the hearth [in room no.8] were found unbaked tablets evidently left to dry or prepared to be fired.3 From this description we obtain agood sense of what was left of the archive: afairly complete accounting of the early records of the family’s legal, social and economic dealings kept in degraded filing cabinets.4 With the discovery of such an archive, we have the opportunity to tell the stories of many generations, but what is equally telling is how and when the archive ends. Because of the orderly state of Šalim-Aššur’s estate at Kanesh, we can assume that the house was emptied of any valuables before it was consumed by fire along with the 2 Larsen, Mogens Trolle. The Archive of the Šalim-Aššur Family, Volumes 1–4. Kültepe Tabletleri 6a-d. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu. 3 Larsen 2010, 3ff. He further suggested that the house “must have had asecond story, even though no staircase was found. According to the plan there were three entrances from the street, but the middle one leading directly into the room or courtyard with the fireplace may not have existed. The main entrance was into along room paved with large stones and with smaller square stones placed along the inner wall to carry wooden pillars. From here one had access to most of the other rooms in the house, including the two archive rooms. However, an independent suite of rooms, nos. 1–3, had direct access from the street and was cut off from the rest of the house. It seems likely that these rooms formed akind of shop, where the direct commercial activities of the family took place. In the street along the outer wall of the house was arow of large stones forming akind of pavement” ( Larsen 2010, 5). 4 The list includes over 40 different different types of texts, ranging from familial marriages, divorces, and adoptions to business contracts, agreements, and settlements. For more on the documents from the Šalim-Aššur archive, see Larsen AKT 6a-d, 2010–2018. OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 9 entire settlement in 1836 B.C.E.5 This includes any valuable metals, textiles and other goods, mentioned throughout the archive, but also the tablets of greatest value.6 We can also safely assume that the tablets we have found from Level II were left behind only because they no longer held any commercial efficacy or personal value.7 While it is clear that the house was used for at least two generations, i.e. by Šalim-Aššur and by his sons Ali-ahum and Ennam-Aššur, Larsen suggests it was likely only used for the purpose of storage during the last years of the Level II settlement (2010, 4). Whether these remains correspond to the Šalim-Aššur family house or semi-private office and storage, the documents left inside provide us with the details of the family business from anumber of generations, perhaps beginning with Šalim-Aššur’s father Issu-arik, who was clearly involved in the trade network, as Larsen explains: The earliest texts stem from the lifetime of Issu-arik, with one document being dated as early as the year KEL 40 or 41, i.e. 1935 BC. It is unclear, however, whether the house had been built at this time, just as we cannot say whether Issu-arik in fact lived in this building. It may be assumed that it had alifespan of 50–75 years, i.e.roughly from 1900 to 1836 BC, the year when the entire lower town was destroyed by fire (Larsen 2010, 5–6). Following apatrilineal approach, the archive recounts the business and legal affairs of the sons and grandsons (and sometimes even granddaughters) of Issu-arik, who lived together in and around Kanesh for at least adecade as they contributed to the 5 Larsen adds, “It is not known how long the individual houses were in use, but in most, the plastered walls had received three or four layers of whitewash, indicating afairly long period of habitation. The houses in level 2 had been burnt in afire, and it is usually assumed that this happened at one particular moment, when the entire settlement went up in flames, presumably as aresult of warfare— and probably at the same time that the palaces on the mound were destroyed by fire” (2015, 41; cf. the letter BIN 6, 23, which Larsen partially translates on p.139). He goes on to suggest the unlikely possibility that “if the destruction of the palace on the mound and the fire that consumed the lower town were in fact unrelated events, it might be possible to suggest another date for the fire, for instance shortly after year 110, which would allow us to posit acausal relationship between the decline in the documentation and the fire” (69). 6 As has been noted (Veenhof 1997, 351–363; 2003a, 87–88, 99; 2013), certain tablets held monetary value to their owners, both evidentiary and intrinsic: “Especially valuable were the sealed debt-notes which were the legal and physical proof of at times substantial debt claims, whose intrinsic value turned them into akind of ‘clay money’, usable as security and under certain circumstances transferable by the creditor” (2003a, 99). 7 Veenhof discusses agroup of texts which fall under this category, and which the Assyrians referred to as ‘dead’ (muātum) tablets. It seems likely that many of the archives which have been found and excavated from Kanesh consisted of texts which were either ‘dead’ (i.e. their commercial efficacy had lapsed) or were otherwise unimportant for the continuation of commercial trade, whereas the important and viable texts were taken back to Assur. Unfortunately, this supposition cannot be tested at present due to the numerous obstacles in excavating the MBA IIa (OA) levels at Assur. For avery interesting discussion of ‘dead’ texts, see Veenhof 1987, 46f. OPEN ACCESS
10 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 family business. Figure 2.3 brings into focus not only the general lifespan of these merchants’ careers, but also highlights the co-occurrence of their deaths, with the older generation dying around REL 90 (ca. 1880 B.C.E.) and the younger generation around REL 105 (ca. 1969 B.C.E.). Larsen published the full archive in four volumes, with the first focusing on the family members in the textual record: 1) Issu-arik and Šalim-Aššur, and his sons: 2)Ennam-Aššur, 3) Ali-ahum. The last two volumes concern 4) non-family members, and anonymous texts. From the latter two volumes, we learn that the archive held asignificant number of tablets which belonged to other families or those which were unable to be determined. Although we expect that the texts would record adiachronic view of each of these family members, it is very difficult to pinpoint the changing chronological aspect of the archive, since very few of the texts were explicitly dated. However, on the basis of certain events, such as adeath in the family, we can include asequential chronological variable to the network, based on logical interpretations of the series of events and transactions. In this way, events such as the death of Šalim-Aššur are helpful chronological markers and can be used to establish synchronous relationships for homonymous Personal Names (PNs) in an archive which covers over five generations. Then, based on the few dated texts and events attested across the archive, we can situate Šalim-Aššur’s family tree on achronological spectrum, seen in figure 2, which can be used to provide approximate dates for those family members who are not dated explicitly in figure 3.1. The final volume in the archive, concerning non-family members and anonymous texts, gives us an important insight into the types of relationships which extended beyond the family archive by including anumber of tablets (ca. 150) which belonged to other families. These extra-familial dossiers within the archive highlight apotential problem for archival reconstruction, as Larsen explains: „It must be kept in mind… that aconsiderable number of documents found in this archive are concerned with persons who were not members of the family, or they are phrased anonymously, so that we are unable to ascertain who was the acting person“ (Larsen 2013, 4). We can assume that this type of practice was common enough throughout the majority of archives at Kanesh, suggesting that despite our best efforts to clearly reconstruct the boundaries of an archive, there will inevitably be an indeterminate subset of the archive which cannot be assigned to the house from which it came. However, thanks to the controlled excavation of the Šalim-Aššur archive, and the excellent scholarship and publication of the tablets by Larsen, we have aready group of texts which we can use to reconstruct and disambiguate one corner of the trade network. Such anetwork will allow us to draw comparisons between the Šalim-Aššur archive and subsets of the network as reflected in certain dossiers. Because our evaluation is empirically rooted in textual analysis, we will move between the statistical graphs and contextual examples to illustrate the role of individuals within specific events and affairs.8 8 It is important to note that textual analysis and SNA, although some of the newest, are not the only methods which have shown promise for working with the Old Assyrian docOPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 11 3. THE ŠALIM-AŠŠUR NETWORK The Šalim-Aššur family tree, seen in figure 2, reflects one of many different types of links found in the archival records of one of the largest families living in Kültepe. As such, it provides us with ahelpful frame of reference, and abenchmark for what to expect when scholars attempt to reconstitute an archive from looted and unprovenanced texts.9 However, it goes without saying that these were not the only ties which bound this family together, as one can see many times over in figure 4. Each member of this family had multiple types of strong and weak relationships, from their closest partners in trade to the individuals who they may have forgotten, appearing as single mention of aname written on adebt note. What stands out when we situate the family tree within avast network of strong relationships and brief acquaintances attested in the Old Assyrian texts as awhole? First, we see apowerful community, exhibited within acomplex structural framework. This structure was reinforced by ahierarchical pecking order, as evidenced in the letters they wrote to each other by 1) the formal patterns of address, and 2) the familial terms of endearment and indebtedness (e.g. ‘if you are my brother…’).10 From commercial partnerships to marriage contracts, these strong ties formed expansive cliques and extended their influence beyond family ties. This is seen both in terms of the depth and breadth of their connections and interactions across uments. In addition to the methods introduced here, anumber of additional computational tools (i.e. 3d scanning, XRF, machine learning) have been applied to textual and archaeological research (see Stratford 2015). Further, philological tools and applications also continue to progress; for example, handwriting analysis is proving to be avaluable approach to identifying writing patterns among certain scribes (Kryszat 2004a & 2008; Stratford 2015; Michel 2015), by studying the shape and Gestalt of the cuneiform wedges in order to identify distinct hands. The various forms of analysis provide aglimpse into anumber of new methods, many of which have yet to be utilized to their fullest, and which may provide us with additional clues for prosopographical disambiguation and archival reconstruction by gleaning greater textual and material context from the tablets themselves. 9 For example, see Larsen’s work on the reconstituted Aššur-nādā archive (2002), Michel’s two volumes of two merchants with the same name, Innāya (1991), and Veenhof’s excellent edition of the Elamma archive (2017). 10 In Bamman et al. (2013), we discuss how we were able to measure this emic social signal leveraged by the Assyrians over time. The results of this study generated adistribution of ranks for each named entity, which reflected seniority, age, and prestige or proximity to the royal family. In 2018, Icontinued this study to demonstrate how these results were useful for disambiguating the many homonyms in the archives, using data from ca. 6,000 tablets. Fig. 4 converys four iterations of the network from the first half of the Šalim-Aššur archive, and Fig. 8 provides an additional iteration of the network using ca.2,000 letters. All of the network subsets in Fig. 8 are hierarchically ranked, and reflect the nuanced relationships that extend beyond the family, out into the Anatolian communities. For more on the familial terms found in the Old Assyrian texts, see Anderson 2018, 88–91. OPEN ACCESS
12 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 family archives.11 But it was not only the strong ties which ensured success in trade and stability in the region. As we will see in the Ušinalam affair below, the Assyrians used their extended relationships—those removed by two or more degrees of separation—in order to collectively capitalize on lucrative trade deals. In such instances, we see how the family circle could be widened to include friends of friends, which at times even resulted in cliques and cohort groups extending beyond the Assyrian community. By counting both weak and strong relationships for each member of the ŠalimAššur family, the network graphs in figure 4 reiterate what Assyriologists have been saying for quite some time now, that the family firm acted as the basic pattern for successful, long-term business by establishing ametric for enabling social mobility through social hierarchy. Once explicit markers for ‘in group’ relationships were codified, this more easily facilitated the establishment of new partnerships, cliques, and cohort groups between the Assyrian and Anatolian families. This observation is explicitly illustrated in the four visualizations of the Šalim-Aššur archive from AKT 6a, 94/k (Larsen 2010), which show each person named in the texts (as nodes) and the relationships between these individuals (as lines or edges).12 By modeling all the relationships which the archives reflect, as seen in figure 3.2, we can determine that the increase in the number of connections over time corresponded with the Assyrian assimilation within the Anatolian society. Examples of this can be seen in the dossiers of Šalim-Aššur’s sons, especially Ali-ahum who has many business relationships with the local Anatolians, e.g., selling copper for silver (see AKT 6c, 621 & 622). Although the extensive relationships with the local Anatolian population facilitated greater profits in trade and the growth of Kanesh as amulitcultural trade hub, these ties were not strong enough to sustain the Assyrian families long-term, nor were they able to call upon these relationships when they fell upon hard times. 11 To my knowledge, Larsen (1976, 95) was the first to apply the term ‘family firm’ to the Old Assyrian texts. Yoffee (1995) further explained how the entrepreneurial extension of the family firm allowed for greater freedom from the government: “Assyrian family firms, sometimes in partnerships so as to increase available capital and extend credit, did not profit from the monopolization of any resource; rather, they profited from the organizational know-how of getting goods where they were plentiful and exporting them to where they were scarce” (1393). 12 Within this highly interconnected network, Fig. 4 displays the members of Šalim-Aššur’s family in bold as the most frequently attested PNs. From this we see that the sons (and grandsons) of Issu-arik have the highest degrees in the network, with Šalim-Aššur and Ennam-Aššur at the top of the list. From the latter figure we can also see very quickly which names are attested most frequently, many of which have multiple patronymics. Once we grasp the basic sense of the network, we can then move inward in scale to view different subsets of the archive in greater detail. The complete graph and data for this visualization can be found in my GitHub with the following URL: [https://github.com/ admndrsn/Gephi/]. OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 13 4. THE UŠINALAM AFFAIR One of the benefits of working within an archive found in situ is the ability to more easily identify impactful events, involving multiple tablets in an archive. Based on the reach and ambition of this prominent family in the Old Assyrian society, it is safe to say that the impact of these events described in the Šalim-Aššur archive would have reached the highest institutions of the city of Kanesh, the council of small and large (kārum Kaniš TUR GAL).13 However, unless such events are coupled with the death of aprominent individual, it is often difficult to situate the corresponding texts in chronological sequence. This in turn poses difficulties for measuring the effects upon the local community, let alone the institutions or the trade network more broadly (see Dercksen 1996, Barjamovic et al. 2012). Therefore, in this example Ihope to demonstrate how we might measure the impact of asingle event in order to utilize the occurrence of such events as apattern for additional discoveries within the unprovenanced tablets.14 The Ušinalam dossier stands out in the archive as avery telling event in which Šalim-Aššur found himself in adisastrous situation and was forced to call upon his own social network in order to save him from financial ruin and an ignominious death. In desperate times, such as this one, the contrast between weak and strong ties becomes most apparent. Within 23 texts, we can identify the primary actors involved in aseries of trades between the Assyrian merchants and an influential Anatolian, named Ušinalam.15 The initial 15 texts are recorded transactions made by Assyrian investors, known as iṣurtu-documents or ‘promissory-notes’.16 These texts recorded 13 This can first be deduced by the families involved in the affair, seen in figure 7 and my OA Family Trees site (see the following URL: https://www.lucidchart.com/documents/view/ d872b7a3-e0da-4a56-9200-550a72f2026d). Secondly, figures 6 & 8 demonstrate the widest extent of the network which can be reached in less than six degrees of separation from Šalim-Aššur. 14 Based on the assemblages of tablets discussed here, such events are often found in smaller groups of dossiers (ca. 20–50 tablets) which detail aseries of complex social, legal, and economic obligations that gave rise to apreponderance of documentation. One such example, which has been central to the reconstitution of another family archive, is the texts surrounding the death of Pūšu-kēn and the turbulent aftermath which his children were forced to reconcile (see Anderson 2018, 78–83 & Fig. 5.1). Within that group of texts we find an administrative order, which reexamines the partnership tablets due to the deaths of Elamma, Iddin-abum and Pūšu-kēn in Durhumid (TPAK 1, 44a+b). 15 Ušinalam operated on the same level as the kings of the Anatolian cities mentioned in AKT1, 78; cf. Kt n/k504; Kt f/k183; KTP 4; KTP 14; and proved capable of exerting as much force as the powerful investors in Assur: TC 3, 1; AKT 6a, 90— 111 & 177 (Larsen 2010; Larsen 2015). 16 As Veenhof describes it, the iṣurtu-document „was aclay tablet in the nature of avalid legal document written in cuneiform, which recorded aliability of the same kind as apromissory note called ṭuppum harmum. Most i.‘swere records of liabilities by Anatolians or Assyrian palaces, but in rare cases they were also said to be drawn up by Assyrians. It embodies the obligation or promise to pay acertain amount of money/goods (frequently copper), which presupposes acommercial decision. But such adecision was never amatter of one party only and every commercial transaction implied such decisions, whereby both OPEN ACCESS
20 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 Like Willy Loman, in Death of aSalesman, Šalim-Aššur can be thought of as the quintessential salesman for his generation, following the rapid growth in trade between the Assyrian and Anatolians in Kanesh. But unfortunately, the pattern persists with the American play, in that the only ‘peace’ offered Šalim-Aššur was in the form of his community with social safety nets, consistently groomed, weighed and measured across alattice of familial terminology (Bamman et al 2013). Such formalities indicate arelational substrate often observed in more formal institutions, e.g., not unlike the ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’ in religious communities.29 And like these very institutions today, they extend from the lowest member right to the top of the ruling classes. With long-distance ties stretching out to the numerous peripheral hubs of trade, such as Kanesh, these Old Assyrian salesmen facilitated access to arich market full of craft specialization and precious metals, otherwise controlled by families of the royal elites, whose power extended beyond family ties across syndicates of commercial ventures and pyramid schemes. When compounded by multiple deaths within amere threeto five-year timespan, it is clear that the aftermath had aparalyzing impact for the family firm, with aftershocks of rescinded credit and bankruptcies. However, as figure 3.2 indicates, ŠalimAššur’s family was not the only one affected. Oddly enough, two other prominent merchants also died in the same year as Šalim-Aššur, in REL 105.30 Their deaths alone would have been enough to cause these tumultuous waves of instability in the market, as alarge number of relationships (i.e. edges) were severed and never recovered. No doubt, the social ramifications of the loss of such atightly woven society would have been palpable in the neighborhoods and markets at Kanesh.31 29 Such (institutional) relationships form what are called weak ties, which build local bridges, in this case, connecting the Assyrians and Anatolians by one degree of separation. Grannovetter (1973) explains the concept in social science of abridge as “aline in anetwork which provides the only path between two points…. Abridge between Aand B provides the only route along which information or influence can flow from any contact of Ato any contact of B.” For more on comparative work within social science using network analysis, see Padget’s famous work on 14th century C.E. Florentine trade, and how similar marriage contracts were used to build more robust bridges, spanning various demographics at the time. See Padgett 2009, Padget & Ansell 1993; Grannovetter 1973, 1364. 30 The merchants Imdī-ilum, Pūšu-kēn and Šalim-Aššur all died within ayear of each other. This odd occurrence has necessitated amore in-depth study, which Iam undertaking currently. Ihope to further delineate how these families were connected and interdependent for their collective success and solvency. This can already be seen to some degree in the list of Assyrians to whom Šalim-Aššur wrote, in order to escape the clutches of Ušinalam. 31 Previous scholarship has already provided afocused study on the decline in documentation in the years REL 108–112 (ca. 1866–1862 B.C.E.). This study adds scale to the impact of this decline, which can be contrasted chronologically in Fig. 3.2, and measured socially based on the Old Assyrian family trees in Fig. 7. OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 21 FIGURES Figure 1.1.Th e Plan of the Šalim-Aššur Family House (with comparison). With atotal area of 115.5 m2, the base fl oor plan was close to 1,300 square feet, and that is without being able to measure the second fl oor (Larsen 2010, 5). Th e comparison shown here is aclose equivalent in feet, and includes room for astaircase, which we assume existed although no trace has yet been found. Th e above picture of the same quarter in which Šalim-Aššur’s house was found (taken by myself when Ivisited Kültepe in 2015). OPEN ACCESS
22 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 Figure 1.2.Th e Southeast Quarters of Kanesh (Šalim-Aššur’s House, Nr.90) Th is plan of the lower town at Kanesh shows the houses of both the Assyrian and Anatolian merchants in the remains of aneighborhood. While we do not yet know many of the names of the inhabitants of these houses, the following numbers are for those which have been determined based both on the textual record and excavation records by Prof. Bedřich Hrozný (1927, 1952) and Prof. T.Özgüç (see Hertel 2014, 44–51). 70: Enna-Suen; 76: Ali-ahum I; 77: Buzutāya; 78: Šarnikan s. Arruba; 79: Ṭāb-ahum; 84: Uzua; 89: Uṣup- -iškum ? Ennam-Aššur ? Enna-Suen ?; 90: Šalim-Aššur s. Issu-arik; 93: (Lā-qēp II ?); 97: Šarabunuwa; 98: Ali-ahum II (?); 99: Galulu; 100: Šakdunuwa; 102: Peruwa OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 23 Figure 2.Šalim-Aššur’s Family Tree The family tree is redrawn and amended in achronological sequence of eponyms, following Larsen 2010, 7. The REL years are collocated with dates for the Assyrian kings (see Larsen 2015, xi-xii). The numbers in brackets are based on dated texts for the given entity, and numbers within parentheses are approximations from the prosopography. Dotted lines represent marriage ties. Broken lines reflect my proposed additions to the published family trees (see Larsen 2010, 7; Larsen 2015, 288). To support these additions, Iprovide the textual evidence for selected family members below. For more details see Anderson 2018 & OA Family Trees (URL: https://www.lucidchart.com/documents/view/d872b7a3e0da-4a56-9200-550a72f2026d). Textual Attestations of Selected Family Members: Agua (f.): AKT 6a, 77— Kt 94/k 576; AKT 6a, 21–22— Kt 94/k 1274. Ali-ahum: AKT 6a, 269— Kt 94/k 1137. Anna-anna (f.): AKT 6a, 239— Kt 94/k 1178. Anuli: AKT 6a, 72–73— Kt 94/k 1039; AKT 6a, 74— Kt 94/k 1136. Aššur-bēl-awātim: AKT 6a, 19–20— Kt 94/k 1275; AKT 6a, 21–22— Kt 94/k 1274; AKT 6a, 255— Kt 94/k 766; AKT 6a, 284— Kt 94/k 1192; AKT 6a, 3— Kt 94/k 1746; AKT 6a, 40— Kt 94/k 1006; AKT 6a, 41–42— Kt 94/k 1037; AKT 6a, 46— Kt 94/k 1144; AKT 6a, 47— Kt 94/k 950; AKT 6a, 76— Kt 94/k 841; AKT 6a, 70— Kt 94/k 953; AKT 6a, 71— Kt 94/k 1731; AKT 6a, 72–73— Kt 94/k 1039; AKT 6a, 77— Kt 94/k 576; AKT 6a, 80–81— Kt 94/k 1027. Aššur-malik: AKT 6a, 277— Kt 94/k 1011. Aššur-nādā (I): AKT 6a, 184— Kt 94/k 615; AKT 6a, 190— Kt 94/k 1438; AKT 6a, 251— Kt 94/k 1023. Aššur-nādā (II): AKT 6a, 82–83— Kt 94/k 1046; AKT 6a, 84— Kt 94/k 957. Atata / Adada: AKT 6a, 120— Kt 94/k 813. Enna-Suen: AKT 5, 21 ((grand-)son of Issu-arik); AKT 6a, 56— Kt 94/k 1015; AKT 6a, 59— Kt 94/k 955; AKT 6a, 90— Kt 94/k 1093; AKT 6a, 97— Kt 94/k 1191; AKT 6a, 101— Kt 94/k 1233; AKT 6a, 132— Kt 94/k 1754; BIN 6, 110 (Michel no.11); TC 3, 234. Dercksen notes: „Enna-Suen son of Iddin-abum (*3) occurs as awitness in KEL 96/VII (TC 3, 234:3), about 40 years before his eponymate“ (2004, 59). Ennam-Aššur (II): AKT 6a, 111— Kt 94/k 1267. OPEN ACCESS
24 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 Iddin-abum: AKT 6a, 24–25— Kt 94/k 1050; AKT 6a, 28–29— Kt 94/k 1025; AKT 6a, 32–33— Kt 94/k 1033; AKT 6a, 45— Kt 94/k 1276; AKT 6a, 67— Kt 94/k 1047; AKT 6a, 61–62— Kt 94/k 1029; AKT 6a, 46— Kt 94/k 1144; ICK 1, 36a-b; ICK 1, 143. Kukuwa: See Larsen 2015, 288. Kurub-Ištar: AKT 6a, 142— Kt 94/k 1445. Lamassī (If.): AKT 6a, 223; AKT 6a, 233; AKT 6a, 247*. Lamassī (II f.): See Larsen 2015, 288. Mannum-kī-iliya: See Larsen 2015, 288. Nuhšatum (f.): AKT 6a, 223— Kt 94/k 614; daughter of Šu-Hubur (Veenhof 2015). Šāt-Anna (f.): AKT 6a, 174— Kt 94/k 850. Šu-Bēlum: AKT 6a, 56— Kt 94/k 1015; AKT 6a, 60— Kt 94/k 948; AKT 6a, 63— Kt 94/k 946; AKT 6a, 64— Kt 94/k 951; AKT 6a, 66— Kt 94/k 1048; AKT 6a, 67— Kt 94/k 1047; AKT 6a, 70— Kt 94/k 953; AKT 6a, 77— Kt 94/k 576; AKT 6a, 82–83— Kt 94/k 1046; AKT 6a, 84— Kt 94/k 957; AKT 6a, 132— Kt 94/k 1754. Šu-Enlil: AKT 6a, 43–44— Kt 94/k 1041. Šu-Kūbum: AKT 3, 23; AKT 6a, 46— Kt 94/k 1144; AKT 6a, 47— Kt 94/k 950; AKT 6a, 71— Kt 94/k 1731; AKT 6a, 75— Kt 94/k 839; AKT 6a, 76— Kt 94/k 841; TC 3, 187; WAG 48–1465. Uzie: AKT 6a, 289— Kt 94/k 1261. Figure 3.1.Chronological Diagram of the Šalim-Aššur Family Maintaining the same chronological sequence as shown in Figure 2, this fi gure charts in concentric circles the period of dated texts we have for each of the members of the family. Because we do not have birth records for any of these individuals, we can only plot their activity or careers, rather than the length of their lives. Th e inner circle for Aššur-bēl-awātim indicates the majority of the dated texts fall at the end of his career. Note that the end of the archive corresponds with the collapse of the Level II settlement in 1869 B.C.E., REL 105 (see Barjamovic et al. 2012, 65). OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 25 Figure 3.2.Chronological Chart of the Dated Šalim-Aššur Archive + By focusing on anarrower slice of the same chronology from the fi gures above, we see here how the number of people (i.e. nodes) rises and falls over time, as attested in the Šalim-Aššur archive. While the number of nodes for each sequence of fi ve years is somewhat indicative of the ups and downs described by previous scholarship (Barjamovic et al. 2012), the more telling aspect, which has so far gone untold is the fl uctuation of relationships (i.e. edges) over time. Th ese numerous edges are counts of both the weak and strong ties, based on co-mentions in atablet, as recorded in the Šalim-Aššur archive and their connections which extend beyond the archive as well, in the ca. 500 texts dating between 75–115, listed below; for the model see the following URL: https://github.com/admndrsn/Gephi/blob/ master/SalimAssurArchive(2.5).graphml. Th e edges count the largest possible degree, or number of links between each entity in the Old Assyrian social network as attested in the following texts (see Anderson 2018). It is remarkable that there is asurge in the number of edges leading up to Puzur-Aššur’s death, and reaches its maximum at the coronation year of Naram-Suen. Th e subsequent steep decline, as refl ected in the network, is primarily due to alack of documentation at Kültepe-Kaneš, which in turn may be refl ecting amultifaceted collapse in socio-economic stability (see Barjamovic et al. 2012). AAA 1, 3; AKT 1, 11; AKT 1, 19; AKT 1, 2; AKT 1, 53; AKT 1, 73; AKT 1, 74; AKT 2, 18; AKT 2, 20; AKT 2, 51; AKT 2, 6; AKT 3, 13; AKT 3, 28; AKT 3, 43; AKT 3, 44; AKT 3, 73; AKT 3, 74; AKT 3, 87; AKT 4, 25; AKT 4, 26; AKT 4, 4; AKT 4, 5; AKT 4, 7; AKT 5, 3; AKT 5, 37; AKT 6a, 104— Kt 94/k 1139; AKT 6a, 104— Kt 94/k 1139; AKT 6a, 105— Kt 94/k 1045; AKT 6a, 106— Kt 94/k 943; AKT 6a, 107— Kt 94/k 1049; AKT 6a, 109— Kt 94/k 842; AKT 6a, 110— Kt 94/k 917; AKT 6a, 113— Kt 94/k 831; AKT 6a, 114— Kt 94/k 1701; AKT 6a, 115— Kt 94/k 840; AKT 6a, 116— Kt 94/k 1300; AKT 6a, 117— Kt 94/k 1152; AKT 6a, 118— Kt 94/k 1256; AKT 6a, 119— Kt 94/k 1262; AKT 6a, 120— Kt 94/k 813; AKT 6a, 121— Kt 94/k 725; AKT 6a, 122— Kt 94/k 820; AKT 6a, 123— Kt 94/k 743; AKT 6a, 125— Kt 94/k 1444; AKT 6a, 126— Kt 94/k 612; AKT 6a, 127— Kt 94/k 1322; AKT 6a, 127a— Kt 94/k 939; AKT 6a, 164— Kt 94/k 1744; AKT 6a, 17–18— Kt 94/k 1028; AKT 6a, 182— Kt 94/k 1265; AKT 6a, 188— Kt 94/k 1382; AKT 6a, 191— Kt 94/k 582; AKT 6a, 193— Kt 94/k 954; AKT 6a, 199— Kt 94/k 735; AKT 6a, 207— Kt 94/k 1458; AKT 6a, 208— Kt 94/k 916; AKT 6a, 208a— Kt 94/k 728; AKT 6a, 208b— Kt 94/k 1400; AKT 6a, 209— Kt 94/k 747; AKT 6a, 211— Kt 94/k 636; AKT 6a, 212— Kt 94/k 644; AKT 6a, 213— Kt 94/k 1460; AKT 6a, 214— Kt 94/k 945; AKT 6a, 215— Kt 94/k 1487; AKT 6a, 216— Kt 94/k 787; AKT 6a, 217— Kt 94/k 1375; AKT 6a, 219— Kt 94/k 1021; AKT 6a, 220— Kt 94/k 1297; AKT 6a, OPEN ACCESS
26 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 221— Kt 94/k 1397; AKT 6a, 222— Kt 94/k 1399; AKT 6a, 224— Kt 94/k 1688; AKT 6a, 227— Kt 94/k 770; AKT 6a, 228— Kt 94/k 849; AKT 6a, 229— Kt 94/k 827; AKT 6a, 230— Kt 94/k 1396; AKT 6a, 231— Kt 94/k 1134; AKT 6a, 232— Kt 94/k 1117; AKT 6a, 233— Kt 94/k 739; AKT 6a, 234–235— Kt 94/k 863; AKT 6a, 236— Kt 94/k 772; AKT 6a, 237— Kt 94/k 1626–1627; AKT 6a, 238— Kt 94/k 133; AKT 6a, 240— Kt 94/k 1254; AKT 6a, 241— Kt 94/k 815; AKT 6a, 242— Kt 94/k 720; AKT 6a, 243— Kt 94/k 1135; AKT 6a, 244— Kt 94/k 844; AKT 6a, 247— Kt 94/k 719; AKT 6a, 250— Kt 94/k 748; AKT 6a, 251— Kt 94/k 1023; AKT 6a, 255— Kt 94/k 766; AKT 6a, 257— Kt 94/k 1179; AKT 6a, 258— Kt 94/k 1170; AKT 6a, 259— Kt 94/k 1227; AKT 6a, 260— Kt 94/k 1250; AKT 6a, 261— Kt 94/k 1228; AKT 6a, 263— Kt 94/k 1304; AKT 6a, 264— Kt 94/k 1171; AKT 6a, 267— Kt 94/k 584; AKT 6a, 268— Kt 94/k 1162; AKT 6a, 269— Kt 94/k 1137; AKT 6a, 270— Kt 94/k 1241; AKT 6a, 271— Kt 94/k 1264; AKT 6a, 272— Kt 94/k 1614; AKT 6a, 273— Kt 94/k 1534; AKT 6a, 275— Kt 94/k 1007; AKT 6a, 277— Kt 94/k 1011; AKT 6a, 278— Kt 94/k 1324; AKT 6a, 279— Kt 94/k 745; AKT 6a, 281— Kt 94/k 1370; AKT 6a, 282— Kt 94/k 1214; AKT 6a, 283— Kt 94/k 927; AKT 6a, 284— Kt 94/k 1192; AKT 6a, 285— Kt 94/k 1349; AKT 6a, 286–287— Kt 94/k 1146; AKT 6a, 288— Kt 94/k 1606; AKT 6a, 289— Kt 94/k 1261; AKT 6a, 290— Kt 94/k 1168; AKT 6a, 294— Kt 94/k 1133; AKT 6a, 295— Kt 94/k 1217; AKT 6a, 40— Kt 94/k 1006; AKT 6a, 41–42— Kt 94/k 1037; AKT 6a, 43–44— Kt 94/k 1041; AKT 6a, 45— Kt 94/k 1276; AKT 6a, 46— Kt 94/k 1144; AKT 6a, 47— Kt 94/k 950; AKT 6a, 48— Kt 94/k 1044; AKT 6a, 49–50— Kt 94/k 1051; AKT 6a, 53— Kt 94/k 944; AKT 6a, 54— Kt 94/k 1043; AKT 6a, 55— Kt 94/k 1062; AKT 6a, 56— Kt 94/k 1015; AKT 6a, 57–58— Kt 94/k 1052; AKT 6a, 59— Kt 94/k 955; AKT 6a, 60— Kt 94/k 948; AKT 6a, 61–62— Kt 94/k 1029; AKT 6a, 63— Kt 94/k 946; AKT 6a, 64— Kt 94/k 951; AKT 6a, 65— Kt 94/k 1010; AKT 6a, 66— Kt 94/k 1048; AKT 6a, 67— Kt 94/k 1047; AKT 6a, 70— Kt 94/k 953; AKT 6a, 72–73— Kt 94/k 1039; AKT 6a, 74— Kt 94/k 1136; AKT 6a, 75— Kt 94/k 839; AKT 6a, 76— Kt 94/k 841; AKT 6a, 77— Kt 94/k 576; AKT 6a, 80–81— Kt 94/k 1027; AKT 6a, 82–83— Kt 94/k 1046; AKT 6a, 84— Kt 94/k 957; AKT 6a, 85— Kt 94/k 765; AKT 6a, 86— Kt 94/k 1671; AKT 6a, 87— Kt 94/k 732; AKT 6a, 88— Kt 94/k 570; AnOr 6, 22; ATHE 1; ATHE 2; ATHE 21; ATHE 24; ATHE 5; BIN 4, 103; BIN 4, 104; BIN 4, 106; BIN 4, 109; BIN 4, 110; BIN 4, 112; BIN 4, 115; BIN 4, 147; BIN 4, 153; BIN 4, 160; BIN 4, 170; BIN 4, 195; BIN 4, 196; BIN 4, 21; BIN 4, 27; BIN 4, 35; BIN 4, 96; BIN 6, 109; BIN 6, 119; BIN 6, 173; BIN 6, 178; BIN 6, 188; BIN 6, 220; BIN 6, 3; BIN 6, 38; BIN 6, 57; BIN 6, 59; BIN 6, 66; BIN 6, 8; Brussel O3684; CCT 1, 17b; CCT 1, 2–3; CCT 1, 22a; CCT 1, 4; CCT 1, 48; CCT 1, 49b; CCT 1, 5a; CCT 1, 5b; CCT 1, 8c; CCT 1, 9b; CCT 2, 11a; CCT 2, 31a; CCT 3, 41b-42a; CCT 4, 31b; CCT 4, 40b-41a; CCT 5, 10b; CCT 5, 11d; CCT 5, 14a; CCT 5, 15c; CCT 5, 18a; CCT 5, 20d; CCT 5, 21a; CCT 5, 21c; CCT 5, 22a; CCT 5, 23a; CCT 5, 24a; CCT 5, 2b; CCT 5, 42b; CCT 5, 43; CCT 5, 8a; CCT 6, 15a; CCT 6, 17a; CCT 6, 20c; CCT 6, 44f; CCT 6, 9a; Cole 9— OAA 1, 156; CTMMA 1, 84; CTMMA 1, 91; Dalley 6; Dalley 7; Dalley 8; ICK 4 -I633; ICK 1, 142; ICK 1, 175; ICK 1, 182; ICK 1, 186; ICK 1, 187; ICK 1, 60; ICK 2, 124; ICK 2, 128a-b; ICK 2, 129; ICK 2, 131; ICK 2, 139; ICK 2, 148 + ICK 2, 149; ICK 2, 43; ICK 2, 45; ICK 2, 47; ICK 3— KKS 18a+b + ICK 2, 3; ICK 3— KKS 26a+b; ICK 3— KKS 30a+b; ICK 4— I437; ICK 4— I443; ICK 4— I489; ICK 4— I501; ICK 4— I511; ICK 4— I580; ICK 4— I583; ICK 4— I652; ICK 4— I680; ICK 4— I684; ICK 4— I744; ICK 4— I763; JCS 14, 5; Kayseri 22; Kayseri 309— TTAED 4, 1; Kayseri 70; Kt 92/k 328; Kt 92/k 332; Kt 92/k 336; Kt 92/k 426; Kt 92/k 543; Kt 93/k 145; Kt 99/k 13; Kt a/k 1258a-b; Kt a/k 440; Kt a/k 497a-b; Kt a/k 933a+b; Kt b/k 136; Kt c/k 1010; Kt c/k 202; Kt c/k 241; Kt c/k 246; Kt c/k 263; Kt c/k 267; Kt c/k 278; Kt c/k 282; Kt c/k 283; Kt c/k 384; Kt c/k 453; Kt c/k 581; Kt c/k 839; Kt c/k 847b; Kt c/k 90; Kt e/k 95; Kt k/k 108; Kt k/k 70; Kt n/k 1374; Kt n/k 1429; Kt n/k 1716a-b; Kt n/k 504; Kt o/k 196a-c; Kt r/k 16; KTB 11; KTB 18; KTB 3; KTB 4; KTH 16a; KTH 20; KTH 32; KTH 33; KTH 7; KTK 10; KTK 20— Golenischeff 14; KTP 25; KTS 1, 29b; KTS 1, 49b; KTS 1, 57e; KTS 2, 1; KTS 2, 42; KUG 12; KUG 13;KUG 14; KUG 15; KUG 35; KUG 48; KUG 5; L 13_EL 282; OIP 27, 55; OIP 27, 56; OIP 27, 57; OIP 27, 58; OIP 27, 59; OIP 27, 60; OIP 27, 62; OrNS 50, 3; OrNS 50, 4; PAOAT 7; POAT 2; POAT 7; RA 59, 36 (13); RA 60, 123; RA 60, 123 (MP 1); RA 60, 128; RA 80— TTC 4; RA 81, 83; Sadberg— ARK 166–9474; Schmidt 2— EL 246; SMEA 4; TC 1, 111; TC 1, 21; TC 1, 30; TC 1, 77; TC 1, 79; TC 2, 46; TC 2, 54; TC 2, 77; TC 3, 20; TC 3, 211; TC 3, 213; TC 3, 231; TC 3, 233; TC 3, 248; TC 3, 249; TC 3, 270; TC 3, 273; TC 3, 274; TC 3, 87; TC 3, 91; TC 3, 99; TMH 1, 13a; TMH 1, 13b; TMH 1, 14d-15a; TMH 1, 23a+b; TMH 1, 9b; TPAK 1, 169; TPAK 1, 186; TPAK 1, 189; TPAK 1, 190; TPAK 1, 94; VS 26, 1; VS 26, 112; VS 26, 114; VS 26, 119; VS 26, 120; VS 26, 13; VS 26, 57; VS 26, 93; WAG 48–1465. 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ADAm G.ANDERSoN 27 Figure 4.The Šalim-Aššur Networks The four network visualizations above display 1,075 individuals (ie. nodes) and their 6,891 relationships (i.e. edges). The size of the node and its color is based on the count of each relationship between each person named in the texts (some of which were merged and counted in parentheses). The top right graph layout is based on centrality (i.e. Fruchterman Reingold). The complete graph data for this visualization can be found on my GitHub using this URL: [https://github.com/admndrsn/Gephi]. The three radial layout network visualizations are from the same graph database (2.5), and show 1,075 nodes for each of the PNs attested in the AKT 6a, vol.1 (Larsen 2010). The bottom two subsets (seen in Figs. 5 & 6) reflect the family members involved in the aftermath of the 1) death of their parents and siblings (left) and the Ušinalam Affair (right). The nodes are ordered alphabetically (counterclockwise) and nodes on the radial axis are ordered by degree. (25) Amurrum-bāni (5) Amur-Ištar (69) Waklum (15) Aššur-bēl-awātim (10) Aššur-idī (4) Aššur-malik (6) Aššur-āb (5) Buzia (7) Damiq-pī-Aššur (5) Dan-Aššur (17) Enna-Suen (91) Ennam-Aššur (5) Ennānum Iddin-Aššur Iddin-Suen Iddin-abum Inah-ilī Itūr-ilī (5) Kidaya (5) Lā-qēp Lamassī (13) Man-māhir (17) Manana (13) Pūšu-kēn Puzur-Aššur Šāt-anna ilulu (7) Šu-Anum (5) Šu-Bēlum (11) Šu-Ištar Šu-Kūbum āb-ill-Aššur Uraya (14) Uur-ša-Aššur Ušinalam (17) Aššur-imittī Ilī-bāni Šalim-Aššur Ababa Abu-šalim Adad-rabi Adada Adida (61) Annina Bēlum-bāni Anuli Anninum Annina Anana Ali-ahum Agua Uzie (141) Ennam-Aššur Ali-ahum Iddin-abum Aššur-bēl-awātim Šalim-Aššur Enna-Suen Adada Šu-Kūbum Ennam-Ištar Lamassī Šāt-anna Šu-Bēlum (25) Amurrum-bāni (5) Amur-Ištar (69) Waklum (15) Aššur-bēl-awātim (10) Aššur-idī (4) Aššur-malik (6) Aššur-āb (5) Buzia (7) Damiq-pī-Aššur (5) Dan-Aššur (17) Enna-Suen (91) Ennam-Aššur (5) Ennānum Iddin-Aššur Iddin-Suen Iddin-abum Inah-ilī Itūr-ilī (5) Kidaya (5) Lā-qēp Lamassī (13) Man-māhir (17) Manana (13) Pūšu-kēn Puzur-Aššur Šāt-anna ilulu (7) Šu-Anum (5) Šu-Bēlum (11) Šu-Ištar Šu-Kūbum āb-ill-Aššur Uraya (14) Uur-ša-Aššur Ušinalam (17) Aššur-imittī Ilī-bāni Šalim-Aššur Ababa Abu-šalim Adad-rabi Adada Adida (61) Annina Bēlum-bāni Anuli Anninum Annina Anana Ali-ahum Agua Uzie (141) (25) Amurrum-bāni (5) Amur-Ištar (69) Waklum (15) Aššur-bēl-awātim (10) Aššur-idī (4) Aššur-malik (6) Aššur-āb (5) Buzia (7) Damiq-pī-Aššur (5) Dan-Aššur (17) Enna-Suen (91) Ennam-Aššur (5) Ennānum Iddin-Aššur Iddin-Suen Iddin-abum Inah-ilī Itūr-ilī (5) Kidaya (5) Lā-qēp Lamassī (13) Man-māhir (17) Manana (13) Pūšu-kēn Puzur-Aššur Šāt-anna ilulu (7) Šu-Anum (5) Šu-Bēlum (11) Šu-Ištar Šu-Kūbum āb-ill-Aššur Uraya (14) Uur-ša-Aššur Ušinalam (17) Aššur-imittī Ilī-bāni Šalim-Aššur Ennam-Aššur Ennānum Ababa Abu-šalim Adad-rabi Adada Adida (61) Annina Bēlum-bāni Anuli Anninum Annina Anana Ali-ahum Agua Uzie (141) OPEN ACCESS
28 CHATREŠŠAR 1/2020 Figure 5.Death in the Šalim-Aššur Archive Within the Šalim-Aššur archive we see asubset of the network which shows only those nodes explicitly involved in the events surrounding the death of prominent merchants. This subset includes 453 nodes and 2,961 edges. Note that the complete archive extends far beyond the immediate family, whereas the inner subset is more closely tied to the family members directly. The complete graph data for this visualization is located in my GitHub URL: [https://github.com/admndrsn/Gephi]. (25) Amurrum-bāni (5) Amur-Ištar (69) Waklum (15) Aššur-bēl-awātim (10) Aššur-idī (4) Aššur-malik (6) Aššur-āb (5) Buzia (7) Damiq-pī-Aššur (5) Dan-Aššur (17) Enna-Suen (91) Ennam-Aššur (5) Ennānum Iddin-Aššur Iddin-Suen Iddin-abum Inah-ilī Itūr-ilī (5) Kidaya (5) Lā-qēp Lamassī (13) Man-māhir (17) Manana (13) Pūšu-kēn Puzur-Aššur Šāt-anna ilulu (7) Šu-Anum (5) Šu-Bēlum (11) Šu-Ištar Šu-Kūbum āb-ill-Aššur Uraya (14) Uur-ša-Aššur Ušinalam (17) Aššur-imittī Ilī-bāni Šalim-Aššur Ennam-Aššur Ennānum Ababa Abu-šalim Adad-rabi Adada Adida (61) Annina Bēlum-bāni Anuli Anninum Annina Anana Ali-ahum Agua Uzie (141) OPEN ACCESS
ADAm G.ANDERSoN 29 Figure 6.The Ušinalam affair in the Šalim-Aššur archive Within the Šalim-Aššur archive we see asubset of the network which shows only those nodes explicitly involved in the Ušinalam affair (AKT 6a, 90–111 & 177). This subset includes 87 nodes and 495 edges. (25) Amurrum-bāni (5) Amur-Ištar (69) Waklum (15) Aššur-bēl-awātim (10) Aššur-idī (4) Aššur-malik (6) Aššur-āb (5) Buzia (7) Damiq-pī-Aššur (5) Dan-Aššur (17) Enna-Suen (91) Ennam-Aššur (5) Ennānum Iddin-Aššur Iddin-Suen Iddin-abum Inah-ilī Itūr-ilī (5) Kidaya (5) Lā-qēp Lamassī (13) Man-māhir (17) Manana (13) Pūšu-kēn Puzur-Aššur Šāt-anna ilulu (7) Šu-Anum (5) Šu-Bēlum (11) Šu-Ištar Šu-Kūbum āb-ill-Aššur Uraya (14) Uur-ša-Aššur Ušinalam (17) Aššur-imittī Ilī-bāni Šalim-Aššur Ababa Abu-šalim Adad-rabi Adada Adida (61) Annina Bēlum-bāni Anuli Anninum Annina Anana Ali-ahum Agua Uzie (141) OPEN ACCESS