Late Iron Age decorated coarse ware in central‑eastern Lombardy (Northern Italy)

Late Iron Age decorated coarse ware in central ‑eastern Lombardy (Northern Italy) Raffaella Poggiani Keller– Paolo Rondini ABSTRACT This paper delves into Late Iron Age decorated coarse ware originating from the present ‑day province of Bergamo in central Lombardy. During protohistoric time, this region served as aborderland and anexus connecting extensive cultural spheres, encompassing both lowland and mountainous terrains. The study presents data sourced from investigations conducted in the lowlands, alongside previously undisclosed finds from the local urban centre of Bergamo. We examine recent finds from the mountain range, encompassing not only the broader region but also focusing on the village of Parre in the Valle Seriana, acrucial place for comprehending the dynamics between lowland plains and mountainous environments. This distinct pottery class exhibits traces of both indigenous and far ‑reaching influences, suggesting its significance in the multifaceted process of Romanization and its role in negotiating cultural identities during this intricate historical phase. KEYWORDS Late Iron Age; Po valley; Bergamo; Parre; Coarse ware. INTRODUCTION Our study focuses on the Late Iron Age in central ‑eastern Lombardy, situated between the rivers Adda and Oglio, encompassing the province of Bergamo in northern Italy. Between the 4th and the 1st century BC, this region is characterized by aprevalence of amaterial culture commonly referred to as the ‘La Tène ‑type’. As extensively discussed by Vitali (2014, 7–14), this cultural affiliation is often attributed to the ‘Celtic’ populations, who settled in various parts of Italy following the so ‑called invasions of the early 4 th century BC (Vitali 2014; Lejars 2020; for arecent scholarly re ‑evaluation, see Wells 2023, 244–251). From acultural perspective, the region between the Adda and Oglio rivers has been subject to varied interpretations, depicting it either as aboundary or atransitional area between the Celtic tribes of the Insubri to the west and the Cenomani to the east. Scholars have proposed approximate demarcations, situating the dividing line either along the river Serio (Grassi 1995) or the Oglio (de Marinis 1986). The Late Iron Age in northern Italy has recently gar‑ nered significant academic attention, evidenced by both comprehensive studies (Malna‑ ti– Manzelli 2015; Piana Agostinetti 2017) and detailed analyses focusing on adjacent regions. The region around Milan and western Lombardy (Tizzoni 1984; Grassi 1995; 2000; Rapi 2009), Mediolanum itself (Casini– Tizzoni 2015a; 2015b; Bin– Colomba– Roncoroni 2024), the centre of Brixia (Arslan 1973; Tizzoni 1985; Frontini– Ongaro 1996; Ongaro 1999; Ragazzi– Solano 2014) and the Alpine valleys of Lombardy (Solano 2016) have all undergone thorough scholarly scrutiny in recent years. The present contribution, dedicated STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1, 107–133 108 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 to the Bergamo area, both in its lowlands and mountainous areas, as well as to the centre of Bergomum, 1 complements existing research with an up ‑to ‑date re ‑examination of old contexts and the presentation of unpublished data. This study is predicated upon atwofold approach. Firstly, it draws upon asystematic examination of all 19th and 20th century discoveries from the lowlands– an inventory conducted by one of the authors (Poggiani Keller 1992a; Pog‑ giani Kelleretal. 2017). These findings offer valuable insights into population demograph‑ ics, ritual practices, and the composition of grave goods. Secondly, the study delves into two stratigraphically investigated sites: the city of Bergamo and Parre, an oppidum of the Orobi located in the upper Valle Seriana. THE BACKGROUND BERGAMO AND ITS TERRITORY To grasp the significance of the centre of Bergamo during the late protohistoric period, it is necessary to briefly outline its developmental trajectory. Recent studies (Poggiani Keller 2007a; Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020) have shed light on aseries of urban excavations conducted in the central part of the hill– the surroundings of the Duomo, Palazzo del Podestà, Piazza Vecchia– uncovering layers pertaining to the foundational stages of the village. These trace back to the latter part of the Late Bronze Age, around the end of the 10th century BC.At that time, Bergamo existed as asmall village, akin to contemporary centres located in the nearby foothills such as Brolo di Cicola near Chiuduno and Ubiale Clanezzo among others (Poggiani Kelleretal. 2022; Rondini 2023). Culturally, these settlements exhibit multifaceted relationships, manifesting the characteristic traits of the so ‑called ‘Protovillanoviano Padano’ acultural cluster prevalent in the central and eastern Po plain. Additionally, they sporadically display affinities with the ‘Protogolasecca’, the cultural group prominent in western Lom‑ bardy. During the transition to the Iron Age (late 9th–8th century B.C.), adistinct demarcation emerges between Bergamo and its environs. Whereas many settlements in the vicinity expe‑ rienced phases of discontinuity, occasionally culminating in permanent abandonment, the hilltop centre embarked on an upward trajectory. This trajectory ultimately resulted in the occupation of an area encompassing approximately 8.5 hectares within the central part of the plateau. This shift in dynamics coincides with adivergence from prior cultural affiliations in favour of apronounced alignment with the western cluster, identified archaeologically as the early phase of the Golasecca culture. What commenced as aspatial proximity evolved into cultural identity towards the end of the 7th century BC and further solidified during the 6th and 5th. During this period, Bergamo expanded to anotable size of approximately 24 hectares, displaying attributes characteristic of an urban centre. Positioned as the easternmost major settlement of the Golasecca culture (Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020), it assumed asignifi‑ cant role within the broader region emerging as anaturally fortified and pivotal trading post and serving as acrucial link between the forestry and mining enterprises of the mountains and the agricultural activities of the plains. Moreover, its location along east ‑west trade routes, flanked by smaller settlements with comparable territorial control requirements, positioned it as acentral hub for commercial transactions and exchange (Poggiani Keller 2001; 2007a), 1 On the sources and the name, which can be traced back to the Gallo ‑Roman god Bergimus, see Ar‑ dovino 2007. 109RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI facilitating connectivity along the pathways linking Bergamo to Como and the territories of Etruria Padana.2 Our archaeological understanding of the urban phases of pre ‑Roman Bergamo and its sur‑ rounding territory is reasonably comprehensive. However, the depiction of events following the early 4th century BC appears less distinct. From ahistorical standpoint, it is tempting to attribute this ambiguity to the ‘invasions’ of Celtic groups in northern Italy, symbolically dated to 388 BC (Vitali 2014; Lejars 2020; Wells 2023). These events coincide with the disruption of the trade network that animated the middle Iron Age in the Po Valley. From an archaeolog‑ ical standpoint, the decline in population observed in certain regions during the initial two centuries of the Late Iron Age seems substantial:3 the plain indeed stands out in this regard. Meanwhile, the central place of Bergamo endured, albeit also undergoing aphase of contrac‑ tion which led to the inhabited area dwindling to amere 1.3 hectares, primarily concentrated in the eastern sector. Consequently, the once prosperous and affluent pre ‑Roman urban centre was once again reduced to the status of amodest village. Amidst this period characterized by sparse archaeological evidence, spanning from the 4th to the 1st centuries BC, the production of decorated coarse pottery emerged in Bergamo. Traditionally associated with Celtic or Gallic origins, this pottery typology marks anotable development during this era. GOING TO THE MOUNTAINS: PARRE. An essential aspect of this study, akin to other recent works (Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020), involves the holistic examination of both the centre of Bergamo and its surrounding territory. This encompasses not only the plain– its chora in the preceding urban phases (Rondini 2023)– but also, and perhaps most significantly, the Alpine valleys. The intrinsic economic significance of the mountainous region in protohistory is further emphasized by Bergamo’snatural inclination to serve as abridge between the plain and the Alps. Aprominent site within this pre ‑alpine and alpine landscape is Parre ‑Castello, situated approximately 30 kilometres uphill from Bergamo, nestled in the heart of the Valle Seriana at its confluence with the Valle Nossana. Positioned atop ahigh fluvial ‑glacial terrace, roughly 580 metres above sea level, Parre ‑Castello commands expansive vistas over the valley below. The site underwent multiple excavation campaigns conducted by the former Soprintendenza per iBeni Archeo‑ logici della Lombardia between 1983 and 1994, encompassing an area spanning 2,300 square metres. Subsequent investigations occurred prior to the area’sdevelopment between 2009 and 2013/2015. These endeavours revealed segments of asettlement of over 13,000 square metres, unveiling an orthogonal layout characterized by single ‑room dwellings. These structures feature slightly sunken floors, delineated by stone perimeter structures, with wooden upper portions and roofs. Following its foundation in the Late Bronze Age (13th century BC), which seems to be associated with metalworking activities, Parre continued to thrive throughout the Final Bronze Age and into the Iron Age. By the 6th century BC, the settlement likely ascended to acentral position within the Ser‑ iana Valley and its environs, possibly exerting control over and overseeing the metallurgical production of the Bergamo valleys. This notion is suggested by the remarkable scale of the metal hoard, comprising approximately 1000 kilograms of bronze in the form of scrap metal 2 Anetwork of villages with amostly rural character has been identified, known above all for burials (Casini 2007; 2017), with significant evidence in river crossing points. 3 Similar situations however occurred also in several landscapes of temperate Europe (Fernández‑ ‑Götz 2019, 190–193; Wells 2023, 250 with further references). 110 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 and ingots, which was interred at the outset of the 5th century BC in alocation on the periph‑ ery of the settlement.4 In the 5th century, in the decades subsequent to the deposition, Parre underwent apartial planimetric renovation. Concurrently, examination of the material cul‑ ture within the dwellings unveils the emergence of materials characteristic of the Golasecca culture, alongside those of the Alpine tradition, which were not previously identified. These seemingly anomalous findings suggest apotential direct interaction between the alpine set‑ tlement and the urban centre on the plain, adynamic also hinted at in ancient sources.5 Our comprehension of Late Iron Age Parre is less extensive compared to earlier stages, as ongoing study of the site is still underway. Based on the current state of knowledge, it appears that life at the site persisted, albeit possibly with astrong contraction or intermittent interrup‑ tions,6 until the Augustan period. It was not until the Roman conquest of the Alpine valleys, spanning from the 1st century BC to the 1st AD, that the site was abandoned. Eventually it was reoccupied between the end of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, possibly serving military functions, as indicated by numismatic evidence (Arslan 2006; 2007). This occupation persisted until at least the 5th century, as documented by various studies (Poggiani Keller 1985; 1992b; 2006; Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020). The present study entails the examination of previously unpublished contexts from the site, selected with the aim of shedding new light on this specific period through the analysis of decorated coarse ware, conventionally categorized as ‘Late Celtic’, which is abundant within the settlement. The presence of this type of material in Parre holds significant interest for several reasons. Firstly, its occurrence is exceptionally rare in the mountainous regions of central ‑eastern Lombardy (Ragazzi– Solano 2014, 73), which during these centuries were predominantly inhabited by aculturally cohesive group with distinctly Alpine characteristics.7 Secondly, it is noteworthy to observe that the Alpine area of Bergamo, 8 including Parre, was already engaged in the production of decorated coarse ware (featuring notched motifs and linear incissions with a‘V’ pattern) from the 8th century BC until the early 5th BC.These vessels can be compared with ceramic traditions documented in Liguria beginning in the 6th century BC (Mordeglia 2016; Venturino– Giaretti 2024). Considering that in the latter region, these early decorative styles directly precede the significant proliferation of decorated coarse ware during the Late Iron Age (Gambari– Venturino Gambari 2004), it becomes pertinent to explore not only the possible contacts between Liguria and the Alps, but also whether the early decorative trends observed are directly linked to the later developments or if the two should be regarded as independent phenomena. 4 See Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020, 288–290, with literature. The hoard is still only partially published. 5 See Cantarelli 1995 and Ardovino 2006; 2007. 6 See infra for further observations on these phases of the site, which, however, are still under scru‑ tiny. 7 For cultural and historical aspects of the ‘Camuno’ group, otherwise known as the ‘Breno/Dos dell’Arca type culture’, see de Marinis 1989; Rondini 2017; 2022b; Marzatico– Solano 2022. 8 Another settlement in the Alps of Bergamo shares with Parre this specific production: the Castello di Castione della Presolana (Rondini 2022a, 230–237). 111RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI Fig. 1: Distribution of the 2nd–1st century sites. In red, the ones from the area considered. GIS elabo‑ ration on DEM 20 m basis; by P.Rondini. MATERIALS AND CONTEXTS THE PLAIN Among the 59 sites where Late Iron Age artefacts have been discovered, 46 are located in the plain. While this may appear to be aconsiderable dataset, it is important to note that there is alack of evidence for the 4th century BC.Even the following century is almost unaccounted for, considering that, except for the sword decorated with adragon motif from Ghisalba‑ ‑Centro Storico (Poggiani Keller 2005), all other evidence dates back to the 2nd and 1st cen‑ turies BC.From apolitical standpoint, this period is marked by the conclusion of hostilities between the Cisalpine populations and Rome, formalized by the defeat of the Insubri in 194 BC (Tizzoni 2007, 204). In terms of archaeological evidence, particularly in the 2nd century BC but increasingly so in the 1st century BC, we observe anotable concentration of settlements in areas adjacent to waterways and along major east ‑west and north ‑south routes. None of these sites can be definitively attributed to asettlement,9 however, 41 of them have documented isolated graves or cemeteries. Their geographical distribution underscores asettlement strat‑ 9 Ongoing studies will clarify the LIA phases of Fornovo S. Giovanni, acentre at the crossroads between the road connecting Bergamo, Crema, and Piacenza and the one connecting Milan and Brescia (Fortunati 2007, 575–578). 112 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 egy characterized by scattered villages. Nonetheless, the presence of multiple burial grounds surrounding certain sites hints at apotential hierarchical structuring of the territory. This suggests that centres of greater significance may have been strategically positioned in key areas, exhibiting acontinuity of occupation both preceding and following the period under examination. Therefore, it is reasonable to presume that the centres of Treviglio, Ghisalba, and Verdello held significance during this period. Among them, Verdello likely played apivotal role, given the discovery of anoteworthy monetary hoard comprising 152 silver drachmas (Arslan 2003). Additionally, other metal artefacts have been uncovered, such as the votive deposit at Curno ‑Campo Broletto (Poggiani Kelleretal. 2017, 383–385). Unfortunately, many of the La Tène ‑style artefacts stem from chance discoveries made during the 19 th and early 20 th centuries. These findings often feature altered or mixed grave goods and were inadequately documented at the time of excavation. 10 Furthermore, in the cases where these artefacts were preserved, they frequently lack precise provenance information due to the fluctuations in museum storage conditions over time. While the occupation of the plain by Insubri groups is conventionally believed to have commenced in the 4th century BC, the archaeological record presents anear ‑total absence of evidence for La Tène phases B and C1, as previously noted. Decorated coarse ware vessels only begin to emerge in grave goods during La Tène phases C–D, alongside items from the so ‑called ‘Romanization’ phase. Furthermore, in La Tène D contexts, decorated coarse ware is often found alongside artefacts that are typically Roman in nature. In lowland contexts, linear incised decoration emerges as the predominant motif, often arranged in parallel lines or configured into grid or herringbone patterns. Additionally, wavy incisions are observed, alongside tool impressions depicting crescent and triangular shapes in afree ‑form arrangement, as well as singular linear patterns made by rouletting. Conversely, all ‑over patterns of finger ‑impressed decorations are less common, with their occurrence seemingly restricted to the particular shape of the slender ovoid olla (Verdello, via Galilei: Tizzoni 1981, 21, pl. 14b). It is indeed noteworthy to observe that the latter decoration, based on current dating, is found in contexts dating back to the 3rd century BC, as evidenced by discoveries in locations such as Urago d’Oglio– tomb 49 (de Marinis 2019, 47–50) and the settlement of Casalecchio di Reno (Ferrari– Mengoli 2005, 41–42; Zamboni 2024). Additionally, this decoration is also present in burials dated to the late 2nd century BC, as exemplified by tomb XIV in Remedello Sotto (Vannacci Lunazzi 1977, 20–21, pl. XIX:3), and further extends into the 1st century BC, as evidenced by recent discoveries in Verdello. While it may not be unexpected for asimple decorative scheme to endure with minimal alterations across centuries, 11 the intriguing aspect lies in its consistent pairing with the same vessel shape– the ovoid olla with an outward folded rim– across artefacts seemingly originating from contexts separated by approximately two centuries: this observation warrants deeper investigation (de Marinis 2019, fig. 36). 10 The main 19th century bibliographic sources are the manuscript Spicilegio Archeologico by Count Vimercati Sozzi 1935–1969 and the Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 1881–1899, edited by Gaetano Mantovani. For 20 th century finds, although also chance finds, we make use of the scientific editions of de Marinis 1977; 1982; 1986; 2001; Tizzoni 1981; 2003; 2007. The archaeological map of Berga‑ mo (Poggiani Keller 1992a) allowed for the fine tuning of excavation news in the context of the museum survey and the restoration of the complexes. From 1981 to 2013, news on individual finds can be found in the NSAL 1981–2011 or in the local and specialised editions cited from time to time (Fortunati Zuccàla 1993; Poggiani Keller 2003; 2005; 2007; Voltolini 2016). 11 Or that it even recurs in very distant chronological phases, as is well pointed out for the Recent Bronze Age by de Marinis 2019, 49 and fig. 37. 113RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI Fig. 2: Decorated coarse ware from the Bergamo plain. Drawings by P.Rondini. Several cemeteries have undergone systematic excavation in previous years, such as Levate– In Cocio (Fortunati Zuccàla 1993) and Verdello ‑Colabiolo (Fortunati– Pagani– Poggiani Keller 2003), as well as more recent excavations like Calcinate ‑Villa Passa (Voltolini 2016) and Fara Olivana ‑BreBeMi (NSAL 2010–2011, 94–95). These sites are currently under study, with many displaying continuity of use from the La Tène phase through to the Roman period, as observed in Verdello ‑Colabiolo, Levate ‑In Cocio, and Fara Olivana. In the last quarter of the 1st century BC and the first decades of the 1st century AD (Levate necropolis), elements of the La Tène tradition (the ollae decorated with fingertip impressions, the fibulae of the Almgren 65, Schusselfibel, and Nauheim types) coexist with Roman materials and bear witness to an indigenous culture, possibly akin to some sort of unspecified ‘Celtic’ tradition, already strongly permeated by the Roman and Italic component. BERGAMO As previously discussed, by the late 4th century BC, the settlement situated on the hill of Ber‑ gamo appeared to have contracted, with its occupation confined to the vicinity of the cross‑ roads connecting the paths leading to the territories of Brescia and Milan. This condensed area corresponds approximately to the square delineated in the Middle Ages as Mercatus Vetus. The material culture data from the first two centuries of the period indicate acontinuity in the production of Golasecca III A2, with late evolutions of the same forms, mirroring atrend akin to that observed in the centre of Mediolanum. However, one notable difference lies in the presence of decorated coarse ware artefacts, which are documented in Milan as early as LT B (Casini– Tizzoni 2015b, 103–120) but are notably underrepresented in Bergamo. One of 114 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 the rare instances of decorated coarse ware predating the 2nd century BC is exemplified by an ovoid olla featuring ashort and indented rim, adorned with incisions depicting azig ‑zag motif on the shoulder (Poggiani Keller 2007a, 178, fig. 175). This artefact was recovered at the site of the Convento di San Francesco and exhibits parallels with material dating back to the 3rd century BC from southwestern Piemonte (Castello Rosso di Costigliole Saluzzo: Mordeglia 2016, 400, n. 5–6; Breolungi di Mondovì: Mordeglia 2016, 392, nn. 4–11). Fig. 3: Bergamo. Location of archaeological excavations, and area occupied by evidence from the 2nd and 1st centuries BC: 1– Piazza Mascheroni ‑Giardinetto; 2– Via del Vasine, 10; 3– Via del Va‑ sine, 2; 4– Via Salvecchio; 5– Via S. Salvatore / Via Arena; 6– Biblioteca Civica; 7– Vicolo Aquila Nera; 8– Piazza Vecchia; 9– Passaggio Cà Longa; 10– Cappella Colleoni; 11– Piazza Rosate; 12– Area asud del campanile di S. Maria Maggiore; 13– Piazza Reginaldo Giuliani; 14– Via S. Loren‑ zo, Convento di S. Francesco; 15– Piazza Mercato del Fieno; 16– Via Solata, 8; 17– Via Rocca Alta; 18– Via Rocca 11; 19– Via Donizetti 22; 20– Via Porta Dipinta, Casa Battagion; 21– Via Osmano ‑S. Andrea; 22– Hospitium Comitis Pergami; 23– Duomo ‑Cattedrale di S. Alessandro; 24– Piazza Cittadella, lato Sud; 25– Fara ‑Parco della Fauna Orobica; 26– Collegio Baroni. 27– Via San Gio‑ vanni. GIS elaboration on DEM 1 m by P.Rondini. With the onset of the 2nd century BC, there was anotable resurgence in the occupation of the plains (Arslan 1991, 463), accompanied by awidespread revitalization of life in the former centres of the Golasecca culture, which had experienced significant growth and development during the early Iron Age. In Bergamo, settlement layers dating to the 2nd and 1st centuries BC have been identified in various survey contexts. These layers often exhibit direct physical continuity with those of the Golasecca period, although sometimes separated by hiatuses spanning more than two centuries. The late 2nd to 1st century BC levels now reveal amaterial 115RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI culture characterized by rich Late La Tène features, evident in both the forms and decoration of coarse ware. Additionally, elements typical of Roman production, such as common, fine, and black ‑glazed ware, are also present. Of the various excavations in the city influenced by the ‘Gallic’ settlement presence (Bib‑ lioteca Civica, via Donizetti 22, via Vasine 2, Piazza Mercato del Fieno;12 Fig. 3), we shall now direct our attention to astratigraphic section of the Biblioteca Civica excavation. Located to the north of the Decumanus Maximus, this expansive slope area has undergone aseries of in‑ tricate stratigraphic transformations. Initially organized with artificial terracing during the late 6th and 5th centuries BC, it was then inhabited with wooden houses during the Golasecca phase. However, between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, the area fell into disrepair. Areoccupation can be traced back to the 2nd century BC, characterized by the construc‑ tion of new dry ‑stone terraces that redefined the landscape. These terraces extended the protohistoric ones, thereby establishing new settlement levels. However, remnants of these structures are scarce, as they were largely supplanted by the construction of alarge Roman domus spanning two levels around the mid‑1 st century BC.This structure underwent subsequent renovations until the 4th–5th century AD, only to be later obliterated by simpler early medieval housings (Poggiani Keller 2007b). Among the stratigraphic sections crucial for elucidating the Late Iron Age sequence type of the Biblioteca Civica, we highlight two. The first, labelled as SU 406 (Fig. 4:A), displays astratification from bottom to top containing material attributable to LT B2 of Golasecca derivation. This layer includes artefacts such as the corded olla with an enlarged rim (Fig. 4:1), which bears aresemblance to vessels found in Milan– via Moneta (US 1760: Casini– Tizzoni 2015a, 94, fig. 21). Additionally, this layer is associated with coarse ceramic sherds decorated with disordered linear incisions, adecorative motif also observed in the Seine ‑Yonne area during the same period (Seguier 2009, 95, fig. 39). The subsequent level, SU 393 (Fig. 4:B), comprises fragments indicative of LT D dating. Among these artefacts are ared ‑banded painted figulina, likely atrottola vase, as well as acoarse ware sherd adorned with herringbone incised decoration, amotif frequently observed in LT D contexts within the plain and its environs. The second stratigraphic sequence (Fig. 4:C, D, E) starts from the earliest occupation level, called SU 361, from which comes alate olla in the Golasecca style with athickened rim (Fig. 4:7), aform widely spread from Milan to Bergamo between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC (Milano, via Moneta SU 426/91: Casini– Tizzoni 2015a, 128; Como– via Isonzo– la Pesa structure 1: Casini– de Marinis– Rapi 2001, 125, no. 5; Bergamo– Polo Umanistico SU 337: Longhietal. 2019, 72, tav. III) and the bowl with athickened rim of the Etrusco -padana tradition (Fig. 4:8), known in both Bergamo and Brescia between the 4th and the entire 3rd century BC (Berga‑ mo– Polo Umanistico: Longhietal. 2019, 67, tav. I; Brescia– Capitolium: Ragazzi– Solano 2014, 58, fig. 1, pl. II). The intermediate level, called SU 355 (Fig. 4:D), is characterised by an olla with aprobably ovoid body and along inward neck with an enlarged rim (Fig. 4:12) in black ‑coarse ware: this shape is present in Brescia– Capitolium (Ragazzi– Solano 2014, 70, pl. XXI:6) with comparisons in south ‑western Piemonte during the Late Iron Age (Breolungi di Mondovì: Mordeglia 2016, 391, pl. 91). Regarding the decoration with acovering pattern of rows of deep fingertip impressions with clay displacement, this is awell ‑known pattern in central Lombardy and is generally dated, as in Verdello and Urago d’Oglio, to awide inter‑ val spanning at least between the 3rd and the 1st century BC.The ovoid ‑bodied olla (Fig. 4: 13) with an outwards folded rim and body decorated with tool impressions, possibly arouletting 12 Recently, three LT D tombs with indirect incineration were found in the lower town, in via S. Gio‑ vanni (Fig. 3:27) (Fortunati in Bergomum 2019, 63–64). 122 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 Fig. 8: Parre, materials from the house with wooden logged floor: SU 1018. Scale 1:3 pottery; 1:2 metal. Drawings by P.Rondini. 123RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI linear graffiti resembling aprobable incised letter, which is too fragmentary to be inter‑ preted (Fig. 7:22). The levels just described, relating to the occupation of the house, were covered by athick layer (US 1018: Fig. 8) which was the result of achaotic accumulation, possibly partly due to the abandonment of the structure, and partly due to abackfilling of soil and material follow‑ ing the burning of the house and its abandonment. Due to its stratigraphic nature, this level is therefore particularly rich in artefacts, even if they are chronologically heterogeneous. Among the bronze coins found, there is an exceptional one from the 4th century BC, minted during the reign of Agathocles of Siracuse,18 while there are also sporadic artefacts that may date back to earlier phases of the Middle Iron Age. However, the vast majority of the artefacts in the complex are chronologically consistent with this part of the settlement, and date to the Romanisation phase. The most important metal object is abronze Knotenfibel in excellent condition (Fig. 8:23), also known as a‘harp ‑shaped fibula with crests’ (Piana Agostinetti– Knobloch 2010, type E2), which belongs to the Adam XXXd– Almgren 65 type and can be dated to LT D2 (Adam 1996, 224–229). The ceramic materials include both depurated ceramic artefacts, such as fragments of ‘atrottola’ vessels (Fig. 8:21), also painted with horizontal red bands on ayellowish body (Fig. 8:19–20). Afourth sherd of thin, grey, depurated pottery bears painted bands interspersed with zig ‑zag lines, executed in adark grey, graphitic colour (Fig. 8:22): this is adecoration found on ‘atrottola’ vessels in northern Italy from the 3 rd century BC (Gambolò In Arslan 1991, 460) and in the southern Alpine area until the later period, where it is present in Milan– via Moneta in the LT C/D levels (US 549: Casini– Tizzoni 2015a, fig. 64) as well as in the Como area (between Gravedona and Damaso: Rapi 2009, 211, pl. XXVIII). Other depurated ceramic artefacts include acup with an externally moulded ring foot (Fig. 8:7), with agraffito inscription cut on the base in Lepontian characters, of which ‘piu’ is legible. This type of artefact is well known: these cups with aring foot and arecessed rim are typical of the Romanisation phase and are also widespread in the Alpine region (for comparison, among many others, at Spinera di Breno: Solano 2010, 80, tab.IX). As for the inscription, it can be compared with the ‘piuot’ graffitied on the tiny olla ‑ointment container, part of the funerary goods of the child’sburial found afew metres away and dated to the same period (Fig. 5:D; study in Morandi 2006, 32–33). It is significant to mention that the same word appears on two different artefacts from the same settlement, both in adomestic and avotive context. Some fine micaceous pottery sherds are decorated with alternating registers of rouletting and pairs of horizontal grooves (Fig. 8:4–6). These artefacts belong to the ‘Lovere’ type which is present here in its basic decoration and symbolically testifies to the re ‑emergence of an Alpine production tradition in Parre, albeit represented by avery limited part of the ceramic production of the site. Of the richly decorated coarse ware, we present asummary of typical shapes and deco‑ rations. These include spherical jars with an inverted rim, decorated with incised herring‑ bone motifs on the shoulder (Fig. 8:3, 18) or with afalse cord (Fig. 8:17). This form is highly represented in Lombardy LT D contexts such as the Capitolium of Brescia (Ragazzi– Solano 2014, 73, pl. XXVI) and is also used in Roman common pottery production until at least the 1st century AD (Solano 2008, 182, fig. 11). As for the other decorations, it is worth noting the remarkable vividness of the impression patterns: there are numerous types of fingertip decorations, often with clay displacement, either double ‑row horizontal (Fig. 8:2, 15) or multi ‑row (Fig. 8:10–12), or inscribed in vertical registers marked by horizontal grooves (Fig. 8:1), or again in vertical registers with clay ridges dividing the rows (Fig. 8:16), creating an 18 Determination and study by E. A. Arslan. 124 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 effect very reminiscent of the so ‑called ‘à sapin’ decoration (de Marinis 2019, 49–50). The instrument impressions are also varied: there are rectangular notches (Fig. 8:14), triangular notches (Fig. 8:8), and apattern of deep vertical crescents, both in horizontal rows (Fig. 8:1) and in acovering arrangement, creating an almost scale ‑like effect (Fig. 8:13). Finally, there are cords with fingertip impressions and wavy incisions (Figs. 8:9), which concur with the arrangement of an extremely varied picture, in which linear decorations seem to be in the minority compared to those with impressions, which instead reach alevel of compositional and associative originality comparable only to the materials from the Capitolium of Brescia. Overall, this layer seems to be slightly later than the last use of the house, and adating to LT D2 can be proposed. DECORATIVE PATTERNS THROUGH TIME Considering the information presented thus far, when we extend our perspective to the centu‑ ries leading up to the Late Bronze Age, it becomes evident that the decoration of coarse ceramic vessels, or more broadly, non ‑fine impasto, emerges as arecurring concept across different periods.19 Therefore, utilizing it as ameans for chronological analysis or cultural inference demands meticulous caution. Before delving into amore comprehensive examination, it is imperative to emphasize that relying on cultural connections between contexts separated by considerable chronological gaps, in the absence of evidence indicating direct lineage, appears inappropriate. Furthermore, the inherent characteristics of certain coarse pottery decorations, whether they are relief (such as cords, featuring various iterations including wavy or lattice compositions, single strands, or rows) or impressed (like fingertip impressions, either in ascattered arrangement or organized in rows, found on the body or rim), can be ambiguous. For instance, from an etic viewpoint, these decorations are frequently interpreted as purely decorative, reflecting aparticular aesthetic or cultural expression. However, from an emic perspective, they might have also served practical purposes,20 thus being also subject to dif‑ ferent, functional instances. However, in certain specific circumstances, such as in cases of chronological continuity, adirect link can be assumed and utilized as an indicator of contact, trade, or more broadly, movement. In this context, geographical distance, even spanning medium to long distances, does not pose asignificant obstacle in identifying mobility in the ancient world (see Fernàndez ‑Götzetal. 2023 with previous literature). THE EARLY IRON AGE We have already mentioned the presence of coarse ware vessels decorated with generally linear motifs (incisions and notches) with Vor zig ‑zag motifs in the Early Iron Age in the Alpine area of Bergamo, between the Valle Seriana and Valle Borlezza (Fig. 9:A). These ves‑ sels are primarily deep containers, characterized by adistinct short and outward ‑folded rim. Evidence of their production dates back to at least the late 8th to 7th century BC, as attested by findings in Parre (US 550: Poggiani Keller 2006, 20). Production continued until the 6th 19 For observations regarding northern Italian LBA coarse ware decorations: Rondini 2016; de Mari‑ nis 2019, 47–50. Further examples of similar fingertip decorations on coarse ware can be found also in Bronze Age Britain: for atechnological and cultural overview, see Laing 2022. 20 Such as, in the case of the cords, to reinforce the body of avessel and, also concerning the impres‑ sions, to make big heavy containers easier to hold, as suggested by Rapi– Scandolo 1995, 111. 125RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI and early 5th centuries BC, after which they ceased to be produced. They are also present in the upper Valle Borlezza, at the sites of Sovere ‑Madonna della Torre (late 9th/early 8th century BC: Rondini 2022a, 240–253) and above all at the Castione della Presolana (phase 4: 7 th –6 th century BC; Rondini 2022a, 235), asettlement that during these periods shared most of the cultural characteristics of Parre. Firstly, it is confirmed that these decorated vessels, particu‑ larly their later versions, exhibit similarities with the decorative styles and morphological characteristics found in western and eastern Liguria. However, the chronology in Liguria differs: while they appear around the 6th century BC, they are more prevalent in the Late Iron Age (Mordeglia 2016). Given the early chronology of the Alpine instances, it seems appropriate to interpret them as alocal, original feature. However, the evidence of their parallel occurrence in both Alpine and Ligurian contexts insinuates the suspicion of possible contacts only during periods of intense overlap, particularly in the 6th and early 5th centuries BC.In this hypothetical recon‑ struction, Bergamo’srole as an urban centre within the Golasecca culture, capable of managing exchanges and contacts across awide territory, would be crucial. However, the situation is complicated due to the absence of any identified decorated pottery in contemporaneous layers of the urban site, which conversely exhibit acomplete correspondence with Golasecca ‑style smooth and non ‑ornamented pottery productions. On the Alpine side, it seems that this specific form of ceramic decoration, which does not continue after the early 5 th century BC, is localized primarily in the Valle Seriana area and absent from the neighbouring valleys such as Valle Camonica, further emphasizing the regional specificity and the early dating of this decorative tradition. Asecond type of decoration appears on similarly shaped coarse ware ollae and occasionally on truncated cone ‑shaped bowls, spread in the wider area of the eastern Lombardy valleys between the 6 th and 5 th centuries BC.This is acovering scheme of dense grooves that run vertically along the neck and diagonally along the belly and were executed with acomb tool (Fig.9:B). The egg ‑shaped olla with an outwards folded rim, featuring the decoration described, is commonly referred to as the ‘Luine type’ and has been discovered in various contexts, in‑ cluding settlement sites and cult sites, throughout the region (Rondini 2022b). The specific type of decorated vessel exhibits numerous similarities with contemporaneous contexts found in locations such as Tamins, Kirchenhügeln, Haldenstein, and Chur ‑Markthallenplatz in Swiss Graubünden. In the past, these similarities have been used to suggest cultural affini‑ ties between the eastern Lombardy valleys and Alpine groups that settled in the Rhine valley, particularly during the Hallstatt D2–D3 period. It can be found in all the valleys of central‑ ‑eastern Lombardy, but it does not reach Bergamo or the plain: it therefore seems to indicate another line of movement and contact, not directed towards the plain, but belonging to the traditional heritage that we can identify as ‘Alpine’. This decorative tradition came to an end in the first half of the 5th century BC: the full development of the Breno ‑Dos dell’Arca culture affected the Alpine area in every aspect of material culture, especially ceramics, favouring rare, impressed decorations or linear incissions executed only on fine pottery, ataste completely foreign to the ‘covering’ and rustic taste of the decorations that are the subject of this study. THE LATE IRON AGE The transition to the 4th century BC in Bergamo is characterized by ageneral decrease in the quantity of available material: the scant artefacts attributed to this period, recovered from excavations at the Convento di San Francesco and the Biblioteca Civica, exhibit ahigh degree of morphological continuity with the Golasecca culture tradition. However, some of these ar‑ 126 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 tefacts stand out, such as the occasional examples of coarse pottery, some of which are indeed decorated with incissions arranged in angular patterns. These artefacts, which find compari‑ sons in the territory of Liguria, represent acompletely new element in Bergamo, as they were not part of the material culture during the 6th and 5th centuries BC.It is worth mentioning that the only confirmed decorations found in Bergamo during this period are the ones with linear incissions: no other tool or fingerprint decorations have been identified in this period. On the Alpine side, Parre between the 4 th and 3 rd centuries BC offers almost no data, 21 while Castione della Presolana was by then completely aligned with the ‘Camuni’ material culture and showed little or no signs of contact with the plain. 21 And the few artefacts we are aware of concern late ‑Golasecca fashions, such as afine ceramic egg cup decorated with circular concentric impressions. Fig. 9: Decorated pottery from Early Iron Age Valle Seriana, Valle Borlezza, and Valle Camonica. A– Incised decorations: 1– Sovere, Madonna della Torre (Rondini 2022a, 247); 2–3, 6–7– Parre Castello (Poggiani Keller 2006); 4–5– Castione della Presolana, Castello (Rondini 2022a, 129– 205); B– Combed decorations: 8–9– Castione della Presolana, Castello (Rondini 2022a, 200–210); 10– Parre Castello (Poggiani Keller– Rondini 2020, 289); 11– Bienno, Campolungo mine (Ron‑ dini 2022a, 163); 12– Darfo Boario Terme, Luine. Scala 1:4. Drawings by F. Magri (2–3, 6–7) and P.Rondini (1, 4–5, 8–12). 127RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI Fig. 10: Chart of the main attested decorations in the considered area between 2nd and 1st cent. BC.Created by P.Rondini. 128 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXVIII/1 Aclear reversal of this trend occurred only after the defeat of the Insubri in 197 BC.The 2nd century BC, with increasing intensity after the middle part, marks the repopulation of the plain, with afurther intensification in the 1st century BC.The sites dated LT D1 to LT D2 offer an articu‑ lated, capillary, and structured picture (Poggiani Kelleretal. 2017). Similarly, the centre of Ber‑ gamo offers amore coherent response as does Parre. During this period, decorated coarse ware, traditionally considered Celto ‑Padanian (Selmi 2002, 62; Piana Agostinetti– Knobloch 2010, 17–18; Zamboni 2021, 122–124, tab.1), assumes asignificant role in the dynamics of production, both those linked to contexts of domestic use and those involved in funerary rituals (Biondani 2014, 238). Analysing the available data (Fig. 10), it becomes evident that the discoveries from the plains distinctly demonstrate apreference for decorations achieved through incisions upon the ceramic body. These include linear, herringbone or lozenge patterns, lattice design, and occasionally undulating schemes. The instrument impressions seem secondary, much like the fingertip imprints, which exhibit little variation, repetitiveness, and predominantly feature the covering pattern. While the data from Bergamo exhibit arather stereotypical and limited range, those from Parre ‑Castello present an exceptionally vibrant output. In this context, linear incisions are surpassed in both variety and liveliness by the impressions. Notably, both tool and fingerprint markings exhibit adiversity and adaptability in their interplay, suggesting several lines for comparison with the Cenomani centre in Brescia (Ragazzi– Solano 2014). The examination of ceramic material culture from the late 2nd and 1st centuries BC reveals artefacts that already respond to both the technological and aesthetic traits characteristic of Roman influence, such as black glazed cups and the emergence of domestic pottery vessels. These are juxtaposed with coarse productions that adhere to an aesthetic intention diametri‑ cally opposed, evoking ataste possibly construed as ‘traditional’ or ‘local’ (Grassi 1995, 85–88; Zamboni 2021, 136–147). INTERPRETATION AND PERSPECTIVES The endeavour to formulate an entirely novel interpretation of the role of decorated pottery in the Late Iron Age within the Cisalpine region exceeds the nature of this study. This topic has been extensively examined in prior scholarly works (Grassi 1995; Biondani 2014; Zamboni 2021, along with accompanying bibliographies), including recent contributions. In broad terms, the discourse revolves around the realm of dynamics involving encounters and influences among diverse cultures and identities. As previously mentioned, the emergence of decorated pottery during the Late Iron Age can be compared to similar manifestations during the Early and Middle Iron Age. First and foremost, it is essential to underscore that there is no evidence of direct chronological continuity between the two productions. Additionally, while the earlier instances appear to be sparse in number and lack explicit engagement in societal practices, whether religious or funerary, the later examples appear widespread, and significant to differ‑ ent aspects of the social life. This marked contrast highlights asignificant disparity between the two productions of decorated coarse ware of the Early and Late Iron Ages, suggesting they represent separate phenomena, derived from independent instances. Secondly, we would be tempted to dismiss the notion that the phenomenon of decorated ceramics in the Late Iron Age has to be attributed solely to apassing trend or artisanal whim. Its prominence, sustained presence, and widespread distribution in diverse contexts suggest aresponse to cultural imperatives, potentially tied to notions of identity but assuredly influenced by intercultural relations and contacts (Grassi 1995, 85–88; Biondani 2018). From ahistorical perspective, it appears nearly unavoidable to highlight the connection, chronological at least, between the 129RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER– PAOLO RONDINI advent of decorative trends in Cisalpine ceramics and the most heightened and intricate phase of Romanisation dynamics within territories north of the Po River. Indeed, one might be inclined to interpret this phenomenon as aresult of the resurgence and solidification of a‘local’ identity in response to agrowing sense of ‘otherness’ (Solano 2012; 2016; more in general, Terrenato 1998; 2008). At present, the extent to which this ‘local’ identity is validated by historical events holds little significance, as an identity can be constructed retrospectively when it is bolstered by aspecific necessity.22 Another intriguing aspect emerges from the neighbouring ‘Camuni’ area, encompassing the large territory occupied by the Breno ‑Dos dell’Arca culture (Rondini 2017; de Marinis 1989). This mountainous region, abundant in natural resources, was controlled by awide‑ spread and cohesive population, which has been ethnically indicated as the ancient Camunni, as referenced in literary sources (Marzatico– Solano 2022, 754; also, with specific focus on the relationship with Rome: Solano 2016). To date, this particular category of ceramics remains entirely absent from the territory of this group. It is worth noting that the ‘camunic’ area was however not isolated from contact and trade with the lowlands: evidence of such interactions includes ceramic artefacts like black ‑glazed cups, alongside items typically as‑ sociated with Late La Tène production and technology, such as the depurated ceramic cups featuring ring feet and inward folded rims, which became widespread from the 2nd century BC onward. Considering their otherwise widespread distribution, the conspicuous absence of the particular category of decorated coarse ware23 in the ‘camunic’ area suggests adeliberate selection process. This absence indirectly corroborates the notion that these objects likely carried significance beyond mere decorative value. Regarding the underlying reasons for this scenario, it is evident that considerable further investigation is warranted. The informational potential inherent in ceramics, encompassing domestic ware among other artefacts, remains largely untapped. Certainly, to attain adefin‑ itive and comprehensive interpretation of the phenomenon, it may be imperative to adopt abroader perspective. This entails incorporating an analysis of local productions from the same period, while also considering the presence of typically Roman products. The interaction among diverse cultural traditions serves as the key for adeeper comprehension of the intri‑ cate and multifaceted process known as ‘Romanisation’, of which these decorated ceramics constitute just one facet within the studied region. AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS This work is the culmination of extensive field research conducted over numerous years under the leadership of RPK, as well as collaborative discussions and shared perspectives between the two authors. The initial draft of paragraphs 1, 2 and 3.1 was prepared by RPK, while the conceptualization, design, drafting of paragraphs 1, 3.2, 3.3, 4, and 5, as well as the finalization of the manuscript, including figures and artefact drawings, were undertaken by PR. 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