The Role of Korea in Cultural Transmission between China and Japan during the Three Kingdoms Period

The Role of Korea in Cultural Transmission between China and Japan during the Three Kingdoms Period Pál Koudela — Jinil Yoo INTRODUCTION The Three Kingdoms’ role in cultural transmission and its importance in different cultural fields is only now becoming clearer. There is more and more evidence sup‑ porting the fact that Korea played a complex part in this. China’s cultural, economic and political influence on Asia is core and a starting point for current studies; and during the Middle Ages Japan had been in China’s circle of influence since the 6thcen‑ tury. The two most important components of cultural relations were Buddhism and Confucianism, but summing them up is still very limited. This article compiles the latest results and shows this complexity from a new viewpoint. Buddhism is not only a religion, a set of beliefs and habits, but has artistic relevance in architecture, graphic arts, music, and poetry too. Buddhism is also a philosophy and had its influ‑ ence on thinking not only about religion but about ways of life. It also represented a part of international relations: monks went from Silla to Japan, first of all to Hyeja in 594 and later the famous mission from Paekche. Confucianism was also very im‑ portant, taking legislative and administrative structure to Japan through Korea. But there are other parts of international relations and cultural transmission like war‑ fare, dressing or even eating habits. Korean warriors fighting in the Three Kingdoms created their own style of armour, which spread to Japan, evolving into the image of the medieval samurai on horseback. BUDDHISM FROM CHINA After the fall of the Chinese Empire in the 4th century (especially the Western Jin in 317) many refugees fled to the Korean peninsula taking with them Chinese culture. The early Three Kingdoms were open to the new skills and diplomatic connections that had a strong cultural influence on the following centuries. Koguryŏ and Paekche ac‑ cepted Buddhism in the 4th century and Silla in 527. The traditional dates are either 527 (according to the Samguk sagi) or 528 (according to the Samguk yusa), although some scholars have argued for 535 because that is when construction on the first monastery, Hŭngnyunsa, began. The new religion was introduced to P’yŏngyang by the monk Sundo from the former Chinese Qin, to Koguryŏ in 372 AD, and Buddhism soon became state 8 PRAGUE PAPERS ON THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2/2014 religion. But all three kingdoms maintained pastoral and theoretic relations between northern and southern Chinese Buddhist communities in the ensuing period. In 384 AD an Indian monk from Xinjiang, called Mālānanda, brought Buddhism to Paekche’s Han‑ Seong (modern Seoul). The sources for this story say that he was a dark ‑skinned, non‑ ‑Chinese monk (hosŭng 胡僧) named Maranant’a 摩羅難陀. The name Mālānanda is a reconstruction, and there is no evidence he came specifically from Xinjiang. At that time Buddhism had to fight for acceptance against Shamanism, which had originated from Siberia, then spread to the south and west including Korea. Buddhist monks were believed to be spiritual leaders who could defend both state and person‑ ality and this belief led to greater popularity and a chance against Shamanic leaders.1 Behind the scenes Chinese patronage of Buddhism made a big role: Korean leaders thought that preferring monks with their Chinese style of thinking and dressing would impress Manchurian leaders despite the weakened and mostly ruled situation of China. Before 676 AD, when Silla— after many battles by the Han River— united the peninsula, the Three Kingdoms had intense diplomatic relations with China. A Buddhist monk called Wonchuk lived in China at the Ximing Temple. He special‑ ized in the study of Consciousness under the influence of Xuanzang. Confucian influ‑ ence can be indicated since the early 4th century. An official academy, the T’aehak, was established in 372 AD to teach Chinese, Confucian knowledge to future administra‑ tors. Symbols of Taoist (道敎) beliefs like faiths (傳統信仰) were also found in excava‑ tions proving a more complex Chinese influence on the Korea of that era.2 Buddhism was spreading quickly through the royal families and the Aristocracy, especially in Silla where it was a kind of national ideology of defence and royal su‑ premacy. Despite the fact that Buddhism was the state religion in Koguryŏ, its influ‑ ence was limited, and it was not the sole religion of any of the early Korean kingdoms. Later the Vinaya School became dominant, creating institutions providing scholar advisers for the kings. In the 6th century Koguryŏ itself helped spread Buddhism. Relations between Buddhist monks and royalty led to the appointment of a Buddhist monk in 551 AD in Koguryŏ, by the king of Silla to the role of the head of the monastic organization. This event also shows the growing dominance of Silla over the other kingdoms. The monk Hyeryang— mentioned above— was a Koguryŏ monk who emigrated to Silla after Silla’s conquest of the Han River Basin. He moved to the Silla capital and was made the Saṃgha Overseer by the Silla king in 551. Hyeryang wasn’t in Koguryŏ, but had become the leader of the Silla Buddhist order. The institution of kyŏngdang was a community of unmarried men in Koguryŏ which was also influenced by China. Many local aristocratic archery communities formed learning Chinese texts but remained remarkably marginal. In Paekche Buddhism played the same role as in Koguryŏ: it was a state religion dominated by the Vinaya School that built systematic organization for the kingdom. In the 6th century international relations between Koguryŏ and Paekche strengthened, 1 정병조: 비단길과 한국 불교 (JUNG, Byung ‑jo, The Silk Road and Korea’s Buddhism), in: Buddhist Studies (佛敎硏究), Vol. 29, 2008, pp. 11–43. 2 김남숙: 삼국시대 神獸文의 도상 연구 (KIM Nam ‑suk, A Study on the Iconography of Aus‑ picious Animal Patterns in the Three Kingdoms Period), in: Master’s Thesis of Wonkwang Uni‑ versity Graduate School (원광대학교 대학원), 2012, pp. 1–149. PáL KOUdELA — JINIL YOO 9 partly because of a lack of wars with China since 406 AD and partly because of an economic progress seemed to be possible to get easier by a national cohesion. Along with the fruitful diplomatic connections between the Three Kingdoms, Chinese cul‑ tural influence spread fast. King Muryeong of Paekche sent two diplomatic envoys to Liang China and to King Seong to maintain these ties afterwards. During the reign of King Seong (523–554 AD) new commentaries on the Niepan jing (Nirvāṇa Sūtra) were obtained. Paekche monks facilitated the relationship between Liang Emperor Wu and Paekche, studying Buddhism and transmitting the Chengshi ‑Niepan (成實涅槃)3 thought to the Korean Kingdom. This wing of Buddhist thought later became the basis of the religion and administration in Paekche. The following King Wideok (554–598 AD) accepted the Dilun (地論) thought and meditation techniques of the Fahua jing (Lotus Sūtra) from China.4 Monks didn’t direct, only arranged administration, law, procedure and literacy to make a complex political system built for the early rulers. Buddhist influence spread so far into the Paekche court that King Pŏp banned killing or hunting animals and ordered to release all domesticated animals at the turn of the 6th century. He also forced the court’s men to break their weapons they used for hunt‑ ing. At the end of the 6th century Buddhist monks also studied the thoughts of other Chinese schools: the Shelun (攝論) and Sanlun (三論) which were very new even in the Sui and early Tang periods of Chinese history. The latter thought became the basis for the institutional Buddhism in Paekche during the reign of King Mu and King Ui ‑ja.5 Silla resisted Buddhism much longer than Paekche and Koguryŏ, saving its indig‑ enous culture. Thus political organization became more complex later, sophisticated, refined arts developed only after the two other kingdoms had reached a high grade in it. Ich’adon, a nobleman was martyred for his Buddhist beliefs in 527 AD and many miracles followed his death, which made the king accept Buddhism as state religion. This happened under the reign of king Pŏphŭng (514–540 AD), who changed his origi‑ nal name to mean the rising of the dharma; but resistance still persisted for decades thereafter. We cannot know if Silla king Pŏphŭng changed his name to mean “Rising of the Dharma,” but this is his posthumous title, at least. According to the Haedong kosŭng chŏn and Samguk yusa, Pŏphŭng surrendered the throne to become a monk named Pŏpkong (法空). CHINESE INFLUENCE ON THE ARTS IN THE THREE KINGDOMS Monasteries, pagodas and statues were being built and artisans and artists travelled around the Three Kingdoms. In 541 AD king Seong of Paekche asked the Nanjing court for Buddhist texts, teachers of the Shijing (Book of Odes) and artisans. Later Paekche 3 Chengshi was originally a Theravada school but was oriented to Mahayana by its explana‑ tion that Buddhahood can be attained by destroying the attachment to names, elements and emptiness. Niepan concentrates on the propagation of the nirvana theory. 4 최연식: 백제 후기의 불교학의 전개과정 (CHOE, Yeon ‑shik, Buddhist Thoughts in Late Baekje Dynasty), in: Journal of The Korean Society for Buddhist Studies (불교학연구), Vol. 28, 2011, pp. 189–224. 5 Ibidem. 10 PRAGUE PAPERS ON THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2/2014 architects built Silla’s great Hwangnyŏng (Yellow Dragon) temple. The structure— the three pagodas and three main buildings of the Mityuk temple— clearly shows Paekche’s philosophical and politico ‑cultural viewpoint.6 Korean scholars often vis‑ ited Wa and were welcomed studying Chinese characters in 405 AD. In Silla King Pŏphŭng introduced the kolp’um (bone ‑rank) system which was a political and social stratification. This innovation strengthened the authority of the state but many other kinds of Chinese influence began being adopted, e.g. the wearing of Chinese court dresses. Kyongdang were schools set up in different districts of Koguryŏ to teach Chi‑ nese characters. Since the earliest adoption of Chinese writing and thus influences on Korean culture in the 2nd century a great immanent development occurred.7 Po‑ etry of Silla and Koguryŏ successor Balhae was mainly dominated by Chinese litera‑ ture. It shows a kind of chauvinism believing their own country to be the centre of the world as Chinese traditional world view does.8 In poems incenses were mentioned and this phenomena connects culturally China to Korea too. In the 6th century Silla begun to have supremacy over Paekche and Koguryŏ and Chinese courts started to treat Silla more and more respectively. For that reason Silla was the least influenced by China but even there some phoenix shaped glass vessels were found, made in the fifth ‑sixth ‑century in China. The extensive Chinese culture derived from the Han period, and had its later effect on the Korean peninsula. Chi‑ nese residents remained in Koguryŏ. Stone stupas evolved from the Chinese wooden and brick pagodas but had their own progress. Both served as a sacred place, but pagodas were larger buildings whilst stupas were rather monuments holding holy relics (sarira), texts and offerings. They had five stories on average. In the case of Silla an octagonal structure of buildings as typical is proofed showing the influence of Chinese pagodas’ same form. Iseongsanseong (二聖山城), Najeong (蘿井), and Mangisanseong (望夷山城) in Silla and Wandusanseong (丸都山城) in Koguryŏ have octagonal designs related to the religious service system. Earliest brick pagodas in China are from the 7th century and a connection between the two similar forms and buildings is supposed by the latest studies; however religious systems are not affected in the same way in Korea’s Kingdoms.9 There are no two similar Buddha sculptures from this period, each has its own character and place in everyday religion or ritual. But through time rituals evolved 6 노중국: 백제의 고대동아시아 세계에서의 위상 (CHOONG Kook Noh, Phase in the World of the ancient East Asia of Baekje), in: PAEKCHE ‑MOONHWA: The Journal of Paekche Cul‑ ture (백제문화), Vol. 40, 2009, pp. 155–184. 7 문일환: 동북아 한문학의 정립과 그 문화적 의미 (IL ‑Hwan Mun, Chinese Literature in East Asia and Its Meanings), in: Toegye Studies and Korean Culture (퇴계학과 유교문화), Vol. 35, No. 1, 2004, pp. 179–195. 8 이혜순: 한문화권(漢文化圈) 형성 초기 한시 창수를 통한 동북아 국가간의 문화교류 (LEE Hai ‑soon, Cultural Exchanges between Four Northeastern Asian Countries in the Early Formative Periods of Chinese Culture Area: An Analytical Approach to Poems Donated to Envoys), in: The Studies in Korea Literature (한국문학연구), Vol. 27, 2004, pp. 2–25. 9 최광식: 한,중,일 고대의 제사제도 비교연구 — 팔각건물지를 중심으로 (KWANG Shik Choe, Comparison Studies of Ancient Korean, Chinese, Japanese Religious Service— Focusing on the Octagonal Structures), in: Prehistory and Ancient History (先史와 古代), Vol. 27, 2007, pp. 257–276. PáL KOUdELA — JINIL YOO 11 and differentiated requiring different buildings and tools. The very first reason to build temples, ritual places for Buddha sculptures was to save them. These wooden structures were square ‑shaped for practical reasons. The growing importance of en‑ shrining Buddha images or sculptures for rituals set up a new representative style; famous examples are the Joonggeumdang (中金堂) of the Hwangnyongsa Temple (皇龍寺) and the Geumdang (金堂) of the Sacheonwangsa Temple (四天王寺). Their design is supposed to have Chinese origins, even the latter two spaced chambers from the United Silla period or even a further Indian origin is presumed.10 Lots of beautiful pottery remained from the Three Kingdoms period, most fre‑ quently the hwabunhyŏng type. These pots came from burials since the Han period show Chinese influence just like the Kimhae stoneware which was a kind of anteced‑ ent of the porcelain fired at above 1000 C°. King Muryŏng’s tomb was also an impor‑ tant artefact: ceramic vessels (a white ewer, a jar and lamps) were made in Liang, China. In Silla the state of affairs was a bit more independent: potters made their own style, designs show less Chinese influence: free ‑standing pieces, containers or parts of other articles— most of them for practical use with less decoration. For example stone horsemen were totally unlike those of China proving that Korean art evolved independently during this period. The Sariras mentioned above were believed to be only a legend, based on the historical sources of Samgukyusa and Samguksagi. Latest studies prove that Ja‑ jang and Gakdeok monks introduced Sariras to Korea from China which had the important effect of making Buddhist arts flourish in the Three Kingdoms. Jajang (590–658 AD)— born to the royal Kim family in Silla— travelled to Tang, China in 636 AD and studied Buddhism for seven years. After returning to Korea he became a taegukt’ong 大國統 (great state overseer) and received high honours from the royal court. He carried with himself about 100 Sariras as well as a fragment of the original Buddha’s skull, a wooden begging ‑bowl and a monastic ‑robe of the Buddha. After his return to Silla, Jajang built several temples of which the Tongdo Temple on the Chuiseo ‑san Mountain in 646 AD was the first one to have a Jeokmyeol ‑bogung (Buddhist relics).11 Evidently, Chinese influence expanded to other forms of artistry too. In Koguryŏ— the northern kingdom —, was found in the Anak Tomb No. 3 a six ‑stringed instru‑ ment, the kŏmun’go, introduced by Wang Sang’ak. The zither developed from the Chinese one into a typically Korean instrument. Plenty of musical pieces were com‑ posed, 185 pieces for the kayagu˘m in Silla alone, some of which were Chinese. Now Korean folk songs like Hyesongga, a Hyangga of Silla are originated from that time. 10 임남수: 고대 한국 佛殿의 기능과 형식 (LIM Nam Su, A Study on Functions and Forms of Buddhist Building in Ancient Korea), in: Art History (美術史學), Vol. 25, 2011, pp. 303–330. 11 申大鉉: 韓國 古代 舍利莊嚴의 樣式 硏究: 특히 寶閣形 舍利器의 발생과 전개에 대하여 (SHIN Dae Hyun, A Study on the Ancient Sarira Reliquary of Korea— Especially on the Roy‑ al Palace Type Sarira Reliquary), in: Journal of Korean Cultural History (文化史學), No. 17, 2002, pp. 37–62; 申大鉉: 眞身舍利의 한국 내 전파 과정에 대하여 (I): 신라의 覺德 및 慈 藏이 傳來한 眞身舍利를 중심으로 (A Study of the Introduction of Buddhist Sarira into Korea (1): Focusing on the Buddhist Sariras. Introduced by Silla’s Monks, Gakdeok and Jajang Shin), in: Buddhist Archaeology (佛敎考古學), No. 6, 2006, pp. 39–56. 12 PRAGUE PAPERS ON THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2/2014 Chinese influence flourished in different ways e.g. in warfare— as soon as insti‑ tutes like the Kyongdang schools started to teach military arts to the youth. The bone coated, horse ‑riding warrior appeared both in China and Korea in the 5th century, originating from central Asia. Iron warrior coats were found in Kaya. Koguryŏ’s Ar‑ istocracy emerged from these warriors, building tombs which are the most impor‑ tant sources of information nowadays. Animal patterns of decoration and auspicious animal figuration also came from China during the Three Kingdoms period. Wall paintings represent the fast diffusion of auspicious animal patterns in Koguryŏ (高 句麗 古墳 壁畵), as far gold plated bronze incense burners decorated with them in Paekche (百濟 金銅大香爐). Animal patterned shoes were excavated from the Shin‑ gni‐chong Tomb in Silla (新羅 飾履塚 金銅飾履).12 In Koguryŏ and Silla the handle type of incense burner was used from the 6th century base on the latest analysis of the excavations of the Anak Tomb No. 3, the Ssangyeong (Twin Pillars) Tomb and the Jangcheon Tomb No. 1. Koguryŏ’s patterns are human faced and birds or beasts with human faces or show a triangular flame. Elephant and crocodile motifs can be found and the influence of the Censer (Boshanlu— incense burning vessel in China) from southern China seems to be evident as well. In Silla, on a cliff at Mount Danseok, an incense burner was carved with a group of Buddha images and this burner belongs to the type of handled burners with a handle in the shape of a magpie’s tail. Hyeryang, a Korean monk (惠亮) from Koguryŏ, who became the first national patriarch in Silla probably had this type of burner.13 Typical forms were animal shaped types (獸身類) especially birds (禽身類) or body types but with a human face, wings or even any kind of modified body, characterized paintings and objects like decorated incense burn‑ ers or shoes. The latest results divide animal patterns into human faced and animal faced types with or without wings. Human faced animal patterns with four legs were found in the Anak Tomb No. 1 and in the Deokheung ‑ri Tomb, and winged animals in the former. Bakwi (博位), Yeongyang (零陽), Cheonma (天馬) in the Deokheung ‑ri Ancient Tomb are animal faced and most of them look like dogs or horses. Incense burners were decorated with most of the patterns and were found in Paekche mostly but in Silla and Koguryŏ too. One of them was believed to represent a giraffe with horns on it. Bird types are divided into human‐face (人面禽身形), bird‐face (禽面禽 身形), and two‐face (異面禽身形) types all with a bird’s body. The human‐face types are Cheonchu (千秋), Manse (萬歲) and Hajo (賀鳥) from the Deokheung‐ri Ancient Tomb. The two former ones were symbolizing long life for thousands of years in Ko‑ rea, and Hajo is an original Korean motif never found in China, with a medicine bottle on its back. Fortune hunting, peace and prosperity seeking Gili (吉利), Bugwi (富 貴) and Yangsu (陽燧) in the Deokheung‐ri Ancient Tomb are all bird faced. The lat‑ ter Yangsu is symbolizing energy and fire on ceremonials. The bird Cheongyang (靑 陽) in the Deokheung‐ri Ancient Tomb has two faces but cannot fly except when the 12 김남숙: 삼국시대 神獸文의 도상 연구 (KIM Nam ‑suk, A Study on the Iconography of Aus‑ picious Animal Patterns in the Three Kingdoms Period), in: Master’s Thesis of Wonkwang Uni‑ versity Graduate School (원광대학교 대학원), 2012, pp. 1–149. 13 李溶振: 三國時代 香爐 硏究 (LEE Yong ‑Jin, A Study on the Incense Burner of Three Kingdoms Period), in: Journal of The Society for the Study of Early Korean History (한국고대사탐구), Vol. 5, 2010, pp. 159–216. PáL KOUdELA — JINIL YOO 13 two faces unite. The Chinese counterpart of this symbol is the Fenghuang two faced bird and the meaning is connected to yin and yang so the influence of this philo‑ sophical concept cannot be excluded. The Anak Tomb No. 1 and the Bieo (飛魚) of the Deokheung‐ri Ancient Tomb have winged fish ‑body (魚身類) patterns too. Jichuk (地軸) in the Deokheung‐ri Ancient Tomb has one body and two heads, but some pat‑ terns have only a head without a body.14 Most of the relics were of the royal family’s, thus during the 4th and 5th centuries animals could only be interpreted as symbols of power and strength. As shown above, Chinese and autonomous Korean motifs were also found, suggesting that Korea’s cultural life was full and complicated, with a great acculturating power, changing and creating old and new elements. Relics with animal patterns were found mostly from this period, almost only birds, showing a complex and culturally open society with strong religious convictions. In Paekche, there were the Ogyong Confucian scholars (Confucian scholars spe‑ cializing in the Five Confucian classics) and the T’aehak school was established in P’yong’yang, in Koguryŏ to teach Confucianism and it had its results in achieving har‑ mony between the states in the Korean peninsula. Hierarchical status quo developed on tribute system and Silla was getting stronger than the others. After the 6th century China became dominant over the Three Kingdoms, helping Silla rule Paekche in 660 AD and Koguryŏ in 668 AD. After this period the united Silla and China were often sending and receiving missions, and diplomatic connections were based on writings full of Confucian quotes. Confucian rituals became the standards of diplomacy and also life rituals in Korea during the Three Kingdoms era as the latest studies have shown. This influence spread to most Korean people and to other practices derived originally from shamanism or the later Buddhist and Christian influences. Funeral and ancestral rites came under the influence of Confucianism too.15 Buddhism left its mark on the arts too, giving us such beautiful bronze statues as the Tathagata Buddha and the half ‑seated Maitreya, despite the lack of any sur‑ viving Buddhist temple of that time in Koguryŏ. Koguryŏ in the period of the Three Kingdoms, in spite of all the Chinese and Buddhist influence, had had its own cultural inheritance. Koguryŏ and Paekche dancing shows indigenous elements and a kind of differentiation in this era. Dancing was a very important element of Buddhist ritu‑ als but the latest analyses of archaeological records of Subakhee in Koguryŏ: (the Anak No. 3 Tomb, the Muyongchong Tomb and the scene of everyday life shown by the masked men in the Ji’an Five Tombs No. 4 and 5) show a kind of similarity be‑ tween Paekche and Koguryŏ cultures. In such a late stage of cultural development it is quite obvious that differences should evolve. Dancing was no more an ancient habit but rather a sophisticated Buddhist ritual: in Paekche, Mijami separated from the original Koguryŏ forms but even in Koguryŏ their masked dance Jaeju altered from 14 김남숙: 삼국시대 神獸文의 도상 연구 (KIM Nam ‑suk, A Study on the Iconography of Aus‑ picious Animal Patterns in the Three Kingdoms Period), in: Master’s Thesis of Wonkwang Uni‑ versity Graduate School (원광대학교 대학원), 2012, pp. 1–149. 15 박종천: 제례의 한국적 전개와 유교의례의 문화적 영향 (PARK Jong ‑Chun, Historical Changes of Funeral Rites and Ancestral Rites in Korea and Cultural Influences of Confucian Ritu‑ als), in: Korean Studies (국학연구), No. 17, 2010, pp. 363–397. 14 PRAGUE PAPERS ON THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2/2014 the original tradition.16 This mask ‑dance originates from the border state, northern China and led to Japan with musicians sent there but has no connection to present Snade, Bongsan or Hahoe dance forms. Ceremonial music of that era in Korea came from Tang China with its seven note scales, eight phrases and four characters as one unit in the form of one character, one note and one beat. The so called Munmyo‑ jehryeak tradition used musical instruments imported from China directly without changes.17 Crowns found in the tombs— most of them from Silla— also show Buddhist influence representing immortality and the immanence of the afterlife. However, au‑ tonomous and individual cultural characteristics can be found on them. One feature of those from Koguryŏ is robust gold and copper decorated with flowers. Buddhism evidently appears in dragons, phoenixes and three legged crows used in decorations. Paekche crowns are very similar but rather graceful with flame patterns imitating the sun like the traditional symbol of power and rule of the king. Silla was the clos‑ est to China and Buddhism in this sense, their crowns were spectacular with most materials used and forms created. Antlers, tree branches like gold crowns, curved jade (Gokok) symbolizing fertility and the foetus itself are all components of the Sil‑ la’s royal artistry of the Three Kingdoms period.18 THE THREE KINGDOM’S AUTONOMOUS CULTURE Korean cultural life achieved a high level in decorated arts and pottery techniques showing an autonomous inherent evolution beside Chinese influence. Vessel forms from the early wooden tomb phase of the peninsula changed and differentiated to the latter stone tomb phase along with territorial differentiation. The frequently inter‑ acting four regions of Korea (Three Kingdoms period with four polities of Koguryŏ, Paekche, Silla, and Kaya) developed their own cultural features from an isolated situ‑ ation with more simple artistic forms during the Three Kingdom period. The forma‑ tion of socio ‑economic and cultural life suggests that elites didn’t have much affec‑ tion on the process that time.19 In the Yeungam region e.g. in the 4th century designs and styles were unified in one type and a territorial unity but for the 5th century dis‑ 16 연진희: 고대 동아시아 문화교류에 의한 백제 기악 연구 (JIN ‑HEE Yeon, A Study on “Baelke Giak” According to Cultural Exchange in Ancient East Asia), in: Master’s Thesis of Kongju National University Graduate School (공주대학교 대학원), 2013, pp. 68–72. 17 최준일: 한국과 일본의 아악 비교 연구‘文廟祭禮樂’과 ‘外来樂舞’ 를 중심으로. (CHOI Jun Il, Research of the Comparison of the Ceremonial Music of Korea and Japan: Focusing on Mun‑ myojehryeak and Gairaigakubu), in Dissertation of Chugye University for the Arts Graduate School (추계예술대학교 대학원), 2010, p. 73. 18 박현진, 이형규: 삼국시대 금관에 관한 고찰 (HYUNG Kyu Lee— HYUN Jin Park, A Study on Golden Crowns During the Period of Three Kingdoms), in: Journal of the Korean Society of Design Culture (한국디자인문화학회지), Vol. 16, No. 4, 2010, pp. 283–295. 19 김옥순: 삼국시대 토기 기종조합과 사회집단의 교류양상 — 낙동강 상류지역을 중심으 로 (OKSOON Kim, The Interaction of Social Groups as Represented in the Ceramic Vessel Form Assemblages of the Three Kingdoms Period), in: The Journal of Korean Field Archaeology (야 외고고학), Vol. 11, 2011, pp. 35–65. PáL KOUdELA — JINIL YOO 15 tribution sphere divided into two parts. In Silla and Gaya also two different types evolved for that time: a combo ‑patterned and a dot line, wave ‑patterns design. From these forms developed the rather peripheral Hwangnam ‑Daechong mound combo‑ ‑pattern and saw ‑tooth design in the middle of the 5th century. The Gyeongju design also quickly spread to the borders at the end of the century.20 Most tombs have wall ‑paintings carrying information about that period, depict‑ ing wide streets, ladies dressed in skirt or hunters, archers, dancers and wrestlers (an early form of ssiru˘m, Korean ‑style wrestling), and perhaps the most well‑ ‑known is the Ssangyŏng ‑ch’ong (Tomb of the Twin Pillars). But other tombs like Changgun ‑ch’ong (Tomb of the Generals), Kangso ‑daemyo (The Great Tombs), and the Muyong ‑ch’ong (Tomb of the Dancers and Hunters) are all representing the virile and developing artistry of Koguryŏ. Most tombs were robbed, so ancient life can only be understood from frescos and only to a certain extent. There are some exceptions however, such as the tomb of King Munyong in which accessories remained. In Silla gold crowns and a horse were found in the tomb Ch’onmach’ong. The early tombs’ artistic style shows less Chinese influence, portraying aristo‑ cratic or warrior life: horse ‑riding, hunting and warfare. Central Asian traits are very similar to these murals, and most of them have little Buddhist character even of those with religious pictures of dragons, tortoise or phoenix. But in the Ssangyong tomb in Paekche Taoist elements were found just like in the Sasindo (四神圖) (the animal deities of the four directions) drawn on the tomb of Koguryŏ demonstrat‑ ing that cultural impact is always a complex phenomenon. The Three Kingdoms had their different ways of the arts: Koguryŏ art puts more emphasis on physical strength and passion but pieces in Paekche had an elegant and sophisticated character. Har‑ mony soon became predominant in Silla artistry. Paekche’s ornaments, metal crafts, crowns, crown accessories and other art pieces exhibited in the Buyeo National Mu‑ seum and the Gong ‑ju National Museum clearly reveal the splendid and glorious cul‑ ture of that period.21 But all of these are relevant only for the aristocratic high culture while poor people kept their traditional artwork. The pillar ‑wall structure, letters on tiles, decorated chimneys, water toilet, ink stone, coloured and glazed ceramics can characterize everyday life, based on artefacts found in the Naju area and in Yeosu, Suncheon and Gwangyang. Citizens came from the central area to rural areas.22 Everyday economic life had a long history and antecedents in the Three Kingdoms period. Agricultural methods and procedures had been adopted earlier from China, 20 김옥순: 5세기 영남지역 토기문양의 변화와 교류맥락 (OKSOON Kim, A Study for Tran‑ sition of Pottery Design and Interaction Context in Yeungnam Region of 5th Century), in: Journal of Korean Ancient Historical Society: Hanguk Sanggosa Hakbo (한국상고사학보), No. 71, 2011, pp. 117–148. 21 신미영, 박승철: 삼국시대 장신구에 나타난 조형적 특징에 관한 연구 (백제장신구를 중심으로) (MI ‑YOUNG Sin— SEUNGCHUL Park, On the Design Characteristics of Orna‑ ments in the Three Kingdom Period (Focused on Baekje’s Ornaments), in: The Journal of Digital Policy and Management (디지털정책연구), Vol. 10, No. 11, 2012, pp. 603–612. 22 권오영: 백제 변경에서 확인되는 왕경인의 물질문화 (KWON Ohyoung, Material Evidence of Baekje’s City Dweller Found in Rural Area), in: Journal of Korean Ancient Historical Soci‑ ety: Hanguk Sanggosa Hakbo (한국상고사학보), Vol. 67, 2010, pp. 91–114.