“India has got it!” : lifestyle migrants constructing “Incredible Indias” in Varanasi and Goa
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E nog á ica
Re is a do Cen o em Rede de In es igação em
An opologia
ol. 21 (1) | 2017
Inclui dossiê "India’s o he si es: ep esen a ions a
home and ab oad"
“India has go i !”: li es yle mig an s cons uc ing
“Inc edible Indias” in Va anasi and Goa
“Na Índia é que é!”: a cons ução de “Índias Inc í eis” em Va anasi e Goa po
mig an es associados a es ilos de ida
Ma i Ko pela
Elec onic e sion
URL: h p://e nog afica. e ues.o g/4857
ISSN: 2182-2891
Publishe
Cen o em Rede de In es igação em
An opologia
P in ed e sion
Da e o publica ion: 1 Feb ua y 2017
Numbe o pages: 153-173
ISSN: 0873-6561
Elec onic e e ence
Ma i Ko pela, « “India has go i !”: li es yle mig an s cons uc ing “Inc edible Indias” in Va anasi and
Goa », E nog áfica [Online], ol. 21 (1) | 2017, Online since 11 Ma ch 2017, connec ion on 15 Ma ch
2017. URL : h p://e nog afica. e ues.o g/4857
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“India has go i !”: li es yle mig an s
cons uc ing “Inc edible Indias”
in Va anasi and Goa
Ma i Ko pela
Hund eds o li es yle mig an s epea edly spend long pe iods o ime in India; hey
e u n o speci ic places whe e hey mee o he s leading he same li es yle. Some
app ecia e he spi i ual aspec s and some lea n Indian music, whe eas o he s a e
simply sea ching o a elaxed li e. This a icle is based on e hnog aphic ieldwo k
among li es yle mig an s in Va anasi and Goa. The li es yle mig an s in Va anasi
app ecia e “au hen ic ancien India” whe eas hose in Goa celeb a e a discou se o
eedom. In his a icle, I discuss wha ha au hen ici y and eedom mean. I a gue
ha India p o ides a se ing – a physical loca ion – o hese li es yle mig an s’ own
pe o mance o India. In e es ingly, sec ions o he Indian popula ion pa icipa e
in hese same discou ses, al hough he e is a social dis ance be ween he li es yle
mig an s and local popula ions.
KEYWORDS: Goa, Va anasi, li es yle mig a ion, o ien alism, au hen ici y, discou se
o eedom.
“Na Índia é que é!”: a cons ução de “Índias Inc í eis” em Va anasi e Goa
po mig an es associados a es ilos de ida As mig ações cono adas com
um de e minado es ilo de ida le am cen enas de pessoas a desloca em-se pa a
a Índia epe idamen e po longos pe íodos e a eg essa a locais especí icos onde
encon am ou as que op a am pelo mesmo es ilo de ida. Alguns ão numa busca
espi i ual, ou os ap endem música indiana, enquan o ou os simplesmen e p ocu-
am uma ida descon aída. Es e a igo em po base um abalho e nog á ico eali-
zado en e mig an es des e ipo em Va anasi e em Goa. Em Va anasi concen am-se
aqueles que ap eciam a “Índia an iga au ên ica”, ao passo que os que op a am po
Goa celeb am an es um discu so de libe dade. Nes e a igo analiso o signi icado de
au en icidade e de libe dade nes es con ex os. A gumen o que a Índia o nece um
cená io, um local ísico, pa a a ep esen ação da Índia po pa e des es mig an es.
Mais ainda, alguns se o es de indianos pa icipam nes es discu sos, apesa de ha e
dis ância social en e os mig an es e as populações locais.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Goa, Va anasi, mig ação cono ada com um es ilo de ida, o ien-
alismo, au en icidade, discu so de libe dade.
KORPELA, Ma i ([email p o ec ed]) – Facul y o Social Sciences, Uni e si y o
Tampe e, Finland.
e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
154 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
As he si a wiped ou he spli - eed sax, and man as began ouling he c ys al
cla i y o ock and oll ly ics, millions o wild-eyed Ame icans u ned hei backs
o all ha amazing equipmen and poin ed a us [Indians] sc eaming: “You guys!
You’ e go i !” (Meh a 1979: 6).
IN THE COLONIAL ERA, INDIA WAS ALREADY A POPULAR TRAVEL
des ina ion, and in he la e 1960s and ea ly 1970s i became a popula back-
packing des ina ion among hippies (see e. g. Hall 1968; Wiles 1972; Odze
1995; MacLean 2006). Today, housands o backpacke s con inue o ou India
e e y yea (see e. g. Hu nyk 1996; Wilson 1997; Ho ola 1999). A e hei
ip – whe he i las s o a week o o se e al mon hs – ou is s e u n home.
Some people, howe e , like India so much ha hey go back again and again.
They a e no ou is s sea ching o a empo a y b eak om e e yday ou ines;
hey spend se e al mon hs in India e e y yea . They can be concep ualised
as li es yle mig an s. Li es yle mig a ion e e s o a phenomenon whe eby ci -
izens o a luen indus ialised na ions mo e ab oad in o de o ind a mo e
meaning ul and elaxed li e, usually in places wi h lowe li ing cos s and sunny
clima es (Benson and O’Reilly 2009a, 2009b). The li es yle mig an s in India
come om a ious pa s o he wo ld: Is ael, No h Ame ica, Japan, Aus alia
and a numbe o Eu opean coun ies. In India, hey o en e u n o speci ic
places whe e hey mee o he s leading he same li es yle. They claim o ha e
ound a be e li e he e, and spending a lo o ime in India plays an impo an
ole in hei iden i y cons uc ion.
In he quo a ion a he beginning o his a icle, Gi a Meh a, an Indian
w i e , desc ibes he hippie e a. She con inues by asking wha i ac ually was
ha he hippies hough India had. The same ques ion guides his a icle:
which is he India ha a ac s li es yle mig an s? In 2002, he Indian Minis y
o Tou ism launched an ex ensi e in e na ional campaign en i led “Inc edible
India,”1 which aims o lu e o eign ou is s o he coun y. Li es yle mig an s
a e no ou is s bu hey do ha e hei own unde s andings o “Inc edible
India” and i is hose no ions ha his a icle in es iga es.
The da a in his a icle comes om wo e hnog aphic s udies among li es yle
mig an s, one in he ci y o Va anasi and he o he in he s a e o Goa.2 Bo h
loca ions a e common li es yle mig a ion des ina ions bu , as I will desc ibe,
hey a e e y di e en loca ions and, by compa ing hese wo places, I am able
o illus a e wo e y di e en discou ses abou India. I is no able ha he
li es yle mig an s end o alk abou li ing in India a he han e e ing only
o he speci ic loca ions whe e hey eside. Ye , i is impo an o no e ha
1 See < h p: / / www.inc edibleindia.o g / > (las access in Janua y 2017).
2 The esea ch in Goa was unded by he Academy o Finland (G an 2501138405) and he p oo -
eading o his a icle was unded by he School o Educa ion, Uni e si y o Tampe e.
“INDIA HAS GOT IT!”: LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS CONSTRUCTING… 155
Va anasi and Goa a e jus wo places among many whe e li es yle mig an s
like o ga he in India. Consequen ly, he discou ses o hese wo loca ions a e
wo among many, ye hey o e a ui ul base om which o elabo a e on he
exis ence o e y di e en unde s andings o India. The li es yle mig an s in
Va anasi app ecia e “ he au hen ic ancien India” whe eas hose in Goa cele-
b a e a discou se o eedom. In his a icle, I discuss wha au hen ici y and
eedom mean o hem. I a gue ha India p o ides a se ing – a physical loca-
ion – o he li es yle mig an s’ own pe o mance o India. I also in es iga e
he ole gi en o he local Indian popula ions in hese discou ses. In he inal
pa , I discuss how sec ions o he Indian popula ion in Indian me opolises
ha e ecen ly s a ed o pa icipa e in hese same discou ses, al hough a he
same ime he e is a social dis ance be ween he li es yle mig an s and local
popula ions.
THE CASE STUDIES IN VARANASI AND GOA
This a icle is based on wo e hnog aphic s udies in India. The i s (Ko pela
2009) ocuses on he communi y o li es yle mig an s in Va anasi and he
ieldwo k, las ing o hi een mon hs, was conduc ed in wo pa s in 2002 and
2003. The ma e ial consis s o in e iews wi h he li es yle mig an s sojou n-
ing in Va anasi and wi h he locals wo king wi h hem, as well as a de ailed
ield dia y o my pa icipan obse a ion. The second s udy (Ko pela 2014a,
2016) ocuses on li es yle mig an amilies, and child en in pa icula , in Goa.
The ma e ial consis s o in e iews wi h child en, young people, pa en s and
people wo king wi h li es yle mig an child en in Goa, as well as d awing
p ojec s conduc ed wi h child en and a de ailed ield dia y o my pa icipan
obse a ion. The ieldwo k in Goa las ed o en mon hs and was conduc ed
in h ee pa s in 2011, 2012 and 2013.3
I e e o hese li es yle mig an s as “Wes e ne s” due o he ac ha di -
e ences be ween Wes e n na ionali ies o en seem o disappea when seen in
opposi ion o he “Indian o he .” These people hemsel es o en use he e m
“Wes e ne s.” The e o e, in his a icle i is used as an emic e m, in o de o
acili a e eading; i does no e e o any heo e ical discussions abou he dis-
inc ions be ween he Eas and he Wes . Na ionali ies a e no en i ely insig-
ni ican among he li es yle mig an s in India, bu in he con ex o his a icle
compa ing he di e en na ionali ies is i ele an and s a ing he esea ch pa -
icipan s’ na ionali ies would also be a isk o hei anonymi y. Ne e heless,
na ionali ies a e signi ican in ha hei passpo s enable hese people o easily
ge Indian isas. Mos li es yle mig an s a e in India on ou is isas; some
3 Al hough my esea ch ocused mainly on child en, his a icle does no discuss he child en’s pe -
spec i e bu he phenomenon as such.
156 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
ha e business o s uden isas. A he same ime, Indian isa policies se he
limi s o hei li es yle; mos li es yle mig an s need o lea e India egula ly
in o de o enew hei isas. Ye , he ela i ely long ou is isas ha India
p o ides (o en o six o wel e mon hs) enable his li es yle.
The li es yle mig an s in India whom I me du ing ieldwo k we e usually
o middle-class o igin. Thei pa en s we e, o example, eache s, lawye s and
en ep eneu s. They we e, he e o e, ypically no e y well-o bu ne e he-
less in ela i ely good inancial s anding. Mos li es yle mig an s in India ha e
comple ed seconda y educa ion, and many ha e also s udied a u he edu-
ca ion le els. The majo i y a e in hei 20s, 30s and 40s bu he e a e also
olde indi iduals. In Va anasi, men o m he majo i y, whe eas in some o he
loca ions he e a e mo e women. In Goa, bo h gende s a e equally ep esen ed.
I is impossible o know he exac numbe o li es yle mig an s in Va anasi o
Goa as mos o hem do no egis e o icially bu he e a e de ini ely hund eds
o hem. Finally, i is impo an o no e ha in spi e o a ious di e ences
(in e ms o age, na ionali y e c.) among he li es yle mig an s in he wo loca-
ions, hey sha e he discou ses p esen ed in his a icle, and hese discou ses
play a cen al ole in how hey explain and jus i y hei long and epea ed s ays
in India.
LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS IN “AUTHENTIC” VARANASI
Va anasi is conside ed one o he holies ci ies o Hinduism. I is si ua ed on
he banks o he i e Ganges in no he n India 4 and is one o he oldes ci ies
in he wo ld, wi h a popula ion o abou 1.5 million. Hindu de o ees belie e
Va anasi o be he pe manen home o he sup eme god Shi a. Mo eo e ,
acco ding o Hindu belie s, i one dies he e, one a ains libe a ion om he
cycle o ebi h, as a consequence o which many Hindus come o Va anasi
when dea h app oaches and he ci y is home o much su e ing. Va anasi is
also an impo an pilg image cen e. Diana Eck, an indologis , w i es ha “i
is p ecisely because Bana as has become a symbol o adi ional Hindu India
ha Wes e n isi o s ha e o en ound his ci y he mos s ikingly ‘ o eign’ o
India’s ci ies” (Eck 1983: 9). Fo many o eigne s, Va anasi is he epi ome o
“Eas e n” o he ness (see Saïd 1978). The ci y also has a conside able Muslim
popula ion and i is a pa icula loca ion o Muslims as well bu o eign-
e s end o igno e he ci y’s Muslim he i age and concen a e on i s Hindu
aspec s.
Va anasi is a e y popula ou is des ina ion among bo h o eign and
domes ic ou is s. The e a e, howe e , also li es yle mig an s who e u n he e
4 Va anasi is also known as Bana as o Kashi. On he p ocess o how Va anasi gained he s a us o a
holy Hindu ci y, see Bayly (2001).
“INDIA HAS GOT IT!”: LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS CONSTRUCTING… 157
yea a e yea . The popula season o hem s a s in Oc obe and ends in
May,5 and he e a e 200-300 li es yle mig an s in Va anasi a his ime. Mos
o hem a e 20 o 35 yea s old bu he e a e also many 40 o 50-yea -olds. Typ-
ically, hey wo k in hei na i e coun ies o a ew mon hs in empo a y jobs
such as wai essing, ha es ing and nu sing o in selling Indian ex iles and
handic a s and hen spend he es o he yea in India, li ing on he money
hey ha e ea ned. Once in India, mos o hem play Indian ins umen s, and
some do yoga, medi a ion o cha i y wo k. A lo o ime is spen socialising
wi h iends. The mos common ac i i ies include cooking and ea ing, playing
music and smoking hash oge he .6
The “India” ha he li es yle mig an s in Va anasi claim o ha e ound is
ep esen ed by hem as, abo e all, an “ancien ” and “spi i ual” place. In a way,
hey ag ee wi h he “Inc edible India” ou ism campaign:
“I like Va anasi because i ’s some hing like he hea o India. So much
going on also abou Indian cul u e… […] Va anasi is eal India, s ill happen-
ing, and he eligion ha hey p ac ice he e, eligion is big pa o daily li e
o he people li ing he e, he local people, and i ’s a e y old ci y, i ’s oldes
ac ually exis ing ci y in he wo ld.” [I an, 45]7
In o de o c ea e na ional consciousness and p ide, Indian na ionalis s in
he colonial e a adop ed an o ien alis discou se (see Assayag 2001), whe ein
India was cha ac e ised as an ancien and spi i ual place in opposi ion o he
ma e ialis ic Wes (see Edwa des 1967: 39; Fox 1992; B ecken idge and Van
de Vee 1993; Ludden 1993; Van de Vee 1993). Also, since gaining inde-
pendence India has been success ul in p omo ing an image o he coun y as a
home o ancien wisdom, and his image has been p omo ed in he Wes oo
(see Bandyopadhyay and Mo ais 2005), pa icula ly as a esul o na ionalis
poli ics. Many ou is s and li es yle mig an s emb ace his image whole-hea -
edly; housands o people a el o India each yea in sea ch o spi i uali y (see
e. g. Allsop 2000; Giguè e 2009), and he e a e coun less ash ams8 and gu us9
o e ing spi i ual ad ice and all kinds o yoga and medi a ion cou ses. The
spi i ual India is wha many isi o s seek, and Va anasi is o en ep esen ed as,
and unde s ood o be, he ul ima e epi ome o i .
5 The pe iod be ween May and Augus is ex emely ho and we .
6 Va anasi is he ci y o he god Shi a who is associa ed wi h using in oxican s, including hash (see
Abel 2006: 148). The e o e, many Wes e ne s he e jus i y hei smoking by claiming ha i is pa o
he Va anasi way o li e.
7 A e each in e iew ex ac , he e is a pseudonym o he in e iewee and his / he co ec age a
he ime o he in e iew.
8 Ash am: a spi i ual he mi age.
9 Gu u: a (spi i ual) eache o guide.
158 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
O ien alis discou se u ilises he idea o au hen ici y: he O ien is unde -
s ood o be au hen ic – bo h in nega i e and posi i e e ms. Fo he li es yle
mig an s in Va anasi, he spi i ual India is he “ ue,” “au hen ic” India.
Au hen ici y is a concep ha has been widely discussed in ou ism li e a u e
(see e. g. MacCannell 1973; Pea ce and Mosca do 1986; Cohen 1988; U y
1990; B une 1991; Ha kin 1995; Selwyn 1996; Wang 1999). MacCannell’s
(1973) o iginal claim was ha ou ism is a ques o au hen ici y: ou is s eel
aliena ed by hei home socie ies and hus sea ch o au hen ici y elsewhe e.
In his p ocess, au hen ici y becomes o be seen as some hing genuine, ue
and o iginal and i is usually seen in oman ic e ms, o en e e ing o an
“unspoil ” pas in people’s imagina ion. Many schola s (see Wang 1999) ha e
la e a gued ha he e a e no o iginals, only endless ep oduc ions and au hen-
ici y should ac ually be unde s ood as a social cons uc ion.
O ien alis in e es in India is no a ecen phenomenon. By he 1780s,
Wes e n schola s we e al eady paying a en ion o India (Edwa des 1967: 170),
and Sansk i ex s especially we e belie ed o e eal some hing undamen al
abou he human spi i (Edwa des 1967: 304). India was ep esen ed, pa ic-
ula ly in he Ge man c i ique o he Enligh enmen , as a pu e and innocen
(au hen ic) los pa adise. The oman ic in e es in India was, he e o e, insep-
a able om a c i ique o he Eu opean p esen . “The Wes ” was cha ac e ised
by a ionali y, p og ess, quan i ica ion and secula ism whe eas India came o
ep esen a spi i ual e u n o a supe io pas , cha ac e ised by uni y and ha -
mony (Halb ass 1988: 69-83). Ob iously, o ien alism in he Indian con ex is
e y much connec ed wi h he impe ial p ojec (see Saïd 1993) and i has been
c i icised also om a pos colonial pe spec i e (P akash 1990, 1994).
The li es yle mig an s in Va anasi o en ep oduce an o ien alis ep esen a-
ion o India. The ollowing exce p illus a es how among hem India is some-
imes ep esen ed as a place whe e cul u al p ac ices do no change o e ime.
“When […] I ell my mo he o he men, how he li e is he e, hey a e
no so su p ised because hey had he same i y yea s ago, be o e he wa ,
he same… like milking he cows […] My mo he [milked cows by hand]
un il ma iage… moun ain li e. I is almos he same li e, also he e. I saw oil
lamps and i was like ha . […] I was he same when hey we e child en.”
[An on, 32]
“Supe icially, he e a e a ew changes bu i eally hasn’ changed much
and ce ainly o local people, i ’s s ill he same so o hing, o cen u ies.”
[Paul, 47]
These commen s ob iously p esen a oman icised iew; he in e locu o s
igno e many cu en p ac ices and oman icise he pas . This admi a ion o
“INDIA HAS GOT IT!”: LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS CONSTRUCTING… 159
he ep esen ed pas is, howe e , like a game; he li es yle mig an s like o
enjoy “ he simple, adi ional li e” bu a he same ime hey a e no willing
o gi e up con empo a y con eniences and complain a lo abou he back-
wa dness o India. The “simple” li e ha he li es yle mig an s app ecia e also
means a “na u al li e.” Many o my in e locu o s men ioned ha hey like
he ac ha in Va anasi hey li e in a close ela ion wi h na u e han in hei
na i e coun ies.
“Wha I like he mos he e [in Va anasi] is maybe ha you a e no dis-
connec ed om na u e. In a Wes e n ci y, you ne e know how ull he
moon is, and i ne e has any e ec on you li e. […] [He e] i ’s a huge
di e ence: no moon, ull moon, ainy season, ho season, people beha e
di e en ly. […] You’ e e y connec ed o na u e he e, as much as you can be
in a ci y. […] The e a e monkeys, and bi ds and cows. They a e a li ing pa
o he ci y. Wi hou hese animals e e y hing would o , e e y hing would
be s inking. They also gi e milk, e en he cow shi is used o bu ning, o
e ilising… as a mosqui o epellen . […] In a way, i ’s men and na u e li ing
oge he in symbiosis. I like many hings he e, hey ea om banana pla es,
and […] e e y hing is ecycled.” [Noel, 31]
In Va anasi, cows, wa e bu aloes, dogs, goa s and a s a e isibly p esen
in he s ee s and one mus be cons an ly awa e o monkeys ha migh sna ch
one’s ood. Thus, na u e – in e ms o auna – is e y close o e e yday li e.
One also p o oundly eels he ex eme clima ic changes, since mos houses in
Va anasi do no ha e ai condi ioning o hea ing. I is in e es ing ha such a
big ci y – a clea ly u ban en i onmen – comes o be iewed in e ms o na u al
li e. In he amewo k wi hin which he li es yle mig an s make such an in e -
p e a ion, he na u alness is connec ed wi h he spi i ual and ancien image
o he ci y. They a e using an o ien alis discou se, essen ialising he ci y wi h
hese ypes o ep esen a ions.
The na u al li e is ep esen ed as “ancien ”, and hus also as “au hen ic.”
Mo eo e , as he i s in e iew ex ac abo e sugges s, he li es yle mig an s
claim ha his “Hindu eligion” has a close connec ion wi h na u e – o exam-
ple in e ms o he signi icance o sun ise and sunse and he cycle o he moon.
A he same ime, he li es yle mig an s c i icise he mode n, u ban p esen ,
in pa icula he a ic and pollu ion; Va anasi hus becomes de ined as an
ancien na u al ci y which is in dange o being des oyed by mode nisa ion.
When he li es yle mig an s de ine he ci y as a Hindu place, hey essen ialise
bo h he ci y and he eligion. Fo hem, he e seems o be a kind o “pu e”
Hinduism ha can be expe ienced in Va anasi. This “pu e” Hinduism has been
p omo ed by he na ionalis ic Hindu a mo emen and by o he na ional-
is mo emen s since he Independence s uggle (see e. g. Els 2001), bu his
160 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
socio-poli ical si ua ion and he as di e si y wi hin “Hinduism” seem o be
igno ed by he li es yle mig an s.
Fo he li es yle mig an s, Va anasi is hus an ancien and spi i ual ci y
whe e li e is au hen ic and na u al. Wha does i ac ually mean o be a li es yle
mig an in his con ex hen? Wha is i ha he Indians “ha e go ” and he
li es yle mig an s also wan ? Fi s o all, i means app ecia ing spi i uali y. No
spi i uali y in e ms o becoming a Hindu, howe e , bu a so o New Age
spi i uali y whe ein an indi idual can choose om he “supe ma ke o spi i u-
ali y” (Aupe s and Hou man 2006) whiche e combina ion o belie s and p ac-
ices pleases hem a any one ime. Va anasi hus o e s he li es yle mig an s a
beau i ul and “au hen ic” se ing o pe sonal spi i ual g ow h. Many o hem
combine belie s and p ac ices om Hinduism, Buddhism, Ch is iani y and
Judaism, in addi ion o being in e es ed in p ac ices such as a o ca d eading
and healing c ys als. Being a li es yle mig an in Va anasi also o en means
wo king on onesel , ying o ind one’s “ ue” sel and disco e ing wha one
“ eally wan s o do in li e”; he li es yle mig an s engage in e e nal discussions
abou u u e plans and sel -elabo a ion. In addi ion, being a li es yle mig an
in Va anasi means leading a slow-paced, na u al li e. Fo example, many o my
in e locu o s men ioned ha hey like he ac ha in Va anasi hey cook wi h
na u al ing edien s ins ead o ea ing p ocessed ood wi h p ese a i es.
In he con ex o Va anasi, o li es yle mig an s spi i uali y is also con-
nec ed wi h Indian classical music, which is also adi ionally loaded wi h
spi i ual meaning. In ac , mos li es yle mig an s in Va anasi s udy Indian
classical music. Ye , ins ead o s udying in o mal ins i u ions hey ake p i-
a e lessons om local musicians, claiming his o be he au hen ic way o
lea n Indian music. Fo mos li es yle mig an s in Va anasi, hei days e ol e
a ound music; hey ha e lessons, hey p ac ise and hey a end conce s. Jus
as hey essen ialise he Hindu eligion, he li es yle mig an s in Va anasi essen-
ialise and o ien alise Indian classical music; hey alk abou he music being
“spoiled” by mode n ins i u ions and mode n in luences. Ins ead o seeing he
music as a de eloping adi ion (Massey and Massey 1976: 90), hey seem o
wan o eeze i in he o m hey belie e i had o cen u ies in he maha ajas’
palaces.
Many o my in e locu o s in Va anasi alked abou India as a school and
emphasised he lea ning aspec as he main eason o hei long s ays. In
addi ion o e e ing o hei music s udies and spi i ual sea ch, he li es yle
mig an s conside he whole expe ience o being in India as educa ional; hey
ha e lea ned o su i e in di e en ci cums ances om hose hey we e used
o in hei na i e coun ies and ha e become used o seeing a g ea deal o
po e y and su e ing. This iew o India as a school was also popula among
he hippies in he 1960s and 1970s, as he quo a ion a he beginning o his
a icle illus a es: India has “go some hing” ha he hippies wan ed o lea n
“INDIA HAS GOT IT!”: LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS CONSTRUCTING… 167
“Q: Do you ha e Indian iends?
A: Good ques ion! [laughs] Ve y good ques ion, yeah. I depends on he
de ini ion o a iend. […] no eally, no. And his is unny because he i s
ime I wen [back o Eu ope], a lo o my iends asked me ‘bu you a e
s ill in con ac wi h Indian iends he e. You con inue o w i e o phone
o wha e e ’ and I was hinking suddenly ha I don’ ha e Indian iends
eally.” [Donna, 28]
The li es yle mig an s’ ela ionships wi h local esiden s in Va anasi and
Goa a e usually ins umen al; hei Indian acquain ances a e landlo ds, shop-
keepe s, babysi e s, cleaning ladies o music eache s. In o he wo ds, he e is
a se ice connec ion. Mos li es yle mig an s I ha e me in India claim no o
ha e any Indian iends. Many o my in e locu o s in Va anasi men ioned ha
he “Indian” concep ion o iendship is e y di e en om he “Wes e n”
one. They we e hus sugges ing ha c oss-cul u al iendships a e a con adic-
ion in e ms.
“Q: Do you eel di e en om Indian people?
A: […] We [Wes e ne s] wan o make iendship and hey [Indians]
wan money [laughs]. Maybe i ’s he main di e ence.” [Sa a, 32]
The li es yle mig an s in Va anasi hus jus i y no ha ing Indian iends by
e e ing o essen ial cul u al di e ences. They de ine local esiden s as pos-
i i ely “au hen ic” in one espec , bu when asked abou possible iendship
cons uc ion hey ep esen hem nega i ely, de ining hem as backwa d o
g eedy. The li es yle mig an s in Goa did no ha e his no ion o local esiden s
being “au hen ic” bu hey did sha e he iew o backwa dness. Fo example,
when he e we e p oblems wi h a eache in he school ha mos li es yle
mig an child en I knew a ended, some pa en s simply s a ed ha he solu-
ion would be o b ing in a Wes e n eache because “Indians canno each
p ope ly.” In ac , e en when hey need local in o ma ion, o example when
hey a e looking o local se ices, he li es yle mig an s in Va anasi and in
Goa usually ely on ad ice gi en by o he li es yle mig an s a he han asking
local people, because hey do no belie e ha local esiden s would unde s and
wha i is hey a e looking o . He e, howe e , i is impo an o no e ha local
esiden s a e no necessa ily in e es ed in becoming iends wi h he li es yle
mig an s ei he ; he wish o keep a dis ance migh be mu ual. This is, howe e ,
only my imp ession and i is a heme ha needs o be in es iga ed u he .
I is ne e heless no ewo hy ha he li es yle mig an s a e able o li e in
India in spi e o his social dis ance om local esiden s. This clea ly esembles
colonial ela ions and i hus seems ha he p i ileged li es yles o li es yle
mig an s ep oduce colonial and acial hie a chies. Indians a e, howe e , no
168 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
me ely passi e iewe s o he a ious unde s andings o India ha he li es yle
mig an s celeb a e.
INDIANS PARTICIPATING IN THE DISCOURSES OF “INCREDIBLE INDIAS”
Being a li es yle mig an in Va anasi means being in e es ed in he “au hen ic”
India and s udying some aspec o i – usually music. I also o en in ol es
se ious con empla ion o one’s own belie s and aspi a ions. In Goa, being a
li es yle mig an means li ing a li e o leisu e and eedom. The emphasis is on
un, enjoymen and sel -exp ession, and Indian cul u es a e s ikingly absen
om his discou se. The iew o li es yle mig an s in Va anasi, o India in
e ms o au hen ici y, is ob iously an o ien alis and hus o iginally a Wes e n
cons uc ion, bu he eedom ha he li es yle mig an s in Goa celeb a e is
also a Wes e n cons uc ion (see Ko pela 2014b). This, howe e , does no
mean ha hese discou ses would no ci cula e among sec ions o he Indian
popula ion oo.
Indian people also pa icipa e in he e y same discou ses as hose o he
li es yle mig an s in Va anasi and Goa. Paolo Fa e o has a gued ha young
middle-class14 men in Delhi celeb a e an image o “an essen ialised and ideal-
ised ‘India,’ symbolised by he illage, adi ional li e-s yles and spi i ual he -
i age” (Fa e o 2005: 71). They hus sha e a discou se o he magni icence o
Indian spi i uali y and he simplici y o i s cul u e (Fa e o 2005: 87). Fa e o
also poin s ou ha con empo a y Indian companies use his image in hei
ma ke ing s a egies o domes ic consume s (Fa e o 2005: 90). Acco ding o
Fa e o, he Wes e n ep esen a ions o India ha e hus become use ul ins u-
men s in India’s sel - ep esen a ion (Fa e o 2005: 76). Howe e , he u ban
middle classes do no aim o “ eeze” India in i s au hen ic pas like he li e-
s yle mig an s in Va anasi do. Ra he , he pas is used in a lexible way wi hin
mode ni y and wi h a iew owa ds he u u e (Fa e o 2005: 89). Fa e o’s
Indian esea ch subjec s, o example, held he iew ha adi ion makes
India s ong in he globalising wo ld (Fa e o 2005: 241), whe eas he li es yle
mig an s in Va anasi did no sha e such a global app oach. The ac ha sec-
ions o he Indian u ban middle class sha e he discou se o au hen ic and
spi i ual India wi h he li es yle mig an s in Va anasi shows how discou ses
abou India ci cula e. I is, howe e , wo hy o no e ha he celeb a ion o
pa icula discou ses is no me ely he esul o he e o s o indi iduals. One
should no igno e he ac ha he igh -wing na ionalis ic Hindu mo emen
has become powe ul in India and is ac i ely p omo ing i s own iew o he
14 The concep o middle class is p oblema ic in he Indian con ex bu i is usually used o e e o
he ela i ely well-o u ban popula ion ha has a uni e si y educa ion and su icien inancial means
o pa icipa e in he cu en consume cul u e (see B osius 2010).
“INDIA HAS GOT IT!”: LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS CONSTRUCTING… 169
“au hen ic” Hindu India. Mo eo e , in addi ion o i s “Inc edible India” cam-
paign, which is a ge ed a in e na ional ou is s, he Indian Minis y o Tou -
ism has a campaign en i led “Disco e You sel ,” which is a ge ed a domes ic
ou is s. In ac , Bandyopadhyay, Mo ais and Chick (2008) a gue ha he i age
ou ism is an in eg al pa o na ional iden i y building in India and ha a
signi ican pa o his is he celeb a ion o India’s glo ious pas , o en wi h
e e ence o he Hindu unde s anding o i . In o he wo ds, he e a e many
ac o s in he game.
The discou se o he “au hen ic” and “spi i ual” India has i s o igins in he
colonial e a and he an i-colonial s uggle. The discou se o eedom and hedo-
nism ha he li es yle mig an s in Goa celeb a e eme ged much la e , as pa o
he hippie mo emen . I is, howe e , cu en ly sha ed by sec ions o he Indian
popula ion as well. Goa has become a popula holiday des ina ion o ela i ely
well-o young people om me opoli an Indian ci ies, and he Bollywood eli e
likes o go o Goa o pa y. Tou ism in Goa has a long his o y, pa ly ela ed
o he ac ha , unlike o he Indian s a es, i was a Po uguese colony, and
he e o e has no only di e en kinds o a chi ec u al he i age (because o he
Ca holic in luence) bu also a di e en kind o li es yle ( he mos ecognised
sign o which is pe mission o consume alcohol) (T ichu 2007; Gup a 2009).
Saldanha, w i ing on he ance scene in Goa, claims ha he “domes ic
ou is s didn’ ha e he cul u al o economic esou ces o join in” he ance
pa ies (Saldanha 2007: 6). Howe e , he conduc ed his ieldwo k mo e han
en yea s ago and i seems o me ha an inc easing numbe o Indian young
people do now possess he cul u al and economic capi al o join he ance
scene. Some imes hey a end he same pa ies as he Wes e ne s, and a o he
imes hey ha e hei own pa ies, bu in bo h si ua ions hese young Indian
ou is s celeb a e a simila discou se o eedom, leisu e and enjoymen as he
li es yle mig an s in Goa do. In ac , many o he li es yle mig an s wo king
in he Goan ma ke s sell hei p oduc s also o Indian ou is s who eage ly
pa icipa e in he cul u e o exp essi e ou i s, ance pa ies and d ugs. Fo
hem oo, Goa is a “ eakland o eedom” whe e one can escape he p essu es
o li e in one’s place o o igin. The e o e, al hough he li es yle mig an s keep
a social dis ance om Indian people, some Indians sha e hei discou se abou
Goa (and Va anasi).
CONCLUSION
This a icle has shown ha he e a e a numbe o discou ses ha desc ibe
“Inc edible India” and ha when li es yle mig an s sea ch o ha some hing
ha Indians “ha e go ,” hey can be e e ing o e y di e en hings; in Va a-
nasi hey mean au hen ici y and spi i uali y, whe eas in Goa hey mean eedom
and pleasu e. In hese discou ses, o ien alism and pos mode n indi idualism
170 MARI KORPELA e nog á ica e e ei o de 2017 21 (1): 153-173
become en angled and he discou ses ci cula e and in e sec in a ious ways.
Being a li es yle mig an in “Inc edible India” means di e en hings in di -
e en loca ions, bu he people ne e heless sha e a lo e o “India” and a
willingness o epea edly e u n.
In his a icle, I ha e also shown ha he discou ses abou India celeb a ed
by he li es yle mig an s a e sha ed by sec ions o he Indian popula ion. Fi s ,
he discou se o an exo ic au hen ici y is pe sis en bu has di e en mani-
es a ions and meanings in di e en con ex s. Secondly, I ha e a gued ha
he discou se o eedom ha li es yle mig an s in Goa celeb a e is sha ed by
sec ions o he u ban Indian you h. Goa has o en been p esen ed and ep e-
sen ed as a place o he celeb a ion o a global ance cul u e (D’And ea 2007;
Saldanha 2007; S . John 2011) bu i is impo an o keep in mind ha he
ance cul u e has Indian pa icipan s oo, and o hem Goa is a “ eakland
o eedom” in a simila way as i is o li es yle mig an s. The e o e, al hough
li es yle mig an s keep a social dis ance om local popula ions and seem o
c ea e hei own unde s andings o Inc edible India, Indians a e no necessa -
ily passi e iewe s bu ac i e pa icipan s in he same discou ses wi h hei
own in e p e a ions. Inc edible India is no only a s a e ou ism policy; i has
many aces, o which he cases o Va anasi and Goa a e wo impo an ones.
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