Mail concessions for a global empire: correos mayores in the Spanish Empire in America (1514-1620)

Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 • pp. 283-304 283 Mail concessions for a global empire: correos mayores in the Spanish Empire in America (1514-1620)1 Concesiones de correo para un imperio global: los correos mayores dentro del Imperio español en América (1514-1620) DOI: https://doi.org/10.22380/20274688.2328 Recibido 3 de noviembre de 2021 • Aprobado 19 de enero de 2022 Nelson Fernando González Martínez2 Universidad del Norte, Colombia [email protected] • https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0117-9682 Abstract: The nature of mail concessions awarded to private parties in order to enable the distribution of information within the Spanish Empire in the sixteenth century is examined. I propose the hypothesis that several versions of mail concessions coexisted within the Spanish Empire. Likewise, I question the notion that these mail concessions were intended to gain monopoly control. The analysis concentrates on correos mayores, through which contracts were negotiated and entered into with the crown for the rights to distribute correspondence in several communication epicenters. By means of a comparison between the situations in Sevilla, the Royal Court, Mexico, and Guatemala, the article shows that “gifts” by various means, as well as auctions, were the main models for allocating mail concessions. Keywords: Correos mayores, postal agents, concessions, colonial mail, communication. 1 This research is part of the project “Connected Worlds: The Caribbean, Origin of Modern World.” This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska Curie grant agreement n.° 823846. This project is directed by professor Consuelo Naranjo Orovio, Institute of History-CSIC. 2 Nelson Fernando González Martínez holds a PhD in History and Civilisations from the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris (EHESS). He currently holds a professor-researcher position at the Universidad del Norte (Barranquilla). Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 284 Resumen: El presente artículo examina la naturaleza de las concesiones de correos, entregadas a algunos particulares para hacer posible la distribución de información dentro del imperio español durante el siglo XVI. Como hipótesis propongo que dentro del imperio español coexistieron diferentes versiones de las concesiones de correos. Así mismo cuestiono la idea de que las concesiones tenían intenciones monopolísticas. El eje del análisis serán los correos mayores, quienes negociaron y contrataron con la corona el derecho a distribuir la correspondencia hacia epicentros comunicativos. A partir de la comparación entre casos como el de Sevilla, la Corte Real, México y Guatemala el texto demuestra que la “donación” por diferentes vías y la subasta fueron los principales modelos de asignación de las concesiones de correos. Palabras clave: Correos mayores, agentes postales, concesiones, correo colonial, comunicación. Recent research studies have analyzed the function and structure of American mail during the sixteenth century. Such studies have shown that the mail system in Spanish America was not particularly restrictive for users3. For instance, vassals could send and receive correspondence without there being any regulation that forbade communication exchanges. In fact, multiple official and unofficial options coexisted to distribute correspondence within Spanish possessions. In the same vein, such contributions have shown that the Spanish crown did not intend to create public postal companies during the sixteenth century. This policy is in contrast to the actions undertaken after 1720, when Spanish authorities decided to establish “postal administrations”, to be directly controlled by their officials (Moreno; Araneda). From 1514 to 1768, the Spanish crown appointed a number of offices to be classified as correo mayor concessions. Their main task was the communication between Castilian authorities and some vassals with whom government institutions exchanged information. In fact, correos mayores were accountable for the communication between royal councils, audiencias, fiscal institutions, and certain private parties. These logistics were funded by the Treasury without the need to create enterprises directly managed by the crown4. To some extent, it was a rather practical alternative, considering the ever-present challenge for communication in an expanding empire ruled from a distance. 3 For instance, (González, “Communicating an Empire”; González, ‘“Comunicarse a pesar de la distancia”; Vallejo García-Hevia) 4 “Real Cédula ordenando a Diego de la Haya el pago de 1 200 ducados a Mafeo de Tassis, correo mayor”, 1534, AGI, Indiferente 422, leg. 16, ff. 147 v-148 r. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 285 This article analyzes different expectations and conditions under which the crown established correo mayor concessions in America. As a hypothesis, I maintain that correos mayores established a postal service that had the goal of satisfying official institutions’ communication needs, especially those more directly related to the court of Castile. In Spanish America, mail concessions tended to prioritise communication between audiencias and other corporations made up of Spaniards. Likewise, I will argue that there is no evidence for conceiving correos mayores to be agents of a public or monopolistic nature. Instead, mail concessions were not intended to monopolize the distribution of personal, commercial, or ecclesiastical correspondence. Finally, I will maintain that this postal scheme was developed only in certain cities and not programmatically throughout the empire. That said, the subject of mail concessions has been very little explored. In general, the attention it has received is quite superficial. For instance, notable writings such as those by John H. Elliott and Geoffrey Parker have highlighted the “logistical difficulties” in the circulation of information within the Spanish Empire (Elliott 174; Parker 47–76). Such statements have been replicated by several historians, who have assumed communication in the large Castilian and Indian territories always occurred under the same conditions. As a result, communication between Europe and the Indies is still perceived, on principle, as disorganized, slow, and ineffective. Overall, there has been no room for any other interpretations, nor for the intention to test the soundness of these assumptions. Furthermore, neither has it been possible to distinguish between the different places and people that participated in the circulation of information in Spanish America. Historiography dealing with mail has not been characterized by an interest in comparative analysis. Influential researchers like Cayetano Alcázar, María Montañez, and Walter Bosé did not make the connection between the many versions of correo mayor concessions a priority in their research (Bosé, “Los orígenes” 242-79; Bosé, “Orígenes del correo”; Montañez 43-45; Alcazar 75). So far, the history of mail has been addressed solely through monographs5. Specialized literature has assumed that mail concessions worked similarly in every imperial area, which has happened partly because historians dedicated to the sixteenth century have not made extensive use of the resources available worldwide. In the first part of this article I will address the emergence of mail concessions in Castile beginning in the late fifteenth century. This case will be evidence for 5 Nonetheless, José María Vallejo has made a commendable effort to collect legal documents. See (Vallejo). Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 286 proposing that the appointment of certain offices responded to a policy implemented by several European kingdoms. In the second part, I will look into the concession of the Correo Mayor de la Casa de Contratación de Sevilla and will discuss why this is the antecedent of the first correo mayor in Spanish America. Moreover, analysing the situation in the Viceroyalty of New Spain and the Kingdom of Guatemala will allow me to argue that the mechanisms to appoint mail concessions changed throughout the sixteenth century. As a matter of fact, after 1560 most of these positions were appointed by means of auctions and sales, and not as “gifts” (or “donaciones puras y perfectas”) from the king. It will then be possible to compare this process to the one analysed in the first two parts of the article, where the main focus will be on concessions for which there was no need to pay. This paper will clarify the reasons that justified the establishment of the first mail concession in Spanish America into the debate. I also hope that the analysis helps to rethink why correos mayores represented an essential strategy in the global expansion process of the Spanish Empire. A European trend Since the end of the fifteenth century, official mail circulated in Europe thanks to various unofficial and private agents. In fact, after 1450 the most important kingdoms in Europe appointed an individual or a collective to coordinate postal distribution processes. In the Holy Roman Empire, Emperor Maximilian I conferred a mail concession on the Von Taxis family, so that they coordinated official mail distribution between the royal court and some European cities of importance (Behringer, Thurn und Taxis 8–23; Ohmann 84–171; Behringer, “Empereur, Diète d’Empire et Poste (1490-1615)”). Over the years, this position was known by the name of Obristen Postmaister (Damler 300). Among the privileges allocated to this private agent was the possibility to move freely across several European kingdoms, bear arms, and have access to horse rental at reduced prices. The Spanish government continued this trend and placed their trust in the same family collective that operated in the Holy Empire, and toward the end of 1501, Francis Von Taxis already served as correo mayor in the Castilian court (Montañez 46). Taxis faced the challenge of coordinating the information flow to and from the place where the Spanish king resided (Bosé, “Organización del correo en España”). The suitability of this family lay in their experience in trade circulation in regions such as Brussels, Innsbruck, Tirol, and other cities in central Europe. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 287 In general, historians have interpreted these changes as an attempt to monopolise mail (Schobesberger et al.). In a valuable recent compilation text, Jay Caplan has supported this idea with great vigour (Caplan 38–67). In parallel, other outstanding contributions like the one by Philip Beale have defined these postal systems as “national” and public in nature (Beale 164). Authors like Renate Pieper and Andrew Pettegree have established direct links between the intense circulation of news during the sixteenth century and the alleged creation of postal collectives of an imperial nature (Pettegree 19–38; Pieper 185–226). However, the evidence to prove that there were postal monopolies in Europe and America in the early modern world is insufficient. In my judgment, the process of appointing mail concessions (with a view to guaranteeing the circulation of official information) has been confused with an interest in monopolising. As a consequence of this interpretation, historiography is still unable to explain why there coexisted multiple unofficial channels of postal distribution in the modern world and why they were not considered illegal. Indeed, it is a fact that serious restrictions were not imposed in Europe on private transport of information. Furthermore, correspondence that was not distributed by official agents was not reported as smuggling. To speak of a “monopoly”’ in the sixteenth century, authorities would have had to make concessions such as correos mayores the only market option. For my part, let me put forward two propositions in order to address this important historiographical problem: 1) assuming mail concessions had a more limited scope than that usually attributed to them; and 2) proposing that European kingdoms were unable to prevent the existence of unofficial mechanisms for mail distribution. Furthermore, it cannot be overemphasised that mail distribution by private means was widely allowed in modern Europe. For example, during the Early Middle Ages the messageries universitaires rendered an unofficial postal service in several European capital cities (Destemberg; Hacke). Such privileges went hand in hand with the publishing revolution which took place in Europe after the thirteenth century (Bertrand 21–27). Likewise, other postal figures such as hostes and maestros de postas were tested in the medieval Castilian world (AGS, C 4, 156, 4, f. 1 r.)6. These individuals were in charge of redistributing mail from the main cities and of choosing reliable messengers. In their overseas possessions, Europeans continued with the principle of the non-prohibition of any postal distribution mechanism. 6 “Orden a Alonso de Morales, tesorero, para que entregue a Juan Ruiz de Olaso, hoste de correos”, 1500, AGS, Cámara de Castilla, cédulas 4, 156, 4, f. 1r. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 288 The correo mayor of the Kingdom of Castile’s primary responsibility was to manage the communication of the king’s court. As this was such an itinerant institution (at least until 1560), the workplace depended on the place of the king’s residency. For this reason, the king advocated for the kingdom’s correos mayores to have at their disposal a number of assistants or hostes, who coordinated the exchange of written information (AGS, C 9, 160, 5)7. This meant that correos mayores could operate from a distance if they wanted to. Likewise, this structure was useful for connecting Spain with other European kingdoms. It is well known that chancellors, priests, and nobles used services rendered by the Taxis family. For example, celebrated cardinal Perrenot de Granvella’s missives circulated from France thanks to the messengers that worked for the correo mayor8. In exchange for their service, the kingdom’s correos mayores received an amount agreed upon with royal authorities (usually annually). In 1517, for instance, Charles V agreed to the payment of 6,500 ducats for the annual distribution of mail between Castile, Flanders, the Holy Empire, and France.9 As part of their main service, correos mayores were also responsible for having horses ready, bags to protect mail, and supplying the material logistics necessary to carry out the transport of correspondence under good conditions. During the first part of the sixteenth century, mail concessions that were independent from the Taxis family collective were also appointed. For instance, Seville had a separate correo mayor position charged with managing the transport of correspondence produced in the highest court of justice and the government (the Audiencia) (Mirman 16). Something similar happened sometime later in the city of Toledo, where there was another mail concession independent from those of the Taxis10. In order to avoid overlapping and cost overruns, contracts attempted to determine each correo mayor’s jurisdiction11. Even though there were still conflicts, this strategy allowed establishing a double communication channel in cities with an abundant production of correspondence. 7 “Que nadie ose despachar correo”, 1504, AGS, Cámara de Castilla, cédulas 9, 160, 5. 8 “Carta del Cardenal Granvelle a Tassis”, 1557, BPRM, Cartas del Cardenal Granvela, II/2 549, ff. 1r.-3v. 9 “Traslado del asiento con Baptista y Maffeo de Tassis”, 1517, AGS, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1.ª época, 313, 1. 10 “Ejecutoria del pleito litigado por Antonio de Figueroa correo mayor de Toledo”, 1579, ARCV, Registro de ejecutorias, caja 1401, 31. 11 On how to define these contracts, see “Carta de nombramiento de Correo Mayor para todo el reino de Navarra”, 1572, ARCV, Pergaminos, cajas 7 y 3. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 289 By 1510, an important amount of correspondence about the New World already circulated in Spain. In particular, Andalusia was an important centre for production and redistribution of information about the New World, a process which was encouraged by the foundation of Casa de la Contratación de Indias in 1503. Furthermore, this institution gradually became a mandatory stop for all documents that arrived from or departed to the Indies. Such a communication flow was the main reason the Crown of Castile decided on the approval of appointing a correo mayor position for overseas islands and territories in America12. Thus in 1514, the first Correo Mayor de las Indias was appointed, Casa de la Contratación being its operative centre. This is why in many cases this position was also known as Correo Mayor de la Casa de la Contratación. Essentially, the Spanish government sought to create a special service to coordinate distribution of correspondence related to the Spanish American colonies’ matters (asuntos indianos). In the same fashion as had occurred with the Taxis, the need to guarantee the safety of the communications of official institutions prevailed. Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal, one of the most prominent jurists at the end of the fifteenth century, was appointed to carry out this task13. He was appointed the Correo Mayor de las Indias position in perpetuity. As a result of this condition, Galíndez and his family were able to enjoy this privilege indefinitely, which was appointed as a “gift” from the king for the services rendered by Galíndez to the court. Historians have frequently identified the creation of this position as an attempt to establish a postal system within (and for) the Indies. However, the evidence encourages us to reconsider this idea14. The contract for the concession appointed in 1514 (and its endorsement in 1525) did not entail the establishment of postal offices in the Indies15. The correo mayor did not have to live in America, either. This explains why the correo mayor position could be exercised from Europe16. In the New World (and particularly maritime spaces), correspondence would continue being carried by private agents, independent from correos mayores. 12 “Título Correo Mayor de Indias”, 1514, AGI, Patronato, 170, ramo 18. 13 In addition to being a jurist, Lorenzo Galíndez was a chronicler of the Catholic Monarchs. One of his emblematic works can be found in “Memorial o registro breve de los lugares donde el Rey y la Reina Católicos”, 1501, BNE, MSS/1691, ff. 1r.-113v. 14 In my view, this idea is not made explicit in synthesis texts. See, for example, (Vallejo) 15 “Sobrecédula de Don Carlos y Doña Juana”, 1525, AGI, Indiferente, 420, leg. 10, ff. 133r.-137v. 16 “Justicia a Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal”, 1524, AGI, Indiferente, 420, leg. 10, ff. 45r.-46r. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 290 A concession created for the West Indies The Correo Mayor de Indias position was filled by several descendants of the Galíndez de Carvajal family. Around ten people in total served as correo mayor between 1514 and 1768 (the year in which the crown negotiated the termination of these concessions). In the first decades of operation, the main problem was sending West Indies information with messengers from the Audiencia of Seville. Theoretically, these two services were independent. Correos Mayores de Indias protested against these practices, because their annual income depended on the number of deliveries. Casa de la Contratación’s officials, for their part, could point out the Galíndez family had no messengers available for ordinary and extraordinary services17. Nevertheless, the crown did not withdraw its support for correos mayores, which had been appointed despite criticism. The appointment of private postal agents underwent a significant variation in the mid-sixteenth century, with the arrival of a descendant of the Carvajal family in Peru. In 1559, Diego de Carvajal Vargas y Dávila (Lorenzo Galíndez’ son) was appointed by the king to serve as attorney in the encomiendas renegotiation process carried out in Peru18. However, Diego de Carvajal died shortly after his arrival in Peru. Such a loss represented a challenge, since there were precise instructions in his will to divide the correo mayor position into two parts. One was to be exercised by his eldest son, who lived in Seville (Juan de Carvajal Vargas y Sotomayor), and the other by one of his younger sons, who lived in Lima (Diego de Carvajal Vargas y Sotomayor)19. The situation was crucial for communication in America, because the functions of Correo Mayor de Indias and Correo Mayor de la Casa de la Contratación were legally separated starting in 1562. As a product of this division, the Correo Mayor de Indias position went through a period of turmoil in the New World and in Spain. Considering his experience in the transportation of goods, the merchant Marcos Correoso made a bid for the Correo Mayor de Lima position around 1560. Nonetheless, in less than two years the Council of the Indies denied this request, because it was “contrary to law” and 17 “Pleito seguido por Pedro Ruíz, teniente de correo mayor de las Indias, con Cristóbal de Gangas, correo mayor de la ciudad de Sevilla”, 1531, AGI, Justicia, 705, n.° 7. 18 In America, encomiendas constituted privileges over the land and labour of indigenous people. Encomiendas were originally appointed in perpetuity to the first Spanish settlers in America. However, over the years, the Castilian government decided to renegotiate the terms of this privilege. 19 See ‘Pedro de Oyarte [Oyararte] contra Rodrigo Jerez’, 1564, AGI, Justicia, 792, n.° 5. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 291 because it violated the commitments acquired by the Carvajal family20. In a similar vein, in Spain, Rodrigo de Jerez (Correo Mayor de Sevilla) was highly critical of the operation of the Correo Mayor de Indias concession. To express his dissatisfaction, he filed a strongly worded petition before the Casa de la Contratación’s authorities, in which he requested that the titled property be restructured. Jerez proposed that correos in Seville and the Indies be administrated by only one person, who in this case would be he himself21. With respect to the jurisprudence relating to Peru, Castilian judges were unwilling to modify the nature of the concession. This shows that during the second half of the sixteenth century, several private parties were interested in taking on correo mayor positions. Until that time, private parties paid to obtain correo mayor positions. Nevertheless, in 1570 the crown consented to Juan de Vargas y Carvajal’s selling of the Correo Mayor de la Casa de la Contratación position. The buyer was Juan de Saavedra, who, in turn, sold it to Rodrigo Jerez, Correo Mayor de Sevilla22. Contrary to what had happened earlier, at this time it was the concession owners who decided to sell it. The price of the position increased progressively in the following six decades, from 2 300 ducats to 10 000 ducats, that is, more than fourfold. The position came with privileged access to Indian information, so powerful Castilian families had a vested interest in buying it. In 1628, the concession was acquired by the powerful favourite Count-Duke of Olivares, the most important political figure in the kingdom after the king23. During the second half of the sixteenth century, the Spanish government persisted in favouring the usefulness of the mail concessions model. However, this did not mean that users found fewer possibilities to access other private services. The appetite for the entera noticia that characterized Philip II’s Spain (1556–1598) could not spare the advantages of combining distribution logistics24. To this end, the system had to be flexible. For instance, it is known that communication between Madrid and distant places was only minimally mediated by correos mayores. This is reported in a set of letters sent from Cebu (Philippines) to Mexico and then 20 ‘Pleito entre Diego de Carvajal y Marcos Correoso’, 1563, AGI, Justicia, 434, n.° 2, ramo 4. 21 ‘Petición de Rodrigo de Jerez’, 1563, AGI, Justicia, 792, n.° 5, pieza 1. 22 “Residencia tomada a Juan de Saavedra, correo mayor de S. M. en Sevilla y su tierra; a su teniente, Rodrigo de Jerez, que usa del oficio, y a sus oficiales”, 1575, AGS, Consejo Real de Castilla, 208, 1. 23 “Real provisión confirmando y aprobando la venta hecha por Fernando De Medina y Mendoza al Conde-Duque De Sanlúcar”, 1628, AGI, Indiferente, 433, leg. 3, ff. 259v.-260r. 24 This issue has been remarkably explored in (Brendecke 103-122). Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 298 As a working hypothesis, I propose to look at the case of the Correo Mayor de Guatemala as a defining moment for Spanish authorities to reaffirm their trust in mail concessions. In a parallel way, the establishment of the position in Guatemala ratified that the Correo Mayor de Indias (who resided in Lima) could only exercise jurisdiction in the Viceroyalty of Peru. Consequently, correos mayores in New Spain and Guatemala gained legal independence from correos mayores in Peru. The legal nature of these three positions was different, for the first two had been appointed by auction, while the latter had been conferred as a “gift” from the king. The Correo Mayor de Guatemala position was purchased by Captain Pedro Crespo Suárez in 1620. The auction took place in Santiago de Guatemala, and three other people who held important government offices also participated as candidates. One of them, for example, was Baltasar Pinto, accountant of the Audiencia. The bidding started at 13 783 tostones (6 893 pesos) and reached 19 000 tostones (9 500 pesos). Preserving the principles applied in Castile and New Spain, correos mayores had the right to participate in cabildos in their capacity as regidores. The minutes from the Guatemala’s cabildo show that only four months after purchasing the position Crespo already participated and voted in the decision-making session of this city47. This continued until his death in 1646. Table I shows a comparison of the long periods in which the correos mayores of Mexico and Guatemala carried out their functions. As can be seen in the table, the position was quite stable. For example, people like Francisco Díez and José de Estrada served as mail concession holders for over forty years. The position was lifelong instead of “perpetual”. In other words, the tenure would terminate upon its owner’s death; his descendants could not inherit it. Guatemala a la ciudad de Panamá”, 1563, AGI, Panamá, 236, leg. 9, ff. 397r.-397v. 47 “Cabildo hecho”, 1621, AGCA, sig. A1.2.2, leg. 1773, exp. 11 767, ff. 172r.-v. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 299 Table 1. Concessions sold in New Spain and Guatemala (1579-1768) Correo Mayor of the Viceroyalty of New Spain Correo Mayor of the Kingdom of Guatemala Correo Mayor’s name Term of the concession Years of service Correo Mayor’s name Term of the concession Years of service Diego Daza [Daça] 1576-1579 3 years There were no correo mayor concessions Martín de Olivares 1579-1604 25 years Alonso Diez de la Barrera 1604-1614 10 years Pedro Diez de la Barrera 1614-1651 37 years Pedro Crespo Suárez 1620-46 26 years Francisco Alonso Diez de la Barrera y Bastida 1651-1693 42 years Francisco De Lira y Cárcamo 1646-82 36 years Miguel Diez de la Barrera 1693 1 year José Agustín De Estrada, Azpetía y Sierra 1682-1730 48 years Pedro Jiménez de los Cobos 1693-1720 27 years Pedro Ortiz De Letona 1730-1768 38 years Manuel Jiménez de los Cobos 1720-1745 25 years Establishment of postal administrations (1768) Pedro Jiménez de los Cobos y Flores 1745-1752 12 years Pedro Jiménez de los Cobos, Peña y Flores 1752-1760 8 years Antonio Méndez Prieto y Fernández 1760-1766 6 years Establishment of postal administrations (1766) Source: ‘Expedientes de la Administración de Correos de México’, 1620-1766, AGI, Correo 141C y (Bosé, ‘Los orígenes del correo terrestre en Guatemala.’) Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 300 The cases of the correos mayores of Mexico and Guatemala are essential to prove that private agents were the basis of the postal structure within the Spanish Empire. In fact, mail concessions were deemed the best possible way to enhance communication in overseas possessions. This triggered the model’s spread beyond Castile. Furthermore, the jurisdiction of Correos Mayores de Indias was enormous. This condition sparked unprecedented logistic challenges that many times were overcome. New Spain’s correo mayor had a land jurisdiction over an area of approximately 8 000 000 km2. In Guatemala, this estimation could amount to 1 000 000 km2. In Castile, on the contrary, the court’s correo mayor never had a jurisdiction over more than 500 000 km2. In New Spain, tenientes de correo served more sporadically. Correos mayores had some assistants for logistic tasks, but even though they carried out these activities on behalf of correos mayores, they cannot legally be seen as their tenientes. Over time, these assistants of correos mayores became more frequent in non-capital towns (such as Teocaltiche and New Galicia)48. They usually helped with tasks such as coordinating food provisions for messengers, renting horses at a good price, or overseeing that mail chests were in good condition. Curiously enough, Teocaltiche was under the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, one of the institutions that questioned the capabilities of mail in New Spain more vigorously. Similarly, tenientes de correo had no restrictions against carrying mail from merchants, priests (without exemptions), or any other sector that required their services. Of course, their primary obligation as private agents was the distribution of official mail, but this did not disqualify them as a postal transport option like any other that existed in the Spanish empire. Essentially, tenientes de correos became part of the wide choice of mail transport. Therefore, tenientes de correos could negotiate the distribution of unofficial mail, as long as this did not interfere with the distribution of correspondence related to the government, the institution of justice, the Real Hacienda, and the religious sectors that had obtained privileges. In this sense, they were almost completely autonomous. 48 “Documento que contiene el requisitorio de la ciudad de Zacatecas para que el correo de Teocaltiche envíe los autos originales del concurso de acreedores”, 1705, BPG, Real Audiencia, ramo: Civil. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 nelson Fernando González martínez 301 Conclusion The diverse experiences we have compared so far are crucial for understanding the communication dynamics that underpinned European expansion in the modern world. Certainly mail concessions during the sixteenth century became a strategy for exerting power from a distance and establishing permanent communication links between overseas vassals and Castilian authorities. Such concessions aimed at solving the supply of official correspondence of an overseas nature even in spite of the opposition of certain local elites. The Casa de la Contratación’s case reveals that the correo mayor position was originally conceived as a solution to the problem of distributing official Indian correspondence in Europe. This experience was different from others in Castile, Portugal, England, and other places in the Holy Empire, both for its area of operation and its transcontinental ambitions. The case of New Spain and Guatemala assured that sale and auction processes were adopted in the Indian world to appoint concessions to private parties in the vast jurisdictional territories. Furthermore, the appointment of tenencias de correos to private individuals was useful for understanding the expansion of the correo mayor model at a local level, as well as the ways in which coverage was extended to cities (not necessarily capitals) with significant communication requirements. Undoubtedly, the findings of this study support the idea that private sectors were relevant to the facilitation of communication in the early modern world, at the same time that they allow us to challenge the idea that the distribution of information has systematically been under the purview of modern states. At least in this one respect, current communication practices in Latin America share several features with those employed in the early modern world. Private agents have been and are a part of both the past and present distribution of correspondence in America. Fronteras de la historia • Vol. 27, n.° 2. julio-diciembre de 2022 mail concessions For a global empire 302 Bibliography I. 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