“I hate this part right here” : embodied, subjective experiences of listening to aversive music

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ “I hate this part right here” : embodied, subjective experiences of listening to aversive music © The Author(s) 2021 Published version Peltola, Henna-Riikka; Vuoskoski, Jonna Katariin Peltola, H.-R., & Vuoskoski, J. K. (2022). “I hate this part right here” : embodied, subjective experiences of listening to aversive music. Psychology of Music, 50(1), 159-174. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735620988596 2022 https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735620988596 Psychology of Music 1 –16 © The Author(s) 2021 Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/0305735620988596 journals.sagepub.com/home/pom “I hate this part right here”: Embodied, subjective experiences of listening to aversive music Henna-Riikka Peltola1 and Jonna Katariina Vuoskoski2 Abstract Although the majority of previous research on music-induced responses has focused on pleasurable experiences and preferences, it is undeniable that music is capable of eliciting strong dislike and aversion as well. To date, only limited research has been carried out to understand the subjective experience of listening to aversive music. This qualitative study explored people’s negative experiences associated with music listening, with the aim to understand what kinds of emotions, affective states, and physical responses are associated with listening to aversive music. One hundred and two participants provided free descriptions of (1) musical features of aversive music; (2) subjective physical sensations, thoughts and mental imagery evoked by aversive music; (3) typical contexts where aversive music is heard; and (4) the similarities and/or differences between music-related aversive experiences and experiences of dislike in other contexts. We found that responses to aversive music are characterized by embodied experiences, perceived loss of agency, and violation of musical identity, as well as social or moral attitudes and values. Furthermore, two “experiencer types” were identified: One reflecting a strong negative attitude toward unpleasant music, and the other reflecting a more neutral attitude. Finally, we discuss the theoretical implications of our findings in the broader context of music and emotion research. Keywords negative emotions, embodiment, emotion, listening, qualitative, valence Over the past decades, emotions evoked by music have been widely studied in the field of music psychology. There is a rather strong consensus that an important reason for listening to music is to experience emotions, and that the majority of music-evoked emotions are positively toned (Juslin & Sloboda, 2010). This idea has led to negative emotions often being considered as 1Department of Music, Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland 2Department of Musicology, Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in Rhythm, Time and Motion (IMV), University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway Corresponding author: Henna-Riikka Peltola, Department of Music, Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyväskylä, P.O. Box 35, Jyväskylä FI-40014, Finland. Email: [email protected] 988596POM0010.1177/0305735620988596Psychology of MusicPeltola and Vuoskoski research-article2021 Article 2 Psychology of Music 00(0) irrelevant in a musical context; for example, Zentner and Eerola (2010, p. 197) describe how sometimes, in experimental studies on musical emotions, “traditional emotion categories have been modified by replacing musically inappropriate categories such as disgust and surprise with more fitting categories such as tenderness or peacefulness.” Similarly, Gabrielsson (2011, p. 130) stated that negative emotions may occur when listening to music, but that they are “mainly dependent upon circumstances other than the music.” These ideas may also arise from centuries-old Western tradition of considering music as “a pacifying, healing medium” (Garratt, 2018, p. 42). However, if we consider the number of articles in popular media, listing “The 50 most hated songs ever” on a regular basis,1 it becomes evident that music is also associated with strong negative emotions and aversion. Previous research on unpleasant aspects of music has mostly focused on specific musical features or the identification of annoying sounds (Cunningham, Downie, & Bainbridge, 2005; McDermott, 2012). Annoying or “bad” music has also been studied as a historical and cultural phenomenon, from the perspectives of music philosophy and aesthetics, music history, sociology, and music criticism (Washburne & Derno, 2004). Firth (2004) has argued that music that is considered as “bad” is not only a matter of personal taste, but is intertwined with ideological arguments, because the judgments made on “bad music” serve people’s identity-constructing formulations, and thus become part of their musical identities (MacDonald, Hargreaves, & Miell, 2002). Thus, musical preferences can play a crucial role in constructing, maintaining, and expressing social identities, and can be used to make distinctions between the self and others. However, as Firth (2004, p. 30) states, our responses to music seem to be foremost emotional ones: “what’s equally at issue is feeling: what is happening when we listen to music? ‘Bad music’ describes to begin with an emotional not an ideological response.” Although negative emotions have received increasing attention in the field of music psychology, the majority of studies have concentrated on the “paradoxical enjoyment” of music-induced negative emotions, such as sadness or aggression (e.g., Eerola, Vuoskoski, Peltola, Putkinen, & Schäfer, 2018; Garrido & Schubert, 2013; Thompson, Geeves, & Olsen, 2019; Weth, Raab, & Carbon, 2015). Aversive, negative responses to music, or the possible reasons behind these experiences are not yet well understood. This paper aims to shed some light on the unpleasant sides of music listening by exploring people’s subjective experiences of listening to aversive music. Unpleasant sounds and disliked music Although the main focus of previous research has been on the paradoxical enjoyment of negative emotions, some work on the unpleasant aspects of music and sounds has been carried out. Dermott (2012) summarized neuroscientific findings relating to auditory preferences, and presented typical aversive features of non-musical sounds. In general, loud and distorted sounds are usually considered as unpleasant, and certain frequencies are likely to trigger aversive responses: Sharpness (high-frequency energy of a sound) and roughness (rapid amplitude modulation of a sound) are major determinants of unpleasantness, but they can be less aversive at low volume. However, in the context of music, aversion to sounds is at least partially context-dependent and a matter of exposure and familiarization. For instance, the development of music technology and the introduction of distortion in rock music has challenged the traditional Western concepts of music aesthetics (Dermott, 2012). Cunningham etal. (2005) investigated aversive musical features, and discovered certain features explaining why a piece of music was hated: Bad or clichéd lyrics, catchiness (the “earworm effect”), voice quality of a singer, over-exposure, perceptions of pretentiousness, and extramusical associations (such as the influence of music videos or unpleasant personal experiences) were identified as the main factors making music unpleasant. Peltola and Vuoskoski 3 Furthermore, listeners’ psychological strategies in relation to musical taste have been preliminarily investigated. Ackermann (2019) used interviews to explore negative attitudes toward disliked music, and synthesized four themes of “legitimization strategies” that are used to justify these attitudes. The themes cover (1) music-specific legitimization strategies, where the focus is on the compositional aspects of music, the interpretation of the musician or composer, the lyrics and semantic content, and other aesthetic criteria; (2) listener-specific legitimization strategies, where the focus is on the emotional or mood-related responses to music, physical reactions, and other aspects relating to the self and identity; (3) social legitimation strategies, where the focus is on in-group and out-group relations; and finally (4) cross-category subject areas, consisting of aspects such as the exaggerated emotionalization (Kitsch) of music, the authenticity and commerciality of music, and differing definitions between music and noise. The first three strategies seem to be applicable for disliking singing voices in popular music as well. Merrill and Ackermann (2020) found that emotional reasons, factual reasons, bodily reactions and urges, and social reasons were rationales for the negative evaluation of pop-sing- ers’ voices (see also Merrill, 2019). The preliminary work of these two scholars show that, in addition to socio-cultural perspectives and aspects relating to social identity, psychological, emotional, and physical responses play a crucial role in aversive musical experiences. Krueger (2019) has proposed that music’s materiality is the key reason behind its power over listeners. The fact that we resonate (physically) with sounds explains why humans react to high volume and certain frequencies, but particularly musical sounds “seem to penetrate consciousness in a qualitatively deeper way than input from other perceptual modalities,” as Krueger (2019) states. Thus, music and soundscapes that are not made or chosen by the listener, can strongly affect them, and potentially even negate individual agency and consent by “hacking” their self-regulatory system. These mechanisms have been previously investigated in studies focusing on music and affect regulation, highlighting the positive effects of intentional music listening for self-regulative purposes (for a review on different approaches to affective self-regu- lation through music, see Baltazar & Saarikallio, 2017). According to Krueger (2019), it is possible to weaponize these processes, and thus use music as a technology for “affective mind invasion” and, in the worst case, torture, as was done by the United States military in the socalled “global war on terror.” Recorded cases of the military playing loud rock music from speakers during operations, as well as looping offensive unfamiliar heavy metal music or endless repetitions of Western children songs to “soften up detainees prior to questioning” instead of weaponizing sheer noise suggest that symbolic musical “messages” combined with highvolume sounds are effective and subtle ways of affecting one’s mind compared to more apparent forms of violence (Garratt, 2018, pp. 42–44). The aim of the present study is to explore people’s negative experiences associated with music listening. We aim to understand what kinds of emotions, affective states, and physical responses are associated with aversive music, identify commonalities in the verbal descriptions, and reflect on the theoretical implications of these aversive musical experiences for the wider music and emotion research community. Method and data Research approach and data collection procedure We selected an exploratory, content-driven qualitative research approach, aiming to generate new theoretical perspectives and concepts for further study. This relatively unstructured and inductive approach is typical for qualitative psychology (Howitt, 2010). Similar to Gabrielsson 4 Psychology of Music 00(0) (2011), we formulated the task in a fairly open manner in order to gain an overview of people’s experiences. The data were collected in-between December 2018 and January 2019 via an online questionnaire. There were four open-ended questions concerning aversive or disliked music and the experiences associated with that kind of music. In the instructions, “aversive music” was defined as the kind of music that the respondents themselves considered as unpleasant, disliked, or appalling. The respondents were asked to give free descriptions of (1) musical features of aversive music; (2) subjective physical sensations, thoughts and mental imagery evoked by aversive music; (3) typical situations where aversive music is heard, and finally, they were asked to (4) compare the aversive experiences relating to music to experiences of dislike in other contexts. These questions were loosely based on Gabrielsson’s (2011) previous qualitative research on strong experiences with music, but with a focus on negatively toned experiences. In addition to basic demographic information (gender, age, education, musical background), the respondents were asked to rate how often they experienced certain emotions in the context of music listening, to gain indirect information of the respondents’ overall emotional experiences induced by music. Data and participants The qualitative dataset of this study consisted of free descriptions provided by 102 anonymous volunteers. They were invited to partake in the study via an invitation and a direct link to the questionnaire distributed on social media sites. The respondents’ age ranged from 18 to 65 years (M = 41.04, SD = 11.65). Of all the participants, 74 identified themselves as women (72.6%), 26 (25.5%) as men, and 2 (2%) as non-binary. The majority of the respondents were highly educated (62% had a university level degree), and were regularly listening to music (43% listening to music daily, and 46% listening to music multiple times a day). In all, 17% of the respondents identified themselves as non-musicians, 33% as “music-loving non-musicians,” 22% as amateur musicians, and 28% as semi-professional or professional musicians. Respondents were each coded with a letter and number: the letter indicating their gender (F = female, M = male, N = non-binary), and the number ranking them according to the order of response. Applied thematic analysis and typology development The research epistemology of the study can be defined as “a moderate version of social constructionism” (Schwandt, 2000, pp. 198–199), which considers knowledge and reality as constituted “by a context of intersubjectively determined background assumptions” of situational, culturally variable social values and practices (pp. 198–199). However, the analytical procedures were systematic and employed data reduction techniques, such as quantification and intermediate comparison of data coding between the authors (Guest, MacQueen, & Namey, 2012). We analyzed the data by utilizing inductive applied thematic analysis (Guest etal., 2012), focussing on overarching themes identified in the text. The first author coded the data by using the data-led approach (e.g., Braun & Clarke, 2006), and aggregated them in a codebook consisting of the initial code definitions (see Guest etal., 2012, p. 71). The analysis was congruent with an exploratory approach, as the first author read and reread the data looking for key words and trends before the actual analysis took place, so no analytic categories were predetermined but all the codes derived from the data (see Guest etal., 2012, p. 7). The second author completed the second round of analysis by coding the data using the same codes as the first author. She also made additions to the set of codes when necessary. After the second round of coding, Peltola and Vuoskoski 5 all the codes were inspected for possible divergences, and dissimilar codes were highlighted. All the highlighted codes were then reviewed, and mutual interpretations discussed and negotiated. The codes were organized hierarchically, resulting in 8 structural code groupings with 151 sub-codes (see the codebook in https://osf.io/mehwd/?view_only = 8dccc78f17f74ea9981f- d2a4773cd2a3). These groupings were further analyzed in relation to the aspects that contribute to “aversive musical experiences” in the participants’ descriptions. During the analysis, we identified significantly different qualia of experiences and attitudes toward aversive music existing in the data. In order to bring forth these patterns of commonality and variety, we conducted typological analysis (Given, 2012) resulting in the reconstruction of two ideal types: (1) a strong negative attitude toward unpleasant music and (2) a more neutral type of attitude. The differences between these two types will be discussed in more detail below. Yet, the two types are reductionist and distinguished only for the sake of the data analysis, as there was a degree of overlap in practice; thus, although there were individual respondents who visibly had a strong negative attitude (37% of all respondents) and other individuals with a visibly neutral attitude (15% of all respondents), some respondents could not be classified as representing either of these types, since their accounts included elements of both, often describing multiple different experiences, and where the qualia of each experience were depending on the context where the aversive music was present. The final analysis, as well as interpretations of the themes, were also a result of mutual interpretative endeavors. This kind of collaboration was considered necessary in both making the interpretation stronger and highlighting the fact that the interpretation was the product of processes of social negotiation (cf., Schwandt, 2000). Both the data collection and analysis were conducted in the native language of the researchers and participants, and the selected direct quotes and the codebook were translated into English only in the reporting phase of the process. Aspects of aversion associated with music The data demonstrate that aversive affective experiences may not be as rare a phenomenon as implied by the previous music psychology literature. Nearly half of the respondents mentioned experiencing emotions such as disgust or irritation while listening to music. In the analysis, we constructed four broad thematic categories with subcategories illustrating the aspects of aversive musical experiences: (1) material, (2) embodied experience, (3) autobiographical aspects, and (4) context. In addition to describing each theme, the analysis aims to compare how certain aspects of these categories manifest in descriptions reflecting (1) a strong negative attitude toward unpleasant music, and (2) a more neutral type of attitude. However, since there was a prominent resemblance between the first theme and the features identified by both Cunningham and colleagues (2005) and Ackermann (2019), for the sake of brevity, the first theme will be omitted from the present report (The full analysis, including additional data quotes, can be accessed in https://osf.io/mehwd/?view_only=8dccc78f17f7 4ea9981fd2a4773cd2a3.) Embodied experience This theme consists of accounts describing the subjective experiences evoked by music. Three subcategories were identified: Feelings, Physical sensations, and Temporality, which all refer to aspects of embodied experience. Since feelings and physical sensations were often inseparable in the participants’ accounts, we merged these two themes into one category. 6 Psychology of Music 00(0) Feelings and physical sensations. For strong musical aversion, bodily reactions and feelings played a crucial role in the experience. The descriptions with a strong negative attitude consisted of unpleasant bodily feelings of actual physical disgust, or even physical pain especially in the head and the upper body. Feelings of muscle tension, increased pulse and changes in breathing, or involuntary motor-responses, such as a scrunched-up face or a shrinking posture were common among the respondents. These descriptions illustrate how negative emotions and bodily reactions are inseparable in strong affective experiences: [j]ust hearing the first notes makes my pulse go up immediately, I can feel the stress hormones pouring in, and I get aggressive whether I want to or not. It feels like my blood is running faster than normal, my breathing is faster, and this urge of switching the song as fast as possible makes my muscles tense. This tension can make my cheeks feel blushed, or even give me a headache if I just have to stay in the situation. (F78, woman, 29, non-musician) [. . .] feelings of being horrified, pulse going up, getting pissed off and literally sweating, feeling that my hair is standing up and I’m panicking, as if someone is physically assaulting me. My ears literally hurt, so I had to cover them. (F10, woman, 51, professional musician) Furthermore, multimodal, inexplicable responses can occur in response to unpleasant music: My ears hurt; I can feel the pain also in my head. I feel unpleasant chills in my back. [. . .] I want to cover my ears. And for some reason, close my eyes too. (F81, woman, 22, amateur musician) The experience could vividly be felt in the body: It can make me feel heavy, the feeling in the music is transmitted into my body, I might feel irritated.—– It’s maybe a more physical experience, and it makes me wonder why music is capable of making me feel these things. (F28, woman, 46, non-musician) This description seems to be a typical example of emotional contagion, a mechanism where the listener is—unintentionally—internally mimicking the emotional expression they hear in the music, which is widely considered as one of the key mechanisms of emotion induction in the context of music listening (e.g., Juslin, Liljeström, Laukka, Västfjäll, & Lundqvist, 2011). Negative emotions evoked by music have often been explained by referring to emotional contagion (see, for example, Peltola & Eerola, 2016; Vuoskoski & Eerola, 2012). Moreover, the feeling of muscle tension in response to aversive music was reported in association with other reactive motor-responses: [m]y breathing is shallow, I have this feeling like I have a lump in my throat. My neck and shoulders feel tense. (F49, woman, 33, semi-professional musician) [m]y heartbeat goes up. I start breathing more ‘shallowly’ and bite my teeth. (F02, woman, 39, non-musician) In addition to muscle tension, nausea and the urge to escape were something that could be experienced in response to music: I feel a little nauseated, have this bad feeling in my stomach, my body becomes tense and tries to find ways of escaping the situation. (N04, non-binary, 33, non-musician) Peltola and Vuoskoski 7 Negative affect can also lead to impolite behavior directed to other people: I feel disorganised, I get pissed off, feel like my blood pressure is rising, I frown, and start to get snappy. (F36, woman, 38, non-musician) I start feeling nervous, I’m biting my teeth and feel restless, I have this urge to hit somebody in the face. (F46, woman, 28, professional musician) Inexplicable aggression toward other people was recurrently described across different accounts, which will be examined in a more detailed way when presenting the last main category. Although bodily reactions were typically arising as a response to specific acoustic features, unpleasant embodied experiences could be triggered by semantic content alone: If [the singer] is shaming female bodies, it makes me feel like somebody touched me without permission. This reaction feels very physical. (F60, woman, 28, non-musician) There’s this one song that would be catchy, but goddamit, when I hear the lyrics, thick with references to rape culture, it just makes me feel physically sick. (M63, man, 31, non-musician) These accounts illustrate how personal values are intertwined with affective meanings and the overall experience, and how they can be felt even on an embodied level. In those accounts with a more neutral attitude toward aversive music, the experience was described as not really felt in the body: It can be irritating. But I don’t actually have physical sensations. (M24, man, 55, non-musician) [. . .] my aversion is never so strong that I could feel it in my body. (F55, woman, 42, non-musician) Temporality. For strong musical aversion, temporal aspects of the experience were a distinguishing feature. The descriptions relate how the negative response to music takes place immediately and be inexplicable: [i]t happens very quickly. The reaction I mean. Like in nanoseconds. (F46, woman, 28, professional musician) Some inexplicable frustration is evoked quickly. I feel unpleasant right after I hear the music, almost immediately. (F31, woman, 31, semi-professional musician) Furthermore, negative moods caused by aversive music can last for a rather long time. These long-lasting consequences of disliked music were also mentioned by many respondents: I feel angry for a long time after the music has stopped. (F97, woman, 49, non-musician) It’s hard to explain why, but compared to other aversive things, musical disgust can last longer. (F45, woman, 43, non-musician) In the descriptions with a more neutral attitude toward aversive music, unpleasant experiences seemed to be rare, or they were mild and passed quickly: 8 Psychology of Music 00(0) The feeling is quite harmless and momentary. After all, it’s only music. (M11, man, 44, non-musician) These feelings go by so fast it’s easy to survive them. (F71, woman, 39, non-musician) Autobiographical aspects The third theme consists of descriptions relating to autobiographical aspects with subcategories Musical identity and Social or moral attitudes and values. This theme illustrates how aversive music can violate listeners’ personal values relating to their musical and social identities, beliefs, and attitudes. Musical identity. The violated values relating to a person’s musical identity can be identified as expressing specific subjective musical ideals and aesthetic appreciation. Typically, musical expertise of the respondent was brought up in these accounts: I get extra-irritated by the snobbism of the kind of music that tries to be too ‘experimental’ [. . .] But hearing this kind of music evokes similar disgust and rage in me as what I feel towards all unnecessary violence. (F10, woman, 51, professional musician) This kind of violation of the fundamental, subjective ideas of what music is for and how it should sound like, was repeatedly described in the data. The overlap with the first theme of disliked musical features were noticeable within these descriptions: I find aggression in music (like in heavy metal or rap) appalling because for me, music is about peace, joy, and beauty. (F54, woman, 45, professional musician) I can recognize the motivation behind the music: whether it’s genuinely made or if it exists just for making money—Superficial music doesn’t provide you any insights, there’s nothing real or interesting in the music. (M77, man, 57, professional musician) Furthermore, if music is an important aspect of one’s identity, the negative affective experience evoked by “the wrong kind of music” can be especially strong: Music is so important to me that if I hear music that I consider aversive, it ‘scrapes’ me inside so much deeper than some other unpleasant things. (M85, man, 58, semi-professional musician) In the descriptions with a more neutral attitude toward aversive music, references to musical identity or aesthetic ideals were close to non-existent, with the exception of F05’s account: I can’t recall any situation, because these experiences are so rare. I’m very omnivorous and curious when it comes to music. (F05, woman, 46, amateur musician) Social or moral attitudes and values. The second subcategory goes beyond aesthetic musical appreciation by revealing how aversive musical experiences can arise from more complex, deep-level meaning-making processes, where definitions of what is “good” or “bad” music and their overall meaning are associated with social interactions, the basic need for social acceptance, and ideas about one’s identity in relation to other people. 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