Transitions to adulthood in flux : Assessing coming of age through an historical lens in Finland and France

Aurelie Mar y1 Original scientific paper University of Tampere, UDK 316.42–053.6/.8(44+480)“18/20“ Faculty of Social Sciences 316.346.32–053.81(44+480)(091) Received: 08.01.2019. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1902167M TRANSITIONS TO ADULTHOOD IN FLUX. ASSESSING COMING OF AGE THROUGH AN HISTORICAL LENS IN FINLAND AND FRANCE. Tranzicije u odraslost u stalnoj promeni. Pristup odrastanju kroz istorijsku perspektivu u Finskoj i Francuskoj ABSTRACT: According to youth experts, a significant number of contemporary young people in Western societies reach adulthood at a later age than previous generations. This phenomenon is generally perceived as a temporary misstep on the path todefaultpatterns of transition establishedin the 1950s and 1960s. Giventhe current societalcontext, should the transition to adulthood today really conform to that model? This paper provides an historical analysis of transitionsto adulthood to enqui re whether the post-war model canstill be considered a meaningful reference today. Were routes of transition similar or different in earlier times, or hasthe model always existed? To answer this question, the paper looks at demographics in two case countries, Finland and France, in three periods: the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the 1950s–1970s, and the early twenty-first century. The paper argues that the post-war generation’s rapid patterns of transition w ere unique, resulting from a sustained period of economic growth in developed societies. Thishas generatednew pathways of transition and a model of adulthood still used as a standardpoint today, even though the current socio-economic context haschanged. Transitions to adulthood are not static. They have always evolved, mirroring the wider historicalcontext within which individuals operate. KEY WORDS: transitions to adulthood; historical comparison; Finland and France APSTRAKT: Prema istraživačima omladine, značajan broj današnjih mladih u zapadnim društvima dostižu odaslost kasnije nego u ranijim generacijama. Ova pojava se uopšteno shvata kao privremeno odstupanje od uobičajenih putanja i obrazaca tranzicije koji su ustanovljeni pedesetih i šezdesetih. Uzimajući u obzir sadašnji društveni kontekst, postavlja se pitanje da li tranzicije u odraslost treba 1 lilie.aurelie.mar[email protected] 168 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LXI (2019), N° 2 zaista da se prilagođavaju tom modelu? Ovaj članak pruža istorijsku analizu tranzicija u odraslost da bi se ispitalo da li posleratni model treba shvatati kao referentni okvir danas. Da li su putanje tranzicije bile slične ili drugačije u ranijim vremenima ili je ovaj model oduvek postojao? Da bi se odgovorilo na ovo pitanje, u radu se proučavaju demografski trendovi u Finskoj i Francuskoj u tri perioda: devetnaestom i ranom dvadesetom veku, u periodu 1950–1970s, i u ranom dvadesetprvom veku. Tvrdi se da su obrasci brze tranzicije posleratne generacije bili jedinstveni kao posledica održivog perioda ekonomskog rasta u razvijenim društvima. Iz njih je proizašao model tranzicija i odraslosti koji se uzima kao standardni i danas, iako se izmenio socioekonomski kontekst. Tranzicije u odraslost nisu statične, one su se uvek razvijale reflektujući šire istorijske kontekste u kojima pojedinci žive. KLJUČNE REČI: tranzicije u odraslost; istorijsko poređenje; Finska i Francuska Introduction Transitions from adolescence to adulthood from the 1950s to the 1970s in Western societies were brief, clear and straightforward. The majority of youth became adults by fulfilling specific markers in a short period and particular order: they finished school, found a job, became financially independent, left the parental home, settled down, got married, and had children. Compared to previous generations, a large number of contemporary young people achieve transitions to adulthood at a later age, and often fulfil markers of adulthood in an unconventional order. The phenomenon of youth prolongation, starting in the 1980s, has been discussed amongst scholars, economists and policy-makers (e.g. Arnett, 2004; Baudelot, 1988; Côté, 2000; Furlong and Cartmel, 1997; Galland 1990; Helve and Bynner, 1996; Jones, 1995). The pathways of transition experienced by baby boomers serve as a reference point to which current transitions are compared. However, were transitions in earlier times alike? Existing historical data calls for a revision of the current discourse on youth prolongation. Although the historical context, ways of life and life expectations differ, strong parallels can be drawn with the current situation. Young people in the early twentieth century more likely experienced what would now be considered nonlinear, delayed, blurred, and heterogeneous transitions, rather than ordered and short like in the 1950s–1970s. An empirical doctoral dissertation comparing youth transition in Finland and France (Mary, 2012), with a focus on female university students, showed that early twenty-first century pathways to adulthood were similar in the two case countries, and also matched most of the patterns observed in other advanced societies. The main findings suggest a change in the understanding and undertaking of adulthood. The informants distinguished the psychological dimension of adulthood from the social dimension, and mostly associated adulthood with a mental state. Several studies show that for a growing number of young people, adulthood comprises a combination of subjective psychological Aurelie Mary: Transitions to Adulthood in Flux. Assessing Coming of Age through ... 169 characteristics and social roles,as opposed to the current notion of adulthood that validates young people as adults upon achieving quantifiable roles rather than subjective proficiencies(e.g. Andrew et al., 2007; Hartmann and Swartz, 2007; Molgat, 2007; Shanahan et al., 2005). These findings provoked further questions: How were transitions achieved in earlier times? Why are transitions extending today? Is the phenomenon new and unique? The historical dimension of transitions to adulthood lack in the literature. Few studies assess transitions before the 1980s. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to that missing aspect. The paper examines demographics in three historical periods in Finland and France to observe and assess the transformations of transitions to adulthood across time. Data concentrate on demographics on family formation in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, 1950s–1970s, and early twenty-first century. History shows changing patterns of transition in the present times are neither an exceptionnor anintentional disruption. The wider societal context has transformed since the 1970s. Time-specific socio-economic demands force the youth to forge pathways to adulthood adapted to the current context. The postwar model of transition nevertheless remains unquestioned and continues to set up the archetypal framework for contemporary pathways to adulthood (Blatterer, 2007b, 2007c; Furstenberg et al., 2005; Wyn, 2004). Contemporary transitions are implicitly viewed as a transient destabilisation of established socialand cultural norms (e.g. Anatrella, 2003; Furedi, 2003).The prolongation of youth also worries policy-makers and economists, especially regarding the continuity of the welfare state. The latter relies on an economically active population and the contribution of the younger generation(e.g. Esping-Andersen, 1999). The paper argues that there is no right or wrong way to become adult. No model of adulthood can be conferred the status of reference model. Theperception that young people are deliberately delaying their entry into adulthood reflectsan outdated understanding of transitions to adulthood from another historical period within different societal conditions.The current evaluative framework of transition and the model of adulthood thus requires updating and redefining (Andrew et al., 2007; Blatterer, 2007a; 2010; Mary, 2012, 2014; Wyn, 2004). The paper is structured as follows: first, it introduces the major socioeconomic transformations that have occurred since the nineteenth century in Finland and France.Then it considers the methodological approach and challenges. The third section examines historical demographics to glean a new understanding of perceptions of adulthood. This is followed by a summary of thegeneral evolution of transitions in advanced societies. Major societal transformations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in Finland and France The paper focuses on transitions to adulthood in two case countries, Finland and France. The two countries present distinguishable features in their societal backgrounds. Both are Western European societiesfounded upon democratic 170 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LXI (2019), N° 2 ideologies, members of the European Union, and share many features at the infrastructural level. However, both countries have been shaped from different directions. They adopted different types of welfare regimes – conservative in France and social democratic in Finland (Esping-Andersen, 1999). France is rooted in Roman Catholic traditions, while Finland adopted the Lutheran faith. In France, the state and the church have operated separately since the 1905 Law on the Separation of the Churches and State, based on the principle of ‘laïcité’ (secularism) (Legifrance, 2018). In Finland, the state and the church have been separated since the Church Act of 1869 (Suomen evankelis-luterilainen kirkko, 2018). Both countries were agrarian before the industrial revolution but modernised at different paces. Industrialisation began in the early nineteenth century in France and in the mid-nineteenth century in Finland. Socioinfrastructural development was similar in both societies after the Second World War. While France had a colonial empire, Finland belonged to two empires: to Sweden until 1809, and then to Russia until the country gained independence in 1917. Additionally, France participated in the initiation of the European Union with the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951 and the European Economic Community (EEC) established in 1957. Finland maintained its neutrality until joining the Union in 1995. In 2001, both countries converted their national currency to the common European currency, the euro (European Union, 2018). After the Second World War, Finland and France, like other advanced societies, experienced an unprecedented period of economic growth from 1945 to approximately 1975, referred to as the Golden Age of Capitalism. During this period, every level of society underwent major transformations. Standards of living and healthcare systems were greatly improved and expanded, welfare regimes were implemented, national infrastructures modernised, and transport, technology and information mechanisms made unparalleled progress. Advanced societies changed at the political, educational and cultural levels too. Mores and values became more permissive, and women and children gain rights and protection. Simultaneously,youth become more visible. New sectors developed around young people in terms of education, socio-politics, industry, consumption, and popularculture (Chauvel, 2002; Galland, 1990). Both countries were affected by the worldwide economic slowdown following the oil crisis of the1970s. In France, like in other Western Europeans countries, economic decline continued into the 1980s, while economy continued to expand in Finland (Statistics Finland, 2007b). Finland’s economy got greatly affected by the collapseof communism in the 1990s, before it took off again. France was less touched by that major event, but the lasting worldwide economic stagnation continued to have a harmful impact. The economy of both countries suffered from the worldwide financial crisis of 2007–2008. Schooling became free, mandatory and secular for all children aged six to thirteen in France in 1881. This was extended to the age of 16 in 1959 (Ministère de l’Educationnationaleet de la jeunesse, 2018). In Finland, education became free and compulsory to all children for six years in 1921. In the 1970s, it became compulsory from age seven to sixteen (Finnish National Agency for Education, Aurelie Mary: Transitions to Adulthood in Flux. Assessing Coming of Age through ... 171 2018). During the 1960s in advanced societies, education expanded as a result of policies aimed at reducing social inequality and increasing equal educational opportunities (Teichler, 2007: 26). Higher education became accessible to lower socio-economic groups and women. The development of the service sector in the 1960s and 1970s increased the demand for highly educated people and provided white-collar jobs that required qualifications higher than manual, bluecollar jobs. Developed societies shifted to service-based economies, with the service sector overtaking the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, during the Golden Age. Over two-third of the population worked in the primary sector (agriculture, forestry, fishery) in Finland and France in the 1800s and early 1900s (see Table 1). In the 1920s–1930s, the secondary sector (industry and construction) and the tertiary sector (services) developed considerably in France, and the population worked equally in all sectors. The Finnish economy remained primarily agrarian until the 1970s. Since the 1970s in both countries, as in other European societies, their economies are almost entirely service-based. The service sectornow employs about three quarters of the labour force. The agricultural sector involves only a small number of workers, and the industrial sector less than a quarter. Table 1. Proportion (percentages) of the labour force per economic sectors in Finland in 1860–2017 and France in 1800–2017 (rounded numbers). Finland France Sectors 1860 1920–30 1980 2017 1800–10 1920–30 1980 2017 Primary 80 60 13 4 65 32 8 3 Secondary 14 20 33 23 20 34 31 16 Tertiary 7 20547315 35 6181 Sources: Eurostats (2018a); Hjerppe (1989); Marchand and Thélot (1991); StatisticsFinland (2007). Western societies started to establish systems of public assistance before the First World War. Welfare state regimes were established after the Second World War in all Western countries. Development was slower in Finland until the Second World War, but expenditure increased in the 1970s–1980s, while it stagnated in Franceduring those years (Tomka, 2003). The efficiency of welfare systems depends heavily on a strong and stable economic apparatus. According to Esping-Andersen (1999), welfare systems in Western societies are slowly eroding because of economic stagnation and the requirements of a growing population in need. Methods and data As per the results obtained in the above mentioned study (Mary, 2012), the debate on youth prolongation, and the ongoing reference to the 1950s–1970s model of adulthood strongly invited to question the criteria shaping the concepts of youth and adulthood. In order to develop a deeper understanding of current patterns of transition, demographics on family formation and studies connected to 172 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LXI (2019), N° 2 transitions in Finland and France, with references to other Western societies, were investigated in three time periods: the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the 1950s–1970s, and the early twenty-first century. The study examines the following demographics: age at first marriage, age of women at birth of first child, fertility rate and age of majority. There exists little historical demographic data prior the Second World War, but sufficiently to offer insights generating profound reflexions upon the pathways to adulthood taking place today. The historical data presented in the paper is based on approximate estimations, as the format of the historical statistics obtained is not compatible for accurate comparison with present times, let alone cross-country comparison. The paper relies essentially on secondary sources of data, as access to primary historical data sources were limited. Most information was collected by the church in earlier times, and little data was recorded on demographics. Population censuses were initiated in Finland and France in the eighteenth century but remained infrequent and incomplete. Only after the Second World Wardata collection became more extensive, and methods of collection and measurement more accurate. Historical data also present inconsistencies in definitions. Transitions to adulthood, for instance, were not much investigated before the 1980s. The concept was not identified as it is currently, similarly to the concepts of childhood and adolescence, which respectively became recognised in most advanced societiesin the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries (Ariès, 1962; Kett, 1973). The purpose of the paper is to conduct a sociological analysis on the evolution of transitions to adulthood from a historic perspective. Historic statistics and facts are used with an illustrative and qualitative approach rather than a quantitative focus. Results and analysis The 1950s–1970s witnessed more uniformed patterns of transition amongst the youth than in previous times. Pathways to adulthood today appear scattered, and are largely heterogeneous, depending on socio-economic backgrounds, gender, ethnicity, education level, or geographical location. Looking at historical demographics reveals that this is not uncharacteristic. Transitions throughout history Table 2. Indicators of family formation in Finland and France, 1850s–2017 (rounded numbers). MEAN AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE 1855 1930 1970 1990 2000 2010 2017 Finland Women 25125 23 25 28,5 30 32 Men 27128 25 27 31 32,5 34 France Women26232326283031 2 Men 30272528303233 2 1Data for 1881–91. 2Data for 2016. Aurelie Mary: Transitions to Adulthood in Flux. Assessing Coming of Age through ... 173 MEAN AGE OF WOMEN AT BIRTH OF FIRST CHILD 1910 1950 1961–65 1980 1981–85 2000 2010 2016 EU 28 Finland - - 23 - 25 27,5 28 29 29 (2016) France 25 24,5 - 24,5 - 27,5 28 28,5 TOTAL FERTILITY RATE 1900 1950 1970 1990 2000 2017 EU 28 Finland 4,9 3,2 1,8 1,8 1,7 1,5 1,6 (2017) France 2,9 2,9 2,5 1,8 1,9 1,9 PROPORTION (%) OF LIVE BIRTHS OUTSIDE MARRIAGE 1960 1980 1990 2000 2010 2016 EU 28 Finland 41325 39414543 (2016) France 61130 445560 Sources: Bellamy (2015); Eurostat (2018b, 2018c); Legoyt (1863); Miettinen (2011); Pison (2010); Rothenbacher (2002); Statistics Finland (2010, 2018); Tomka (2013);Toulemon et al. (2008); Volant (2017). Average age of marriage In both Finland and France, people married at a later age in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries than one might expect. In Finland, the average age at first marriage in 1881–91 was 27 for men and 25 for women (Koskinen et al., 2007: 141). In France in 1855, men married on average at 30 and women at 26. This average decreased in both societies from the 1950s to the 1970s. In 1970, in Finland and France, the average age at marriage for men and women was 25 and 23 respectively. This started to increase again in the 1980s. In the 1990s the figures equalledthose of the 1900s. Today, age at first marriage has reached unprecedented levels: 34 and 32 for men and women in Finland, and 33 and 31 for men and women in France (see Table 2). Based on data provided by official sources such as Eurostat and OECD, these later developmentsare broadly consistent with the experiences of other advanced countries. In the nineteenth century in Western societies, household formation did not occur until the late 20s for a significant number of women and the early 30s for most men. Most young people had obligations towards their family, in the form of economic support. Moreover, men needed time to accumulate sufficient capital and resources to support a family of their own, and women could not marry without presenting a dowry to their future husband (Goody, 2000: 63–64; Model et al., 1976: 16). The obligation for men to attend military service (up to three years in France), eventual studies, inheritance laws, and parent consent, also delayed marriage (Legoyt, 1863). The 1950s witnessed a drop in the age of marriage and the emergence of the nuclear family structure. This reinforced fixed gender roles and division, with a male breadwinner, a female homemaker, and generally two children (Coontz, 2005; Fussell and Furstenberg, 2005: 31). This model was adopted by the majority of young adults during the Golden Age. In the 1970s, it was disrupted by the massive participation of women in higher education and the labour force, 174 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LXI (2019), N° 2 and mores and values connected to living arrangements such as living and/or having children in a consensual rather than in an official union (Coontz 2005). While societal context and ways of life are not comparable, today’s transitions resemble in some ways those of early industrial times. A large number of young people are in a similar situation: working, accumulating capital, and still living with their parents. However, a century ago young people helped their parents financially. Today, it is parents who provide economic and material assistance to their grown-up children (Ray and Settersten, 2010: 32). Fertility and median age of women at childbirth In Finland in the early 1800s, both women aged 25–29 and 30–34 accounted for most births. A large proportion of women also gave birth at age 35–39, more than did women aged 20–24. Patterns remained unchanged until the 1950s. Both women aged 20–24 and 25–29 then accounted for most births. Since the 1980s, birth patterns have returned to earlier historical trends, with most women giving birth at the ages of 25–29 and 30–34, and the proportion of births at the age of 20–24 decreasing. Since 2009, most women give birth at age 25–29 and 30–34, much more than at 20–24 (Miettinen, 2011). France displays similar tendencies. In the first half of the twentieth century, most women gave birth at 25–29 and 30–34 and older. During the 1950s, the number of women giving birth before 24 increased, but never overtook the number of births among the 25–29 age group. From 1980 onwards, trends returned to earlier tendencies, with most women giving birth at 25–29 and 30–34 (INSEE, 2018) (see Table 2). Figures show that the mean age of women at first birth was 23 in Finland in 1961–65, and 24,5 in France in 1950. In both countries, this rose from the 1980s, reaching respectively 29 and 28,5 in Finland and France in 2016. The socio-cultural context largely differed in the 1900s. Morals, family values and expectations, lack of contraception and high infant mortality constrained the lives of women. Women also had a larger number of children, and more closely spaced births. Nonetheless, data shows that the 1950s–1970s trends linked to marriage and childbirth were an historical exception (see Table 2). Fertility rates follow parallel trends in Finland, France and other Western societies, being much lower than at the turn of the twentieth century, and reaching the unprecedented low point of 1,6 in the European Union in 2016. The proportion of births outside marriage is noteworthy too. While out of wedlock births were illegal in earlier times, today,45%of children in Finland and 60% of children in France are born outside marriage. France is a pioneer regarding this trend. Age of majority The age of majority in most advanced societies is 18 years old. Nevertheless, this specific age has been attributed as the legal transition to full citizenship only recently. The age of consent and legal age of marriage without parental consent have followed similar patterns. In France, before the French Revolution, the age of majority was 25 for both men and women. In 1792 and 1974, it was Aurelie Mary: Transitions to Adulthood in Flux. Assessing Coming of Age through ... 175 respectively reduced to 21 and then 18 (Planiol, 1950 [1899–1901]). In Finland, before the 1700s, the age of majority for men was 15. Between the eighteenth and twentieth century it was increased to 21. Up until the mid-nineteenth century, women were not considered independent citizens and legally depended on their parents and then husband. In 1864, they received recognition as independent citizens from age 25. The age of majority was reduced to 20 in 1969 and 18 in 1976 for both genders (Finlex, 2018; Talve, 1997). Variations in the age of full entitlement to citizenship reveal historical perceptions of adulthood. While young people fulfilled qualifiers that would entitle them to adulthood today, such as working and getting married, they were not necessarily considered fully-fledged adult citizens – especially women. Transitions to adulthood remained ambiguous. Most of those marrying were also conferred adult status by the community upon displaying signs of maturity, personal qualities and skills (Shanahan et al., 2005: 229). Historical trends provide evidence on the evolution of the concept of adulthood and framework of transitions. Transitions are not static but malleable features shaped by the evolution of society at large. The post-war generation: unique patterns of transitions After the Second World War, western societies experienced a phase of reconstruction and unprecedented socio-economic opportunities and security. Unparalleled socio-institutional transformations took place and strongly impacted the preceding routes to adulthood and framework of transitions (Chauvel, 2002). Prosperous economies, abundance of work, and access to higher education that guaranteed employment enabled early entry on the labour market and family formation. The pacing of transitions to adulthood metamorphosed in Finland and France but also other advanced societies. Transitions in the 1950s–1970s became shorter, more concentrated, and situated earlier in life; much more than in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Young people managed to achieve milestones simultaneously: the majority of youth entered the labour force, got married and had children almost at the same time, and at a younger age. Most young men and women were recognized as adults by their early 20s, both socially and economically (Model et al., 1976: 20; Ray and Settersten, 2010: 21). Preparation for adult responsibilities was more extensive in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Western societies.Model et al. (1976: 16–17, 20) stress that the non-familial status transitions, such as leaving school and entering the labour force, started earlier and required slightly less time to reach completion than in the 1950s–1970s. Children entered the labour force in parallel of schooling, or as soon as compulsory schooling ended, usually helping their family or relatives. However, the familial transitions, including leaving home, getting married and household formation, started later and required considerably more years for completion. 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