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The implications of teachers’ implicit theories for moral education : A case study from Finland

Rissanen, Inkeri,Kuusisto, Elina,Hanhimäki, Eija,Tirri, Kirsi

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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjme20 Download by: [Tampere University] Date: 08 January 2018, At: 00:44 Journal of Moral Education ISSN: 0305-7240 (Print) 1465-3877 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjme20 The implications of teachers’ implicit theories for moral education: A case study from Finland Inkeri Rissanen, Elina Kuusisto, Eija Hanhimäki & Kirsi Tirri To cite this article: Inkeri Rissanen, Elina Kuusisto, Eija Hanhimäki & Kirsi Tirri (2018) The implications of teachers’ implicit theories for moral education: A case study from Finland, Journal of Moral Education, 47:1, 63-77, DOI: 10.1080/03057240.2017.1374244 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03057240.2017.1374244 © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 05 Oct 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 611 View related articles View Crossmark data Journal of Moral Education, 2018 Vol. 47, no. 1, 63–77 https://doi.org/10.1080/03057240.2017.1374244 The implications of teachers’ implicit theories for moral education: A case study from Finland InkeriRissanena, ElinaKuusistob, EijaHanhimäkic and KirsiTirrib aSchool of Education, university of tampere, tampere, finland; bdepartment of teacher Education, university of Helsinki, Helsinki, finland; cdepartment of teacher Education, university of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, finland ABSTRACT Implicit theories concerning the malleability of human qualities are known to have a powerful impact on motivation and learning, but their role in moral education is an under-researched topic. In this qualitative case study, we examined the impact of implicit theories on four Finnish teachers’ practices of teaching morally and in teaching morality. The data include preliminary and stimulated recall interviews (STR) as well as classroom observations. Our results demonstrate the multiple ways in which teachers’ implicit beliefs are communicated to students and influence teacher’s interpretations and endeavors to educate the ethical capabilities of students. The study provides evidence for the claim that implicit theories are an important construct which has been missing from the moral education literature. Directions for future research are suggested. Introduction Teachers’ moral professionalism Teaching is a moral profession (see for example, Sanger, 2008; Sockett, 1993). It is a vocation that demands both a deep personal commitment and clear, rational principles. In many European countries, such as Finland, education is intended to support the development of the whole person rather than merely the human cognitive domain. This type of education acknowledges the importance of the social and affective domains in students’ development, including emotional and moral concerns. Students benefit both socially and academically when supported in a caring classroom and school environment (Noddings, 1992; Tirri & Husu, 2006). Moral professionalism refers to the quality of educators’ professional practices (Sockett, 1993), which are judged by professional standards and become evident in the educators’ moral practices and roles in the everyday life of schools (Hanhimäki, 2011). The moral dimension of teaching has been discussed under various themes and typologies of skill sets for moral professional teachers have been formulated. Typically, these include orientations to moral sensitivity, moral judgment, moral motivation, moral behavior, as well as teachers’ KEYWORDS implicit theories; moral education; teachers; stimulated recall interviews (Str); finland © 2017 the author(s). Published by informa uK limited, trading as taylor & francis Group. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution-noncommercial-noderivatives license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. CONTACT inkeri rissanen [email protected] OPEN ACCESS Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 64 I. RISSANEN ET AL. professional ethics and values (Bebeau, Rest, & Narvaez, 1999; Narvaez, 2007; Rest, 1983; Tirri, Toom, & Husu, 2013). One way of making sense of the different spheres of moral education, as suggested by Fenstermacher, Osguthorpe, and Sanger (2009), is to distinguish between teaching morally and teaching morality. Teaching morally refers to the morality of teachers’ conduct; it pertains to modeling morally valuable behavior for the students and resembles teachers’ moral ethos (see for example, Gholami & Husu, 2010). Teaching morality refers to efforts to provide students with the means for developing ethical capabilities. Despite the partial overlapping of these categories, this distinction is an analytically useful device and is used in this study. The basic assumption is that morally professional teachers need competencies related both to their character and to their conduct if they are to promote their students’ holistic development (Tirri, 2011; Tirri, Husu, & Kansanen, 1999). There have also been debates over whether teachers’ moral professionalism should be analyzed and developed with a focus on moral principles and their application or whether a better approach would be to focus on practices of ‘good moral reasoning’ and pay attention to the intuitive processes of moral judgment (Coombs, 1998). It is known that quick and intuitive processing of social information in practical settings—such as the classroom— influences the process of making moral judgments (Greene & Haidt, 2002). These intuitions are often culturally bound (Vauclair, Wilson, & Fischer, 2014) and have roots in personal life histories (Van Manen, 1994); therefore, they also reflect the individual’s belief systems. We agree with the notions of Sanger and Osguthorpe (2005, 2011) on the centrality of teacher beliefs in the development of teachers’ moral professionalism—a view based on constructivist understanding of teacher learning. Sanger and Osguthorpe (2011) call for empirical research to identify teacher beliefs that are particularly relevant for the moral matters of teaching. In this article we present empirical evidence for the implications of a particular set of core beliefs which have proved to be highly influential on learning, motivation, and well-being, but have previously been discussed very little in the field of moral education, namely, implicit beliefs concerning the malleability of human qualities. Teachers’ implicit theories Dweck’s (2000, 2006) idea of implicit theories (also called mindsets) is concerned with the implicit beliefs individuals hold about basic human qualities. People with an incremental theory (a growth mindset) believe that intelligence, personality and abilities can be developed. People with an entity theory (a fixed mindset) believe that these basic qualities are static and unalterable. The powerful impact of implicit theories on learning and motivation are well-known (see for example, Dweck, 2000). Studies have shown that entity theorists emphasize performance goals (‘looking smart,’ ‘proving their abilities’), whereas incremental theorists emphasize learning goals (‘becoming smart,’ ‘improving abilities’) (Dweck, 2000; Dweck & Leggett, 1988). Furthermore, an entity theory is associated with having a negative attitude to effort, as great effort and failure are interpreted as indicating lack of ability, whereas an incremental theory is associated with an understanding of failure as a learning opportunity. Accordingly, an entity theory creates helpless behavior patterns, since it leads to avoidance of challenges and low levels of persistence. Thus, students with an incremental theory have higher achievements during challenging school transitions and their completion rates in demanding school courses are greater (Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007; Yeager & Dweck, 2012). Implicit theories are quite stable, yet they can be Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 JOURNAL OF MORAL EDUCATION 65 altered by educational interventions (Blackwell et al., 2007; Dweck, 2012; Yeager & Dweck, 2012; Yeager, Trzesniewski, Tirri, Nokelainen, & Dweck, 2011). Implicit theories, however, do not act alone; they are connected to a network of other specifiable beliefs, which form structured meaning systems that direct the way in which people understand themselves and others and give meaning to their social experiences (Molden & Dweck, 2006; Plaks, Levy, & Dweck, 2009). For example, incremental theorists are found to interpret human behavior in terms of context-sensitive psychological processes and situational factors, whereas entity theorists have a tendency toward dispositional attribution and emphasize deep-seated, cross-situational traits as the key causes of behavior (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Dweck, Chiu, & Hong 1995; Molden & Dweck, 2006). These tendencies also have implications for moral ethos and conduct. Since entity theorists tend to believe in a fixed reality with a rigid moral order, they regard fulfilling duties and striving for justice as fundamental to morality. By contrast, incremental theorists, who tend to believe in a malleable social moral reality tend to focus on improving the wrongdoer rather than carrying out punishments in order to achieve justice (Chiu, Dweck, Tong, & Fu, 1997; Plaks et al., 2009). Thus, the assumption can be made that, if a teacher is inclined to entity theory, his/her endeavors to teach morally are channeled by these tendencies, which can also be described as features of duty-based morality (see Dworkin, 1978) and by a professional moral ethos primarily concerned with the concern for professional responsibilities (see Gholami & Husu, 2010). Likewise, the ethos of an incremental theorist teacher is presumably inclined towards taking responsibility for students’ personal development, meeting individual student needs and preserving individual rights—tendencies related to a rights-based morality (Dworkin, 1978). Furthermore, since we also know that implicit theories influence how teachers interpret social information in the classroom as well as the pedagogical choices they make and that they continuously become communicated to the students (Rattan, Good, and Dweck, 2012; Rissanen, Kuusisto, Hanhimäki, & Tirri, 2016), we also assume that teachers’ implicit theories influence their endeavors to teach morality. Subtle cues communicated to students can affect the development of students’ implicit theories, which then affects the development of their ethical capabilities. For example, different attribution styles connected to implicit theories determine whether anger is directed toward a person (entity theorists) or a situation (incremental theory); thus, incremental theory fosters adaptive conflict resolution strategies, such as forgiveness and voicing concerns and diminishes such things as desire for revenge (Chiu et al., 1997; Kammrath & Dweck, 2006; Loeb & Dweck, 1994). Implicit theories also affect goal choice in morally challenging situations; entity theory increases the tendency for ego-defensive action choices, such as lying, and incremental theory promotes honesty (Mueller & Dweck, 1998). Furthermore, since incremental theories are known to prevent helplessness responses and promote persistence after academic failures, there are good reasons to suspect that the same applies to ethical failures and that it is easier for children with incremental beliefs about personality to remain engaged with the moral domain even after ethical setbacks (Yeager, 2008). In short, it is of utmost importance for teaching morality, whether or not the teacher and the students all actually believe that ethical capabilities can be changed. The assumptions summarized below in Table 1 are provided on the basis of previous literature and concern the implications of teachers’ implicit theories for teaching morally Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 66 I. RISSANEN ET AL. and teaching morality. These assumptions will guide the empirical observations in this qualitative case study. Finnish context In Finland, the ethical role of teachers has changed from being religious and moral examples to being principled professionals with academic university education, beginning from the 1970s. Decentralization of curricula and the principles of ethics for teachers published in 1998 by the Trade Union of Education have further strengthened the autonomous professional role of teachers in Finland. Finnish teachers typically view themselves as responsible professionals whose task is to teach the basic knowledge of their subject, but they also consider themselves responsible for the holistic education of their students, including the social and affective domains (Tirri, 2014). Previous research on the role of the professional teacher indicates that teachers need more education in the moral domain (Hanhimäki & Tirri, 2009). The Finnish school system is comprised of pre-school education (up to the age of six), basic education (nine years of comprehensive school, with an optional tenth year), upper secondary-level education (upper secondary school and vocational education) and higher education. At the lower level of basic education (grades 1 to 6), teaching is generally given by a class teacher. Teachers at the higher level (grades 7 to 10) and upper secondary schools are specialized in their respective subjects. All teachers in basic education in Finland have a master’s degree, which indicates the high level of academic competence among Finnish teachers. Teachers are trusted and respected (Sahlberg, 2011). High-quality teacher education has been acknowledged as one of the factors behind the excellent results Finnish students have achieved since 2000 on the Programme for International Student Assessment tests (PISA). Another reason for Finland’s success in international comparisons is the Finnish government’s principle of ‘equal opportunity and high-quality education for all.’ Education is free at all levels and the government’s financial support of public-sector educational institutions is strong: the vast majority of schools are public schools. Since the 1970s, the main principle of Finnish education has been to maintain equality, which is manifested in taking care of the weakest students, such as children with learning difficulties (Tirri & Kuusisto, 2013; Table 1.implications of teachers’ implicit theories for teaching morally and teaching morality: assumptions based on previous literature. Tendencies related to teachers’ entity theory Tendencies related to teachers’ incremental theory Professional moral ethos of teachers • fulfilling professional responsibilities and norms • Striving for justice • duty-based morality • taking responsibility for students’ personal development • Meeting individual needs and preserving individual rights • rights-based morality (‘teaching morally’) Educating students’ ethical capabilities fostering students’ fostering students’ (‘teaching morality’) • entity beliefs about morality • dispositional attributions of moral offenses • maladaptive and ego-defensive courses of action when facing moral offenses and challenges • helplessness responses to moral growth • incremental beliefs about morality • situational attributions of moral offenses • adaptive courses of action when facing moral conflicts and challenges • motivation for moral growth Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 JOURNAL OF MORAL EDUCATION 67 Uljens & Nyman, 2013). Another principle is that teaching methods should be chosen in a way that considers students’ individual characteristics, needs and interests. These principles reflect a promotional sphere of education based on a malleable view of students’ qualities and individual assessment. Nevertheless, the predominant sphere in the Finnish school system is still restrictive, with intelligence and competencies perceived to be fairly stable qualities that can be measured objectively by means of grades and tests (Räty, Kasanen, Kiiskinen, Nykky, & Atjonen, 2004). In day-to-day work, the promotional and the restrictive seem to be regularly intertwined (Kärkkäinen, 2011). Studies of Finnish teachers’ implicit theories show that teachers mainly have an incremental theory of giftedness (Laine, Kuusisto, & Tirri, 2016). Furthermore, Finnish teachers seem to regard the academic competence of poorly achieving students as malleable, but have more fixed views of the stability of high-achievers’ competence (Kärkkäinen, 2011; Kärkkäinen & Räty, 2010). Method Participants The participants in this case study were four Finnish subject teachers whose students came from diverse socio-economic, cultural and academic backgrounds. An important criterion for the selection of these particular teachers was the opportunity for the researchers to learn from them (Stake, 2000): the teachers were all experienced and eager to share their ideas. They were also motivated in their work and had between nine and 19years of teaching experience. Sally (each of the teachers was assigned a pseudonym) was originally a language teacher, but had also qualified as a special education teacher. She was teaching all subjects to a small group of low-achieving students in the ninth grade. Her students had previously studied in normal classes, but in their last year of comprehensive school, they were assigned to this smaller group. Kate was a language teacher of English and French in an upper secondary school. In the preliminary interview both Kate and Sally expressed strong ideas about ‘educational optimism,’ which reflected their dominant incremental theory. Jack was a subject teacher of mathematics and ICT, and we mainly observed him teaching mathematics to ninth graders. In the preliminary interview, Jack’s general tendency toward a dominant entity theory became apparent. Patsy was teaching ‘Finnish as a second language’ to students in grades 1–9. The classes she taught were small, usually having three to 15 students. Patsy’s mindset showed considerable situational variation in the preliminary interview and during the observations. Measures and procedure These four teachers were chosen from a survey measuring Finnish teachers’ (N=463) implicit theories using Carol Dweck’s mindset inventory (Dweck, 2000, 2006; Laine et al., 2016). The sample item for the scale was ‘Your giftedness is something very basic about you that you can’t change very much.’ The scale was dichotomous; after reversing two scales, means close to 0 indicated an entity view of giftedness, while 1 indicated an incremental view. The means of the teachers were: Sally (M=1), Kate (M=.75), Jack (M=.25) and Patsy (M=.25). Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 68 I. RISSANEN ET AL. The data include preliminary interviews with the teachers in which they were asked questions related to their backgrounds, current job and professional aims. We observed each teacher during approximately 15 lessons, of which we videotaped 10 with Sally, 10 with Kate, six with Jack and nine with Patsy. We endeavored to get as much from each teacher as was possible during the research period, but had to respect individual teachers’ schedules and wishes: this is why the number of videotapes and interviews conducted among the teachers varies. There were also stimulated recall interviews (STR) following the days on which we videotaped the lessons (five STR interviews with Sally and three with each of the other teachers). The observations were also verbally recorded by means of intensive field notes. STRs are directed to the past: when interviewees view past actions with the video recordings used to stimulate their memory, they are able to remember their past thoughts with greater validity (Tochon, 2009). After every videotaped lesson, we watched the tape and, with the help of written notes, identified critical incidents. According to Flanagan (1953), this technique is essential when the aim is to collect certain important facts related to well-defined situations: it has already proved to be a valuable tool in studies analyzing ethical tensions in education (Shapira-Lishchinsky, 2011). In this study, the critical incidents were moments in which teachers appeared to be interpreting their students’ behavior, learning, or achievement, and acting according to these interpretations. In the STR interview, we watched the critical incidents with the teachers (28 critical incidents with Sally, 52 with Kate, 22 with Jack and 21 with Patsy) and asked them about their thoughts and feelings during these moments and the reasons for their actions. In addition, the teachers were given an opportunity to reflect freely on the observed lessons. We identified a greater number of critical incidents in the lessons of incremental theorist teachers; this indicates they interpreted student behavior and reacted to it in a more explicit manner. The preliminary interviews and STRs were transcribed. First, we inductively coded and categorized teachers’ understandings of the teaching-studying-learning processes by using the preliminary interviews as primary data. After that, a more deductive analysis process was conducted, through which we identified the implications of teachers’ implicit theories for their pedagogical thinking and practice. Our purpose was not only to determine whether the tendencies described in the previous literature would appear in our data, but also to examine the varieties and situational differences in the teachers’ meaning making and thinking. The reliability of the analysis is enhanced by the fact that the data were reviewed and interpreted by multiple researchers, as well as by the use of multiple data sources. Research design This study was conducted at two Finnish comprehensive schools and one upper secondary school during the spring of 2014. The study is part of a mixed-methods project investigating teachers’ implicit beliefs concerning the malleability of academic abilities. In the qualitative phase of the project, the implications of teacher’s implicit theories for moral education became apparent, and a sub-study focusing on them was planned. In the present sub-study, our research questions were: What are the implications of teachers’ implicit theories for moral education? In particular, what are the implications for teaching morally and teaching morality? Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 JOURNAL OF MORAL EDUCATION 69 Results Implications of teachers’ implicit theories for teaching morally In some respects, each of the teachers in our study exemplified the holistic orientation typical of Finnish teachers (Tirri, 2014) in that they believed that, besides teaching the subject matter, it is also the teacher’s job to nurture the students and help them face the future. However, their different implicit theories seemed to be reflected in their professional moral ethos. Sally and Kate, the teachers who exhibited a dominant incremental theory, took a great deal of responsibility for their students’ personal development. In general, their incremental interpretation of social-moral reality as dynamic and malleable allowed for an orientation toward supporting changes (see Chiu, Dweck, Tong, & Fu, 1997). Their strong beliefs in their own ability to promote the moral progress of their students and even the whole of society seemed to be the most important motivators for their work: I think what actually motivates me the most in teaching languages is that, in the end, the aim of learning languages is that there would be no wars, no hatred, because language helps you to come closer to other human beings who do not share your culture. (Kate, preliminary interview) Both teachers believed that, when students come from difficult backgrounds, the school and the teacher should take even more responsibility for them. Their moral ethos seemed to flow from the ideals of treating individual students in a way that respects their rights and promotes their moral growth, reflecting moral conceptions connected to rights-based morality (Chiu et al., 1997). This ethos is enabled by beliefs in the significance of individual and group-psychological processes as tenets of learning and development, typical of incremental theorists (see for example, Molden, Plaks, & Dweck, 2006). In the following quote, Sally reflects on a situation where a student has refused to participate in group work during one lesson: I was thinking like … the way you are allowed to be a part of a group. That do you always have to be that social and in a good mood in order to feel that you are a part of a group? As a teacher, too often I think that everybody has to participate actively. … If somebody is in a bad mood and not feeling social enough to have the energy to do those things, I guess they should have the right to be a part of that group even while not participating that much. Of course, it is problematic if a student refuses to do what he is supposed to do, but maybe as a teacher I should figure out another way for him to participate. … If you think how it would feel if you were in a really bad mood and you should play and sing and things like that, you would really not want to do that. (Sally, STR interview, critical incident 26) Whereas in the STR interviews Sally and Kate evaluated their practices of teaching morally in terms of being able to steer these processes and meet the students’ individual needs in the classroom, Jack concentrated on analyzing his practices of teaching morally in terms of fulfilling his duties—following the curriculum, implementing the rules of the school in his classroom, achieving justice through punishments and assessing the students correctly. For example, when Jack was asked ‘What kind of teacher are you?’ in the preliminary interview, he answered by explaining how he never let the students pass the courses ‘through mercy’— for him, strictness of assessment was among the most important professional moral virtues. While the actions and reflections of Sally, Kate and Jack in many ways proved the relevance of the assumptions concerning the implications of implicit theories for teachers’ moral ethos (Table1), Patsy seemed to have more a unstable and ambiguous moral ethos. She had Downloaded by [Tampere University] at 00:44 08 January 2018 70 I. RISSANEN ET AL. an entity view of giftedness, but more belief in the malleability of personality and ethical capabilities. Patsy was very much involved with her students and sometimes referred to herself as a ‘social worker,’ yet her conscience constantly bothered her because she believed she was not fulfilling her professional responsibilities, for instance, not following the curriculum strictly or giving individual students more freedom than allowed according to the school rules. Her own understanding of the grounds for teaching morally seemed to be in conflict with the school ethos wherein morality was apparently understood in terms of following norms and regulations. The school culture repressed Patsy’s emerging incremental ideals on morality and made her constantly feel unsure about her choices. The research process and deep reflections during the STR interviews seemed to make her conscious of the conflicts she experienced and actually led her to seek a job at another school. Implications of teachers’ implicit theories for teaching morality The teachers’ implicit theories, or in other words their beliefs in the possibility of moral growth in their students, were communicated to the students in many ways. When their students faced ethical failures—for example, when they misbehaved or came to the lessons late, Kate and Sally often made them find the reasons for their failures outside their personal qualities, thereby illustrating an incremental view about morality. Furthermore, the most obvious feature that Kate and Sally shared was persistence. In their view, implementing punishments and striving for justice were not the only parts of their job as moral educators: they tirelessly demanded change in their students’ behavior and, by communicating their high expectations for the development of ethical capabilities, they left no room for helpless behavior patterns. In the classroom, Kate could be somewhat harsher than Sally, and was also quite outspoken about her dissatisfaction with her students’ actions. However, she thought the students’ actions could be strictly controlled and judged, without actually judging the students themselves: Kate talks to a student who has come in late to the lesson for the second time in a row: So is there a problem with your alarm clock? This is the second time you show up late. If the reason is, I’m sorry but I assume the reason is that you’re on a computer too late in the evening, so cut it out. I mean come on, it is the middle of the day already. I woke up at six today and so have many others here, so I will send a message to your parents about this; they have to know about this. (Kate, critical incident 41) In the STR interview Kate reflected on the situation: Well, that was a bit mean of me, but I think it’s not that bad that I say these things, because it’s not the result of your appearance, but what you do or don’t do. That’s what I criticize. I don’t even know the families of these students, like, your brother was terrible and I’ve taught your mother and she was terrible too, always late. … I know people have heard these things, that you will never achieve anything because your dad didn’t either. … I would never fall for that kind of thinking. (Kate, STR interview) Furthermore, the teachers’ incremental beliefs were communicated and actualized in their rather determined ways of trusting the students. Trust and forgiveness were central conflict resolution strategies, particularly for Sally. 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