Vagueness as an implicit-encoding persuasive strategy : an experimental approach

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Vagueness as an implicit-encoding persuasive strategy : an experimental approach © 2024 the Authors Published version Mannaioli, Giorgia; Ansani, Alessandro; Coppola, Claudia; Lombardi Vallauri, Edoardo Mannaioli, G., Ansani, A., Coppola, C., & Lombardi Vallauri, E. (2024). Vagueness as an implicitencoding persuasive strategy : an experimental approach. Cognitive Processing, Early online. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10339-023-01171-z 2024 Vol.:(0123456789) 1 3 Cognitive Processing https://doi.org/10.1007/s10339-023-01171-z RESEARCH ARTICLE Vagueness asanimplicit‑encoding persuasive strategy: anexperimental approach GiorgiaMannaioli1· AlessandroAnsani1,2 · ClaudiaCoppola1· EdoardoLombardiVallauri3 Received: 12 December 2022 / Accepted: 6 November 2023 © The Author(s) 2024 Abstract The paper provides novel theoretical and experimental perspectives on the functioning of linguistic vagueness as an implicit persuasive strategy. It presents an operative definition of pragmatically marked vagueness, referring to vague expressions whose interpretation is not retrievable by recipients. The phenomenon is illustrated via numerous examples of its use in predominantly persuasive texts (i.e., advertising and political propaganda) in different languages. The psycholinguistic functioning of vague expressions is then illustrated by the results of a self-paced reading task experiment. Data showing shorter reading times associated with markedly vague expressions as compared to expressions that are either (a) lexically more precise or (b) made precise by the context suggest that the former are interpreted in a shallow way, without searching for and/or retrieving exact referents. These results support the validity of a differentiation between context-supported vs. non-supported vague expressions. Furthermore, validation of using marked vagueness as a persuasive implicit strategy which reduces epistemic vigilance is provided. Keywords Vagueness· Implicit persuasion strategies· Shallow processing· Self-paced reading experiment Introduction The present work is part of a larger research project on linguistic implicit-encoding strategies (presuppositions, implicatures, topicalizations, and vague expressions) considered as potentially manipulative strategies (Lombardi Vallauri 2016, 2019a; Lombardi Vallauri etal. 2020; Lombardi Vallauri and Masia 2014). The present study focuses on linguistic vagueness. The purpose of this study is (i) to provide new grounds for the theoretical discussion of vagueness as an implicit strategy; (ii) to provide a pragmatic analysis of vagueness in persuasive texts, such as contemporary political propaganda and commercial advertising; and (iii) to provide new experimental data about the reading behavior of vague expressions. The work is structured as follows. In "Vagueness as an implicit strategy: a pragmatic definition" section, we present a characterization of vagueness to distinguish between a more “physiological” level of vagueness and a more pragmatically “marked” one, and we suggest that cases of the latter may function as a persuasive implicit strategy. In "A pervasive strategy in persuasive texts" section, we discuss examples of the use of marked vagueness in persuasive texts from different languages. "The persuasive potential of vague expressions: diverting epistemic vigilance and shielding from responsibility" section suggests that vagueness should be considered a persuasive device on cognitive grounds. In "Experimental application" section, we present experimental data on the processing costs of different levels of vagueness, as measured by reading times. Editors: Pia Knoeferle (Humboldt University Berlin), Rosario Tomasello (Free University of Berlin) Reviewers: Luca Bischetti (IUSS Pavia), Caterina Villani (University of Bologna). * Claudia Coppola [email protected] Giorgia Mannaioli [email protected] Alessandro Ansani [email protected] Edoardo Lombardi Vallauri edoardo.lombardivallaur[email protected] 1 Department ofPhilosophy, Communication, andPerforming Arts, Roma Tre University, Rome, Italy 2 Department ofMusic, Art, andCulture Studies, University ofJyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland 3 Department ofForeign Languages, Literatures, andCultures, Roma Tre University, Rome, Italy Cognitive Processing 1 3 In "Discussion" section, conclusions are drawn as well as future perspectives provided. Vagueness asanimplicit strategy: apragmatic definition Over the last decades, it has become increasingly acknowledged that vagueness intended as meaning underspecification is a characterizing feature of verbal languages, arguably regarding every type of linguistic expression (Bonini etal. 1999; Crystal etal. 1975; Evison etal. 2007; Lakoff 1972; O’Keeffe and Cheng 2015; Russell 1923). A “physiological” level of vagueness, referring to the fact that signs are intrinsically underspecified, exact references inferred and pragmatically adjusted on a contextual basis, is intrinsic to the linguistic code and arguably represents the default condition in everyday communication (Simone 2005; Wilson and Carston 2007; Lombardi Vallauri 2019b). However, considering vagueness as extension indeterminacy, it is generally acknowledged that certain expressions are typically vaguer than others. For instance, the predicate tall is considered vaguer than the predicate Swedish, because it happens more frequently that one cannot say what a speaker means exactly by saying tall compared to when someone says Swedish. In the present study, we provide an analysis of vague expressions, focusing on the precising role of context, showing there is a substantial semantic, rhetorical (concerning persuasion), and psycholinguistic difference between context-supported and context-unsupported vague expressions. For example, the vague predicate tall, considered outside of context, as an item in the language system, has an imprecise extension. However, it can be precised at different levels within different contexts, up to becoming semantically determinate. To illustrate gradations of precisation within contexts at the utterance level, we provide the following classifications, (1)–(4), with (1) describing an extremely indefinite extension, and (4) a definite extension: 1. I love tall mountains. 2. Tall animals have an evolutionary advantage in the savannah. 3. They want a tall guy to play the superhero role. 4. [Two pieces of furniture: 120cm and 190cm] I’ll buy the tall one. As can be seen, in (1) the extension of tall remains very vague. In (2), it becomes somewhat less vague, as the maximum height for a savannah animal is about 5–6m (which is an adult giraffe’s height). In (3), the extension of tall can be calculated as approximately being between 175 and 200cm of height. In (4), tall comes to mean exactly the object x’s height. The different degrees of context precisation may be seen along a continuum, which goes from extremely indefinite to precised. We assume that in cases such as (3) and (4), the intrinsic vagueness of tall is not even noticed by interlocutors, as the recipient is able to form a good-enough mental representation of the speaker’s meaning (Ferreira etal. 2002). For the present work, we will focus on cases in which linguistic expressions’ reference/extension remains vague despite the integration of context information, i.e., cases in which the context does not have a precising function (Channell 1994; Peirce 1902). Contextually non-precised vague expressions (i.e., vague expressions that are not made precise by their context) allow recipients to form numerous different mental representations. An example is provided in (5): 5. Now I have to take care of some stuff, I’ll call you later As can be seen, the expression some stuff in (5) does not enable the recipient to build a clear mental representation of what the speaker is referring to. For the present work, we will propose a pragmatic analysis of these cases of context-unsupported vagueness, which we see as a more “marked” level of vagueness, and that we consider as an implicit-encoding strategy (see also Brown Fig.1 Ikea 1 Cognitive Processing 1 3 and Levinson 1987; Cotterill 2007; Jucker etal. 2003; Lombardi Vallauri 2016, 2019b; Overstreet and Yule 1997b, 1997a). Thus, we consider as marked vagueness: Expressions through which the speaker conveys contents whose extension is underdetermined, part of those contents remaining implicit and not univocally retrievable. Such expressions are therefore neither completely verifiable nor falsifiable. Specifically, we will explore cases in which markedly vague expressions’ use is persuasive and potentially manipulative (i.e., non-fully cooperative), due to its power to implicitly convey non-bona fide true contents1 (Lombardi Vallauri 2016, 2019b). We assume that conveying contents in an underspecified way, such as through semantically underdetermined expressions, is cooperative when omitting irrelevant, contextually retrievable, or unavailable information. In contrast, we consider vagueness as a non-fully cooperative and potentially manipulative implicit strategy when it does not overtly express information available to the speaker, relevant in the ongoing discourse, and not retrievable from the context. This leaves the receiver uncertain about what exactly the speaker has in mind.2 More in detail, we suggest that marked vagueness can be used in a persuasive and potentially manipulative way when including questionable contents in its implicit potential meanings. When a vague expression is used in a real text, the receiver can typically construct a salient and plausible mental representation of it based on contextual hints. In the case of marked vagueness, however, as vague expressions lack contextual precision, addressees may associate them with a wide range of representations (some of which may even be false or questionable), depending on their personal inclinations. Let us see two examples in (6) and (7)3 (Figs.1, 2): 6. IKEA. The wonderful everyday. 7. IKEA. Ci ispiriamo alle persone, disegniamo soluzioni. (IKEA. We are inspired by people, we design solutions).4 Fig. 2 Ikea 2 1 The notion of non-bona fide true content is found in Lombardi Vallauri and Masia (2014) It refers to contents that are not objectively true nor previously agreed upon among participants. In the case of vagueness, we consider vagueness as leaving implicit potentially nonbona fide true content, when the vague expression is not super-true in the Supervaluationist sense, i.e., when there are possible precisifications of it for which the proposition which includes them would result as false. 2 In this, we follow Peirce’s definition of vague (1902:748): "A proposition is vague when there are possible states of things concerning which it is intrinsically uncertain whether, had they been contemplated by the speaker, he would have regarded them as excluded or 3 Further examples will be discussed in "Discussion" section. 4 For the present work, we specifically focus on the linguistic material employed in persuasive texts, but it is widely acknowledged that the persuasive potential of a textual product results from the combination and interplay of several multimodal variables, such as choice of images and music, which play a determinant role in conveying (implicit) messages and impacting in the receivers’ minds (Ansani etal. 2020; Ansani etal. 2019; Lombardi Vallauri 2019a, b). allowed by the proposition. By intrinsically uncertain we mean not uncertain in consequence of any ignorance of the interpreter, but because the speaker's habits of language were indeterminate.". Footnote 2 (continued) Cognitive Processing 1 3 Both Ikea’s slogans employ denotatively fuzzy and generic expressions (e.g., the nominalized adjective wonderful, and the noun solutions, respectively), whose precise extension is difficult or impossible to retrieve. In (6), it is unclear which wonderful characteristics consumers should expect: high quality of the furniture? Good prices? Nice design? Importantly, some of the different possible precisifications of the vague expression may be questionable or false. Similarly, in (7) the noun people refers to humans in general, so to be inspired by people is also very generic, just as we design solutions (different people may think of different kinds of problems and solutions). The persuasive potential of these underdetermined expressions rests on the fact that they allow the source to convey a message that is appealing to very different receivers, i.e., to customers that prioritize different things (e.g., either some price range, or product quality some of which may not be true of the brand). Through the vague message, the advertiser potentially hints at all of them, but does not explicitly commit to any precise content. Increased precision would limit the text’s appeal to only a subset of potential customers. This would reduce its attractiveness to others, and at the same time, make it easier for them to identify false content. The assumption that vagueness is an effective persuasion device seems to be further confirmed by the pervasive use of vague expressions in typically persuasive text types, such as advertising and political propaganda (Lombardi Vallauri 2019a; Lombardi Vallauri etal. 2020). In the following section, we will argue that the semantic combination of fuzzy denotation and clear connotation is what maximizes the persuasive impact of vague messages. A pervasive strategy inpersuasive texts Advertising Advertisers seem well aware of the persuasive potential of vagueness, which often takes up most of the message (Fig.3). 8. Believe in something. Even if it means sacrificing everything. Just do it. In Nike’s advertisement in (8), the indefinite pronouns something, everything, the personal pronoun it and the verb do are intrinsically underspecified, possibly referring to any kind of states, events, and referents. As Cutting observes on the discourse of advertising: “Advertising employs ‘do’ and ‘happen’ and ‘it’ in promotional slogans to include everything, everyone and every action, and impose assumptions of relevance on all who read or hear it. [...] These slogans are expressed in unspecific terms in order to reach all potential consumers by making each believe that the company or bank can satisfy their individual personal needs” (2007:232) The persuasive potential of slogans like the one in (8) lies specifically in the fact that every single receiver can interpret vague expressions as referring to anything they Fig.3 Nike Cognitive Processing 1 3 want, subjectively interpreting the message according to their own personal taste, despite the advertiser not committing to anything in particular (poor denotation and clear connotation, see "Vagueness as an implicit strategy: a pragmatic definition" section; Fig.4). In this advertisement, the phone operator also strategically exploits vagueness by promising “power” to its clients. The connotation is overall very positive, but what exactly does “power” entail? Good reception? Limitless internet data? Wider choice of phone plans? Readers are asked to imagine all kinds of positive referents according to their own ideas and needs. Among these, some may be beyond what the phone operator can deliver, and they cannot be held accountable if consumers’ expectations are not met. A semantically vague construction that interestingly is exploited by advertising in several languages and in different cultural environments is the (much) more than construction (Fig.5): (5) (Turkish) Ziraat Bankası. Bir bankadan daha fazlası. (Ziraat Bank. Much more than a bank) (Fig.6) (7) (Catalan) Més que un club. (More than a club). Vague adverbial structures of quantification, such as much more, instantiate a comparison with competitor products by saying that the promoted brand has something more than others; yet, they leave unsaid which is the exact surplus offered by the promoted brand, i.e., the quality which is predicated; and to what extent they can offer (much) more of it. Such a strategy significantly enhances the source’s manipulative potential, as it can be employed also in cases in which the Fig. 4 Vodafone Fig. 5 Ziraat Bankasi Fig. 6 Més que un club Cognitive Processing 1 3 promoted product has actually nothing more than its competitors. This may even be thought to be the most common case, otherwise attention would be arguably drawn on the extra value. While we have grown accustomed to this level of vagueness in advertising, encountering it in texts from which we expect actual information, such as an instruction manual, would result in strong awkwardness (Kaufer 1983). Political discourse Politicians make extensive use of vague expressions in their attempt to earn the people’s approval and votes. Here is an example of how vagueness is employed in exactly the same way by an Italian and a French politician (Giorgia Meloni from Fratelli d’Italia and Yannick Jadot from Europe Écologie Les Verts, respectively) during the 2019 European Parliament election campaign (Figs.7, 8): 9. Giorgia Meloni: In Europa per cambiare tutto (In Europe to change everything). 10. Yannick Jadot: Ensemble nous pouvons tout changer (Together we can change everything) In these posters, the reference of the vague (and hyperbolic) expressions “everything” is partially restricted by background knowledge of the parties’ different standpoints toward specific issues (such as migration policy, sustainability, safeguard of national identities, and so on). Still, the politicians do not actually commit to any specific future action. If they had been more specific, they probably would have garnered support from some, while disheartening others. Thanks to vagueness, they convey the positive connotation of a strong-willed figure who is ready to change what does not work within the European institutions, presumably catching the agreement of many people, even if they have strongly diverging opinions. In some cases, vagueness serves as a tool to criticize unspecified political opponents or their actions (Fig.9). 11. Pietro Grasso: Per i molti non per i pochi (For the many not the few). In (11), Pietro Grasso, the founder of the Italian left-wing party Liberi e Uguali, states that his politics is not for the few, but for the many, probably drawing direct inspiration from a UK Labour party slogan. This raises the implicature that some politicians in Italy prioritize their own interests. Nevertheless, he does not specify who these people are (some secret lobbies? some politicians in particular? entrepreneurs? all of them, or only big ones?); and neither who the many are (all citizens or only the working-class people? only Italians or migrants too?), whose interests should be represented and protected. On the one hand, by using the few in a vague manner, the speaker decommits himself from attacking someone specifically, drastically reducing the likelihood of a counterattack; on the other hand, by employing the expression the many, without specifying particular groups, the speaker avoids the risk of making anyone feel excluded, potentially securing more support from voters. Once again, not all precisifications of these vague expressions are equally true or plausible in terms of whom the politician is actually committing to fight for. Fig. 7 Meloni Fig. 8 Jadot Fig. 9 Grasso Cognitive Processing 1 3 One could argue that such generic expressions are required by the brief format of the advertisement and of the election post, where the punchline needs to be short, catchy, and memorable. Indeed, some authors have pointed out that implicit language (not only vagueness, but also presuppositions and implicatures) well responds to the constraint of conciseness imposed by these text genres (see Lombardi Vallauri 2019a). However, abundant instances of persuasive vagueness are also found in longer political speeches.5 Consider the following excerpt, taken from a speech held by François-Xavier Bellamy (representative of the French liberal-conservative party Les Républicains) running for the 2019 European Parliament elections: 12. (French): Car qu'est-ce qui crée la crise environnementale? Nous ne la résoudrons pas si nous n’allons pas d’abord à la cause. Certains cherchent absolument à s'illustrer sur ce terrain alors ils en font le premier chapitre de leur programme et ils déclinent des solutions qui sont au fond pas si nouvelles. (English): For, what creates the environmental crisis? We are not going to solve it if we don’t get first at the cause. Some try by all means to show off on this field and they make it the first chapter of their programme and lay down a list of solutions which are not so new after all. In (12), Bellamy’s criticism does not specify its recipients, utilizing the indefinite pronoun certains (some) and the anaphoric elements referring back to it. Furthermore, the omission of specific opponents allows him to remain vague about the nature of these inappropriate solutions and with respect to what these are allegedly “not so new” (with new being another positively connotated vague adjective largely used by politicians as opposed to the negatively connotated old, cfr. Lombardi Vallauri 2019a). Therefore, vagueness makes it possible for Bellamy, on the one hand, to (also) hint at some non-bona fide true contents, i.e., to implicitly accuse politicians who are not actually accountable of the described behavior; on the other hand, to generally frame his opponents in a negative aura, which in turn makes his plan about the environmental crisis more desirable. Here is a similar example from a speech held by Anna Baerbock (President of the German green party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) during the same European Parliament campaign: 13. (German): Aber, das müssen wir auch ganz klar sagen, es ist nicht alles gut in Europa, weil die Gegner der EU in den letzten Jahren auch ein zu leichtes Spiel hatten, weil die EU von einigen, eben wirklich nur als Freihandelszone betrachtet wird, wo kein Platz ist für soziale Rechte und für einen sozialen Raum. (English): But, we have to make it very clear, not everything is good in Europe, because the opponents of the EU have had too much of an easy time of it in recent years, because the EU is really only viewed by some as a free trade area, where there is no room for social rights and for a social space. Similarly to Bellamy, Baerbock addresses her attacks to “some” generic “opponents of the EU,” whose behavior is also not further specified but still remains very negatively connotated. Again, the persuasive potential lies in the fact that although Baerbock does not take responsibility for that, recipients will also retrieve politicians who may not be guilty of disregarding social rights and social space. Overall, the widespread presence of examples like the ones presented here suggests that marked vagueness seems to be a pervasive discourse strategy characterizing persuasive texts. Presumably, it provides speakers with several advantages. Indeed, by speaking vaguely, the speaker can avoid uttering and committing to appealing yet risky or nonbona fide true contents, promises or actions, still strategically conveying a clearly negative or positive connotation. We claim that the effectiveness of vagueness as a persuasion strategy arises from an interplay of cognitive and contextual factors, which will be discussed in the next section. The persuasive potential ofvague expressions: diverting epistemic vigilance andshielding fromresponsibility Various scholars have been investigating the persuasive potential of implicit linguistic strategies, relating them to an evolutionary advantage. Overtly trying to change someone’s view on something is usually perceived as intrusive and therefore triggers a critical attitude. Therefore, it is easier to convince someone of a content by conveying it implicitly. According to Reboul (2011), implicit communication may have specifically evolved to facilitate manipulation. In the case of vagueness, as the examples in "A pervasive strategy in persuasive texts" section have shown, referents are left implicit and for the addressees to reconstruct, which induces them to feel those contents as something they have arrived at themselves, and not something that originates externally (Mercier 2009:117–118). With regard to that, Lombardi 5 Examples of Italian political speeches are taken from a corpus of 1500 Italian political speeches (from 1946 to the present day) which is planned to be collected, annotated for implicit strategies and made available online by 2023 within a Research Project IMPAQTS: Implicit Manipulation in Politics—Quantitatively Assessing the Tendentiousness of Speeches" (funded by the Italian Government as the Project of Relevant National Interest 2017, n. 2017STJCE9—https:// impaq ts. it/). Cognitive Processing 1 3 Vallauri (2009, 2016) postulated a similarity between vagueness and implicatures, whose content also requires an inference on the part of the receiver, hence grouping them under the label “implicitness of content.”6 Therefore, whether the contents are retrieved by implicature or from vagueness, having the impression of being the author of certain conclusions generally makes people more prone to trust those contents without carefully scrutinizing them for accuracy. This tendency to trust more what comes from us is referred to as egocentric bias. People are generally “cognitive optimists” (Sperber etal. 1995:90), i.e., very confident about their own cognitive processes. Related to this, recent evidence suggests that people are significantly more likely to trust a speaker who implicates some false content rather than one that asserts or presupposes it (Mazzarella etal. 2018).7 This tendency to spare thorough checking may be due to the evolutionary preference for the least effort. “Fast and frugal” heuristics (Tversky and Kahneman 1974; Gigerenzer 2008) prove very helpful in emergency or dangerous situations and represent a reasonable compromise between rapid and accurate decision-making. Furthermore, as suggested by widely attested psycholinguistic phenomena such as semantic and pragmatic normalization and semantic illusions (Barton and Sanford 1993; Erickson and Mattson 1981; Ferreira 2003; Ferreira etal. 2002; Fillenbaum 1974; Frazier and Clifton 2015; Sanford 2002; Sanford and Graesser 2006; Sanford and Sturt 2002; Sturt etal. 2004), because of limited physiological and cognitive resources, linguistic inputs are generally processed in a somewhat shallow manner, constructing only good-enough representations. Christiansen and Chater (2016) suggest that the human brain must cope with what they call a Now-or-Never-Bottleneck in language processing: as new linguistic input rapidly comes in, there is not enough time nor cognitive resources to process every piece of information accurately, so some pieces of information must be elaborated quickly lest what comes next goes lost. As a consequence, it seems plausible that some contents receive a shallower examination than others (Lombardi Vallauri 2016). Speakers can present linguistic information so as to influence the receivers’ choices of what to process more accurately and what in a shallower way. All these circumstances contribute to a fertile environment for vagueness to thrive as an implicit persuasive strategy. Indeed, as vague expressions leave people free to infer the implicit contents by themselves, those are likely to be processed in a shallower way, either (i) because recipients construct implicit contents themselves (as in the case of implicatures), thereby being less inclined to check their truth; or (ii) because they simply do not look for specific reference at all, process a vague expression mostly guided by its connotative apport, and focus their attention on other denotatively richer parts of the message. Our experimental application tries to explore if (ii) actually happens. Either way, vague expressions should presumably cause a decrease in the addressees’ epistemic vigilance (Sperber etal. 2010), that is to say, they should weaken the critical attention on some contents’ truth or trustworthiness, and in both cases decrease the chances for the implicit contents to be critically challenged. Chances that, we suggest, would be close to zero when no referent is retrieved, as the very generic denotative content alone is hardly likely to elicit a critical reaction. This persuasive effect is made possible also by the fact that vagueness is a ubiquitous trait of our communication. As we are constantly confronted with underspecified expressions for us to interpret, this process generally goes unnoticed, even when the contents we are induced to construct are far from true. Applying these considerations to our society, it is fair to think that this process is even strengthened by present-day very fast information fruition, hindering critical and in-depth examination more than ever before. Considering all this, an account of vagueness as a deliberate act of deresponsibilization on the part of the speaker (Caffi 1999, 2007, 2012, 2013) seems justifiable: following this approach, vagueness is one of the different ways of mitigating an act, which must be intended as a goal-ori- ented pragmatic strategy operating on the propositional level aimed at reducing (i) one’s enunciative obligations and (ii) one’s interactional risks. As this brief literature review has shown, vagueness arguably derives its persuasive potential from an interplay of cognitive mechanisms and contextual factors, resting both on the exploitation of the egocentric bias and the elusion of precise contents that could be recognized as false. In order to confirm these intuitions, and in particular to test to what extent recipients of vague expressions attempt to retrieve more precise referents that possibly remained implicit, we carried out an online experiment involving reading times measurement, which will be described in Sect."Experimental application." Experimental application Background andResearch Hypothesis The considerations presented in the previous section about vague expressions’ persuasiveness need to be substantiated by empirical inquiry. Indeed, linguistic vagueness is a 6 This definition should be intended in opposition to “implicitness of responsibility”, represented by other forms of implicit language such as presuppositions and topics (Lombardi Vallauri 2016 2019a). 7 In particular, this study shows that, since speakers implicating false contents are perceived as less committed to their truth as compared to speakers asserting or presupposing them, implicatures shield speakers from reputational risks to a greater extent. Cognitive Processing 1 3 interaction effect of the experiment and the vagueness was not significant, χ2 = 7.20, p = 0.125. The significant effects were those of the vagueness level, χ2 = 17.60, p < 0.00111 and the difference in words number, χ2 = 6.97, p = 0.008 (Table4). As compared with the non-precising context—vague target condition (M = 0.498, 95% CI [0.478,0.519], SE = 0.010), the precising context—vague target (M = 0.502, 95% CI [0.482,0.524], SE = 0.010), and the precising Table 4 Significant Fixed effects parameter estimates The contrasts of the condition factor are “sequential forward differences” (i.e., adjacent levels are compared: A vs B and B vs C) Names Effect Estimate SE 95% confidence interval z p Lower Upper (Intercept) (Intercept) 1.994 0.042 1.911 2.077 47.299 < .0001 Condition 1 A—B 0.018 0.008 0.003 0.033 2.293 0.0219 Condition 2 B—C 0.012 0.008 -0.003 0.027 1.599 0.1099 WDiff WDiff -0.012 0.005 -0.021 -0.003 -2.640 0.0083 Table 5 Mean reading times as a function of the vagueness level (Estimated Marginal Means) Condition Mean SE 95% confidence interval Lower CI Upper CI non-precising context—vague target 0.498 0.010 0.478 0.519 precising context—vague target 0.502 0.010 0.482 0.524 precising context—precise target 0.505 0.010 0.485 0.527 Fig. 13 Reading times as a function of vagueness level and experiment. Note. The form of the violins indicates the distribution curve. Whiskers are drawn from the first quartile to the third quartile 11 A similar GLMM model was run with not-parameterized RTs (Gamma distribution, Identity link function) with overlapping results. Cognitive Processing 1 3 context—precise target (M = 0.505, 95% CI [0.485,0.527], SE = 0.010) conditions led to an increase of the RT. The mean values can be seen in Table5 and Fig.13. More in detail, the a priori repeated contrasts highlighted that the difference between the non-precising context— vague target and the precising context—vague target conditions approached significance (p = 0.109), as opposed to the remaining differences, which reached it. When correcting through Holm–Bonferroni correction, the significance pattern remained unvaried (Table6). Furthermore, an examination was conducted to evaluate the potential influence of the diverse devices utilized in the experimental setup. Specifically, an alternative model was constructed, incorporating the devices as a random effect. Notably, the inclusion of the device random effect did not introduce any discernible variance (SD = 0.002), while the fixed effects remained unchanged. Discussion Our data reported an increase in RTs along with the informativity level, RTs of condition A being below the overall average. RTs means of condition A were significantly different from the other two conditions (while no significant difference was reported between RTs of conditions B and C). This trend, consistent with the cost reduction hypothesis, seems to confirm that vague expressions undergo a more economic and shallow type of processing, during which receivers probably do not devote specific effort to look for precise referents that the source may have alluded to. More generally, our results seem to suggest that utterance interpretation is governed by a presumption of lexicalpragmatic acceptability and that anomaly detection works in a top-down way, its threshold being semantic inconsistency, and not semantic underdetermination or incompleteness per se (as shown by the lower-than-average RTs of condition A), thereby confirming that underdetermination is cognitively treated as a default condition of communication (Gibson etal. 2019; Piantadosi etal. 2012; Scott-Phillips 2014; Sperber and Wilson 2001; Voghera 2012). Our findings, indeed, also support accounts of vagueness which suggest that this feature represents an economic communicative strategy. Abundant evidence has come to show that communication generally occurs by means of “good-enough” meaning representation and “shallow processing” (Barton and Sanford 1993; Ferreira etal. 2002; Ferreira 2003; Sanford and Sturt 2002; Sturt etal. 2004; Sanford 2002; Sanford and Graesser 2006). Our results seem to align with these theories, a fortiori given our results’ cross-experimental consistency. Despite the presence of different tasks, requiring different levels of attention on the part of participants, indeed, all experiments displayed the same reading behavior trends, with vagueness being consistently an economic factor. The use of different devices proved to be nonsignificant as well (consistently with Vyshedskiy etal. 2022; a.o.). As a consequence, crucially for the present work, this interpretation of the data appears to support the hypothesis that vagueness serves as an effective means of persuasion by potentially diverting attention from questionable content details. Results are therefore in line with phenomenological claims made on the topic (Lombardi Vallauri 2016, 2019a). In psycholinguistic research, it is widely acknowledged that linguistic material which is processed faster is allotted minor attention and energy (Hornby 1974; Loftus 1975; Schwarz 2016). As explained in "The persuasive potential of vague expressions: diverting epistemic vigilance and shielding from responsibility" section, prior research also suggests that a reduction in cognitive load comes along with a decrease in epistemic vigilance, i.e., the tendency and effort to detect fallacies and implausibility, a decrease which makes critical challenge or rejection of contents less likely. Our results suggest that since vague expressions trigger shorter RTs as opposed to their precise counterparts, they are probably processed in a shallower way, i.e., without or feebly seeking more precise referents. As a consequence, critical reaction is less likely to arise toward questionable contents that are potentially included in the vague reference, but at most approximately and superficially retrieved by addressees. In conjunction with the widespread use of vague expressions in persuasive texts (as shown in "A pervasive strategy in persuasive texts" section), this seems to support the idea that vagueness can make it easier for persuaders (such as politicians and advertisers) to convey highly Table 6 Pairwise comparisons Post hoc comparisons—vagueness level Difference SE Zpcontrasts pholm Comparison Condition Condition Precising context—vague target – Precising context—precise target 0.012 0.007 1.60 0.109 0.109 Non-precising context—vague target – Precising context—vague target 0.017 0.007 2.29 0.021 0.043 Non-precising context—vague target – Precising context—precise target 0.029 0.007 4.02 < .001 < .001 Cognitive Processing 1 3 connotative yet poorly denotative questionable information, thereby avoiding critical reaction or rebuttal. This means that the wide exploitation of vagueness in public communication enhances the approval of messages potentially including shallow representations of questionable, exaggerated, or false information, with possible long-term consequences (in terms of votes or sales figures). We are aware that our study presents some limitations, and even though most were due to the need to serve experimental purposes, some adjustments in future research can still be envisaged. Methodologically, a higher level of accuracy will likely be reached by means of eye-tracking experimental methodology, which, as already mentioned in "Method" section, at the moment of inquiry was infeasible due to the sanitary situation resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic. Furthermore, in future works it may be useful to also have data about the fourth condition (namely: non-pre- cising context—precise target), which was not considered for the present work, given our interest in exploring the different elaboration of vague targets in differently precising contexts. As far as materials are concerned, more balanced stimuli may be desirable: for this purpose, future research may involve a qualitative balancing of semantic vagueness triggers (e.g., indefinite pronouns, general extenders, etc.), and possibly also the inclusion of syntactic vagueness stimuli, in order to identify any possible effect of specific triggers on subjects’ RTs. Obviously, the same experiment could be made with languages other than Italian, thereby inquiring about possible cross-linguistic differences in the reading behaviors of vague expressions, which could be ascribed to typological language features (e.g., morphosyntactic marking of indefiniteness) and/or, in turn, to cultural tendencies. This might improve the analysis of specific discursive practices and foster cross-cultural research, especially with regard to persuasive language. In summary, due to the explorative nature of the present experimental work and its inherent limitations, further research is needed to explore these phenomena in both persuasive and non-persuasive contexts. Conclusion This work represents a contribution to the study of linguistic vagueness, notably focusing on its working as a persuasive implicit strategy. We suggested that high levels of vagueness can serve as an implicit linguistic strategy. By leaving content unspecified, vague expressions allow recipients to construct the meaning they prefer, ensuring shallow processing and thereby reducing the risk of critical evaluation. In making these assumptions, we were supported by relevant cognitivist literature and by the high frequency of vague expressions in predominantly persuasive texts (advertisements and political slogans and speeches) in different languages. To experimentally test the cognitive behavior underlying the processing of more or less vague expressions, we carried out a threefold study in which we measured reading times (RTs) of vague expressions in precising vs. non-precising contexts in short texts in Italian. Results showed: (i) a significant difference among the two levels of vagueness, providing support for our characterization; consistently, (ii) an increase in RTs along with the level of precision, which indicates that vaguer expressions received more economic processing (as suggested by the cost reduction hypothesis), presumably because a minor effort was devoted to retrieving precise referents, thereby suggesting a shallow type of elaboration. Taken together, our results provide support to the cognitivist hypothesis that vagueness represents an effective implicit means of persuasion, and are therefore in line with previous research work: due to a decrease in epistemic vigilance, a possible distraction from questionable content details seems to be more likely to occur when a vague expression is used instead of a precise one. Our study encourages further both theoretical and experimental investigations of this kind. The findings from such inquiries can effectively guide us in interpreting and detecting manipulative uses of implicit communication in the public domain. Appendix Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Leo deve allestire la tavola per la festa di compleanno del fratello. Ci saranno molti ospiti e sul tavolo ci sono pochi bicchieri. Leo va in cucina e prende dei bicchieri Leo deve allestire la tavola per la festa di compleanno del fratello. Ci saranno dieci persone e sul tavolo ci sono otto bicchieri. Leo va in cucina e prende dei bicchieri Leo deve allestire la tavola per la festa di compleanno del fratello. Ci saranno dieci persone e sul tavolo ci sono otto bicchieri. Leo va in cucina e prende due bicchieri Le biografie di Carlo Magno raccontano che egli ebbe molti figli. Secondo alcuni racconti, più della metà di loro morirono prima di lui a causa delle scarse condizioni igieniche Le biografie di Carlo Magno raccontano che egli ebbe diciotto figli. Secondo alcuni racconti, più della metà di loro morirono prima di lui a causa delle scarse condizioni igieniche Le biografie di Carlo Magno raccontano che egli ebbe diciotto figli. Secondo alcuni racconti, dieci di loro morirono prima di lui a causa delle scarse condizioni igieniche Cognitive Processing 1 3 Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Nell’aula in cui si tiene la lezione di diritto privato ci sono molti studenti e poche sedie. Il professore chiede agli alunni dell’ultima fila di andare a prendere delle sedie nell’aula a fianco Nell’aula in cui si tiene la lezione di diritto privato ci sono cinquanta studenti e quaranta sedie. Il professore chiede agli alunni dell’ultima fila di andare a prendere delle sedie nell’aula a fianco Nell’aula in cui si tiene la lezione di diritto privato ci sono cinquanta studenti e quaranta sedie. Il professore chiede agli alunni dell’ultima fila di andare a prendere dieci sedie nell’aula a fianco Due ragazzi non ancora maggiorenni cercano di comprare delle sigarette in un tabaccaio. Il venditore verifica la loro età e gli dice di tornare tra un po’ di tempo Due ragazzi di diciassette anni cercano di comprare delle sigarette in un tabaccaio. Il venditore verifica la loro età e gli dice di tornare tra un po’ di tempo Due ragazzi di diciassette anni cercano di comprare delle sigarette in un tabaccaio. Il venditore verifica la loro età e gli dice di tornare tra un anno Un tuo amico ha deciso di organizzare una sorpresa per la sua fidanzata. Sa di non essere un tipo molto creativo e ti chiede di dargli una mano a preparare delle cose Un tuo amico ha deciso di organizzare una festa a sorpresa per la sua fidanzata. Sa di non essere un tipo molto creativo e ti chiede di dargli una mano a preparare delle cose Un tuo amico ha deciso di organizzare una festa a sorpresa per la sua fidanzata. Sa di non essere un tipo molto creativo e ti chiede di dargli una mano a preparare la sala Leo sta facendo un corso di cucina e dopo una lezione vuole cucinare qualcosa per esercitarsi. Prima di iniziare, dispone gli strumenti sul tavolo e spegne il telefono per non essere disturbato Leo sta facendo un corso di cucina e dopo una lezione vuole cucinare una torta per esercitarsi. Prima di iniziare, dispone gli strumenti sul tavolo e spegne il telefono per non essere disturbato Leo sta facendo un corso di cucina e dopo una lezione vuole cucinare una torta per esercitarsi. Prima di iniziare, dispone le ciotole e la frusta sul tavolo e spegne il telefono per non essere disturbato Circa il venticinque percento degli italiani presenta intolleranze alimentari. Quando persone con intolleranze vanno in un ristorante sperano di trovare pietanze adatte alla loro salute, ma non sempre ci riescono Circa il venti percento degli italiani presenta un’intolleranza al lattosio. Quando persone con questa intolleranza vanno in un ristorante sperano di trovare pietanze adatte alla loro salute, ma non sempre ci riescono Circa il venti percento degli italiani presenta un’intolleranza al lattosio. Quando persone con questa intolleranza vanno in un ristorante sperano di trovare pietanze senza lattosio, ma non sempre ci riescono Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Il Paese versa in una grave crisi economica. La prima operazione del nuovo governo sarà un intervento nel sociale. Molti cittadini pensano che sia una decisione giusta, perché aiuterà gli aventi diritto Il Paese versa in una grave crisi economica. La prima operazione del nuovo governo sarà raddoppiare il fondo di disoccupazione. Molti cittadini pensano che sia una decisione giusta, perché aiuterà gli aventi diritto Il Paese versa in una grave crisi economica. La prima operazione del nuovo governo sarà raddoppiare il fondo di disoccupazione. Molti cittadini pensano che sia una decisione giusta, perché aiuterà chi è senza lavoro Probabilmente tutti concordano sul fatto che le creazioni di Leonardo da Vinci siano qualcosa di straordinario. Infatti le sue capacità affascinano da sempre grandi e bambini Probabilmente tutti concordano sul fatto che le macchine da volo di Leonardo da Vinci siano qualcosa di straordinario. Infatti, le sue capacità affascinano da sempre grandi e bambini Probabilmente tutti concordano sul fatto che le macchine da volo di Leonardo da Vinci siano qualcosa di straordinario. Le sue capacità ingegneristiche affascinano da sempre grandi e bambini La legislazione sugli incidenti sul lavoro è ancora piuttosto debole. Dopo il grave incidente nel suo negozio, Luigi ha dovuto chiudere l'attività e cercarsi un nuovo impiego La legislazione sugli incidenti sul lavoro è ancora piuttosto debole. Dopo essersi tagliato tre dita con l’affettatrice del suo negozio, Luigi ha dovuto chiudere l'attività e cercarsi un nuovo impiego La legislazione sugli incidenti sul lavoro è ancora piuttosto debole. Dopo essersi tagliato tre dita con l’affettatrice del suo negozio, Luigi ha dovuto chiudere la salumeria e cercarsi un nuovo impiego L'infiammazione di Giorgio gli sta causando dolori fortissimi e i suoi cari iniziano a preoccuparsi. Prima che la situazione peggiori, la famiglia si aspetta che i medici decidano di fare qualcosa L’appendicite di Giorgio gli sta causando dolori fortissimi e i suoi cari iniziano a preoccuparsi. Prima che la situazione peggiori, la famiglia si aspetta che i medici decidano di fare qualcosa L’appendicite di Giorgio gli sta causando dolori fortissimi e i suoi cari iniziano a preoccuparsi. Prima che la situazione peggiori, la famiglia si aspetta che i medici decidano di operarlo Negli ultimi mesi Giulio è stato un pessimo studente. I suoi genitori stanno cercando di capire quale possa essere la causa, ma sono molto preoccupati e non sanno cosa fare. Temono conseguenze serie Negli ultimi mesi Giulio ha avuto l’insufficienza in tutte le materie. I suoi genitori stanno cercando di capire quale possa essere la causa, ma sono molto preoccupati e non sanno cosa fare. Temono conseguenze serie Negli ultimi mesi Giulio ha avuto l’insufficienza in tutte le materie. I suoi genitori stanno cercando di capire quale possa essere la causa, ma sono molto preoccupati e non sanno cosa fare. Temono una bocciatura Cognitive Processing 1 3 Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Tra due mesi Stefano dovrà fare da testimone al matrimonio della sorella. Entra in un negozio ma non gli piace nulla. Prima o poi troverà qualcosa di suo gradimento Tra due mesi Stefano dovrà fare da testimone al matrimonio della sorella. Entra in un negozio di abbigliamento maschile ma non gli piace nulla. Prima o poi troverà qualcosa di suo gradimento Tra due mesi Stefano dovrà fare da testimone al matrimonio della sorella. Entra in un negozio di abbigliamento maschile ma non gli piace nulla. Prima o poi troverà un abito di suo gradimento Mario è un collezionista. Nel 2010 andò a Verona in occasione di una nota fiera che gli aveva consigliato un suo amico, ma non trovò nulla di interessante Mario è un collezionista di mobili antichi. Nel 2010 andò a Verona in occasione di una nota fiera che gli aveva consigliato un suo amico, ma non trovò nulla di interessante Mario è un collezionista di mobili antichi. Nel 2010 andò a Verona in occasione di una nota fiera che gli aveva consigliato un suo amico, ma non trovò mobili interessanti Lorenzo è a Venezia e vorrebbe un caffè. Vede che nel portafogli ha qualche moneta e decide di entrare in un bar. Ancora non sa che a Venezia il caffè costa molto Lorenzo è a Venezia e vorrebbe un caffè. Vede che nel portafogli ha due euro e decide di entrare in un bar. Ancora non sa che a Venezia il caffè costa molto Lorenzo è a Venezia e vorrebbe un caffè. Vede che nel portafogli ha due euro e decide di entrare in un bar. Ancora non sa che a Venezia il caffè costa cinque euro Daniele ha vinto dei soldi alla lotteria ed è molto indeciso su come spenderli. Non sa se fare due settimane di vacanza o acquistare qualcosa di design Daniele ha vinto cinquemila euro ed è molto indeciso su come spenderli. Non sa se fare due settimane di vacanza o acquistare qualcosa di design per il salotto Daniele ha vinto cinquemila euro ed è molto indeciso su come spenderli. Non sa se fare due settimane di vacanza o acquistare un tavolo di design per il salotto Dopo il divorzio, Carla ha attraversato un periodo molto critico in cui non si voleva bene. Ora ha finalmente cambiato abitudini, ha nuovi amici ed è di nuovo felice Dopo il divorzio, Carla ha attraversato un periodo molto critico in cui ha iniziato a bere. Ora ha finalmente cambiato abitudini, ha nuovi amici ed è di nuovo felice Dopo il divorzio, Carla ha attraversato un periodo molto critico in cui ha iniziato a bere. Ora ha finalmente smesso di bere, ha nuovi amici ed è di nuovo felice Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Federico tra pochi giorni deve partire per una vacanza al mare, e approfitta dei saldi per comprare degli occhiali senza spendere troppo. Nei primi tre negozi però non trova nulla di adatto Federico tra pochi giorni deve partire per una vacanza al mare, e approfitta dei saldi per comprare degli occhiali da sole a meno di cento euro. Nei primi tre negozi però non trova nulla di adatto Federico tra pochi giorni deve partire per una vacanza, e approfitta dei saldi per comprare degli occhiali da sole a meno di cento euro. Nei primi tre negozi però non trova nulla per quel budget Valeria ha deciso di spendere i soldi della sua paghetta settimanale ed entra in un negozio di abbigliamento. La maglia che vorrebbe però è costosa, non può acquistarla Valeria ha deciso di spendere i venti euro della sua paghetta settimanale ed entra in un negozio di abbigliamento. La maglia che vorrebbe però è costosa, non può acquistarla Valeria ha deciso di spendere i venti euro della sua paghetta settimanale ed entra in un negozio di abbigliamento. La maglia che vorrebbe però costa cinquanta euro, non può acquistarla Claudia vuole fare una torta di mele e la ricetta dice che le servono molte uova. Prima di iniziare però deve andare al supermercato perché in frigo ne ha poche Claudia vuole fare una torta di mele e la ricetta dice che le servono otto uova. Prima di iniziare però deve andare al supermercato perché in frigo ne ha poche Claudia vuole fare una torta di mele e la ricetta dice che le servono otto uova. Prima di iniziare però deve andare al supermercato perché in frigo ne ha cinque Alla conferenza stampa tenuta dal Ministro della Salute hanno partecipato molti giornalisti. Per l’occasione è stata condotta un’indagine sull’uso di supporti elettronici ed è emerso che solo un giornalista su dieci prendeva appunti su carta Alla conferenza stampa hanno partecipato cinquanta giornalisti. Per l’occasione è stata condotta un’indagine sull’uso di supporti elettronici ed è emerso che solo un giornalista su dieci prendeva appunti su carta Alla conferenza stampa hanno partecipato cinquanta giornalisti. Per l’occasione è stata condotta un’indagine sull’uso di supporti elettronici ed è emerso che solo cinque giornalisti prendevano appunti su carta All’esame di storia contemporanea Lucia ha preso un voto mediocre. Per alzare la sua media, puntava a un voto più alto, ma la laurea è vicina e dovrà accontentarsi All’esame di storia contemporanea Lucia ha preso venticinque. Per alzare la sua media, puntava a un voto più alto, ma la laurea è vicina e dovrà accontentarsi All’esame di storia contemporanea Lucia ha preso venticinque. Per alzare la sua media, puntava a un trenta, ma la laurea è vicina e dovrà accontentarsi Cognitive Processing 1 3 Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Negli anni Quaranta in Italia era normale sposarsi anche da giovanissimi per mettere su famiglia. Oggi la situazione è cambiata molto e tendenzialmente ci si sposa più tardi Negli anni Quaranta in Italia era normale sposarsi anche prima dei diciotto anni per mettere su famiglia. Oggi la situazione è cambiata molto e tendenzialmente ci si sposa più tardi Negli anni Quaranta in Italia era normale sposarsi anche prima dei diciotto anni per mettere su famiglia. Oggi la situazione è cambiata molto e tendenzialmente ci si sposa dopo i venticinque anni Il liceo artistico di Novara ha vinto un bando e ha ricevuto un finanziamento di qualche migliaio di euro. Buona parte dei fondi verrà spesa per l’acquisto di nuovi computer Il liceo artistico di Novara ha vinto un bando e ha ricevuto un finanziamento di novemila euro. Buona parte dei fondi verrà spesa per l’acquisto di nuovi computer Il liceo artistico di Novara ha vinto un bando e ha ricevuto un finanziamento di novemila euro. Seimila euro verranno spesi per l’acquisto di nuovi computer Per la prossima settimana, Alessio aveva pianificato due giorni da sogno con la sua fidanzata. Purtroppo però non si ricordava che avrà un’importante riunione di lavoro, e dovrà rimandare i suoi piani Per la prossima settimana, Alessio aveva pianificato due giorni a Capri con la sua fidanzata. Purtroppo però non si ricordava che avrà un’importante riunione di lavoro, e dovrà rimandare i suoi piani Per la prossima settimana, Alessio aveva pianificato due giorni a Capri con la sua fidanzata. Purtroppo però non si ricordava che avrà un’importante riunione di lavoro, e dovrà rimandare il viaggio Da vent’anni a questa parte l’Europa investe molto nelle tecnologie del futuro, cercando di restare un continente competitivo nel mercato globale. Molti finanziamenti alla ricerca infatti sono finalizzati alla creazione di automobili innovative Da vent’anni a questa parte l’Europa investe molto in tecnologie ecosostenibili, cercando di restare un continente economicamente competitivo nel mercato globale. Molti finanziamenti alla ricerca infatti sono finalizzati alla creazione di automobili innovative Da vent’anni a questa parte l’Europa investe molto in tecnologie ecosostenibili, cercando di restare un continente economicamente competitivo nel mercato globale. Molti finanziamenti alla ricerca infatti sono finalizzati alla creazione di automobili elettriche Giulio assiste a un evento sportivo. Il giocatore di punta della sua squadra del cuore subisce un infortunio ed è costretto a uscire dal campo pochi minuti prima della fine Giulio assiste a una partita di calcio. Il giocatore di punta della sua squadra del cuore subisce un infortunio ed è costretto a uscire dal campo pochi minuti prima della fine Giulio assiste a una partita di calcio. Il giocatore di punta della sua squadra del cuore subisce un infortunio ed è costretto a uscire dal campo all’ottantasettesimo minuto Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Il notebook di Sergio si è danneggiato e lui lo porta in assistenza. Lì gli dicono che il computer è ancora in garanzia e che può avere un intervento gratuitamente Il notebook di Sergio ha lo schermo rotto e lui lo porta in assistenza. Lì gli dicono che il computer è ancora in garanzia e che può avere un intervento gratuitamente Il notebook di Sergio ha lo schermo rotto e lui lo porta in assistenza. Lì gli dicono che il computer è ancora in garanzia e che può avere la sostituzione dello schermo gratuitamente Giacomo ha comprato le luci dell’albero di Natale, ma per accenderle sono necessarie molte batterie. A casa ne ha pochissime, quindi chiede al figlio di acquistarne altre tornando dall’ufficio Giacomo ha comprato le luci dell’albero di Natale, ma per accenderle sono necessarie sei batterie. A casa ne ha pochissime, quindi chiede al figlio di acquistarne altre tornando dall’ufficio Giacomo ha comprato le luci dell’albero di Natale, ma per accenderle sono necessarie sei batterie. A casa ne ha due, quindi chiede al figlio di acquistarne altre tornando dall’ufficio A Natale Sara e i suoi amici volevano giocare a tombola, ma si sono accorti che mancava qualche numero da estrarre. Dopo una lunga ricerca, ne sono stati ritrovati solo alcuni A Natale Sara e i suoi amici volevano giocare a tombola, ma si sono accorti che mancavano cinque numeri da estrarre. Dopo una lunga ricerca, ne sono stati ritrovati solo alcuni A Natale Sara e i suoi amici volevano giocare a tombola, ma si sono accorti che mancavano cinque numeri da estrarre. Dopo una lunga ricerca, ne sono stati ritrovati solo tre Luca suona da quando è piccolo. Ha molto talento, ma ora che è adulto teme di deludere le aspettative di sua madre, la quale spera che faccia carriera Luca suona il piano da quando è piccolo. Ha molto talento, ma ora che è adulto teme di deludere le aspettative di sua madre, la quale spera che faccia carriera Luca suona il piano da quando è piccolo. Ha molto talento, ma ora che è adulto teme di deludere le aspettative di sua madre, la quale spera che diventi un grande pianista Passando davanti a un bar Giulia si rende conto che vuole prendere qualcosa ma ha dimenticato il portafogli. Fortunatamente, ha un po’ di soldi in tasca e decide di entrare Passando davanti a un bar Giulia si rende conto che vuole prendere un caffè, ma ha dimenticato il portafogli. Fortunatamente, ha un po’ di soldi in tasca e decide di entrare Passando davanti a un bar Giulia si rende conto che vuole prendere un caffè, ma ha dimenticato il portafogli. Fortunatamente, ha un euro in tasca e decide di entrare Cognitive Processing 1 3 Condition Non-precising context—vague target Precising context— vague target Precising context— precise target Dopo una lunga organizzazione, Gaia domani finalmente riuscirà a vedersi con Gino per una passeggiata. Apre l’armadio alla ricerca di qualcosa di adatto da indossare, ma non trova nulla Dopo una lunga organizzazione, Gaia domani finalmente riuscirà a vedersi con Gino per una escursione in montagna. Apre l’armadio alla ricerca di qualcosa di adatto da indossare, ma non trova nulla Dopo una lunga organizzazione, Gaia domani finalmente riuscirà a vedersi con Gino per una escursione in montagna. Apre l’armadio alla ricerca di pantaloni da trekking, ma non trova nulla Acknowledgements We want to express our sincere gratitude to Dr. Andrew Danso for his invaluable support in proofreading. Author contributions GM was involved in conceptualization, methodology, writing—original draft, writing—review and editing. AA helped in methodology, software, formal analysis, investigation, data curation, writing—original draft, writing—review and editing. CC contributed to conceptualization, methodology, writing—original draft, writing—review and editing. ELV was involved in conceptualization, writing—review, and editing, supervision, project administration. GM has written Sects."Introduction", "Vagueness as an implicit strategy: a pragmatic definition" and "Background and Research Hypothesis"; AA has written Sects."Method" and "Results"; CC has written Sect."A pervasive strategy in persuasive texts"; ELV has written Sect."The persuasive potential of vague expressions: diverting epistemic vigilance and shielding from responsibility"; all co-authors have contributed to Sects."Discussion" and "Conclusion". Funding Open access funding provided by Università degli Studi Roma Tre within the CRUI-CARE Agreement. This paper has been prepared within the project "IMPAQTS: Implicit Manipulation in Politics—Quantitatively Assessing the Tendentiousness of Speeches" (funded by the Italian Government as the Project of Relevant National Interest 2017, n. 2017STJCE9—https://impaqts.it/). Data availability statement The stimuli and data that support the findings of this study will be publicly available on osf.io upon acceptance. Declarations Conflict of interests All authors certify that they have no affiliations with or involvement in any organization or entity with any financial interest or non-financial interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript. Ethical approval The authors certify that all procedures were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional ethics committees of Roma Tre University, the University of Edinburgh, and with the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. Informed consent was obtained from all participants involved in the study. Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. References Alxatib S, Pelletier FJ (2011) The psychology of vagueness: borderline cases and contradictions. Mind Lang 26(3):287–326. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/j. 1468- 0017. 2011. 01419.x Ansani A, D’Errico F, Poggi I (2019) ‘You will be judged by the music I hear’: a study on the influence of music on moral judgement. Web Intell 1:53–62. https:// doi. org/ 10. 3233/ WEB- 190400 Ansani A, Marini M, D’Errico F, Poggi I (2020) How soundtracks shape what we see: analyzing the influence of music on visual scenes through self-assessment, eye tracking, and pupillometry. Front Psychol 11:2242. https:// doi. org/ 10. 3389/ fpsyg. 2020. 02242 Balota DA, Aschenbrenner AJ, Yap MJ (2013) Additive effects of word frequency and stimulus quality: the influence of trial history and data transformations. J Exp Psychol Learn Mem Cogn 39(5):1563–1571. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1037/ a0032 186 Barton SB, Sanford AJ (1993) A case study of anomaly detection: shallow semantic processing and cohesion establishment. Mem Cognit 21(4):477–487. https:// doi. org/ 10. 3758/ BF031 97179 Berger A, Kiefer M (2021) Comparison of different response time outlier exclusion methods: a simulation study. Front Psychol. https:// doi. org/ 10. 3389/ fpsyg. 2021. 675558 Bochnak MR, Matthewson L (2020) Techniques in complex semantic fieldwork. Ann Rev Linguist 6:261–283 Bonini N, Osherson D, Viale R, Williamson T (1999) On the psychology of vague predicates. Mind Lang 14(4):377–393. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/ 1468- 0017. 00117 Brown P, Levinson SC (1987) Politeness: some universals in language usage, Vol 4. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Caffi C (1999) On mitigation. J Pragmat 31(7):881–909. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S0378- 2166(98) 00098-8 Caffi C (2007) Mitigation, studies in pragmatics. Elsevier, Amsterdam Caffi C (2012) Mezzi linguistici della mitigazione in italiano: Risultati e prospettive di ricerca. In: F. Orletti, E. Lombardi Vallauri, and A. Pompei (eds), Grammatica e pragmatica, Atti del XXXIV Convegno della Società Italiana di Glottologia, Roma, 22–24 ottobre 2009, Roma, Il Calamo, 2012., 147–189. Caffi C (2013) Mitigation. Sbisà M & Turner K (eds) Pragmatics of speech actions, De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1515/ 97831 10214 383. 257 Channell J (1994) Vague Language. Oxford University Press Christiansen MH, Chater N (2016) The now-or-never bottleneck: a fundamental constraint on language. Behav Brain Sci 39:e62. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1017/ S0140 525X1 50003 1X Cotterill J (2007) ‘I think he was kind of shouting or something’: Uses and abuses of vagueness in the British courtroom. In: Cutting J (ed) Vague language explored. Palgrave Macmillan, London, pp 97–114 Crystal D, Davy D, Morrow K. (1975) Advanced Conversational English (Vol. 33) Longman, London. Cutting J (2007) Vague language explored. Palgrave Macmillan, London Danler P (2005) Morpho-syntactic and textual realizations as deliberate pragmatic argumentative linguistic tools. In: de Saussure L, Schulz P (eds) Manipulation and ideologies in the twentieth Cognitive Processing 1 3 century: Discourse, language, mind. John Benjamins Publishing, Amsterdam, pp. 45–60. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1075/ dapsac. 17. 04dan Égré P, Zehr J (2018) Are gaps preferred to gluts? A closer look at borderline contradictions. In: Castroviejo E, McNally L, Weidman Sassoon G (eds) The semantics of gradability, vagueness, and scale structure Vol 4, pp 25–58. Springer, Berlin. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1007/ 978-3- 319- 77791-7_2 Erickson TD, Mattson ME (1981) From words to meaning: A semantic illusion. J Verbal Learn Verbal Behav 20(5):540–551. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S0022- 5371(81) 90165-1 Evison J, McCarthy M, O’Keeffe A (2007) ‘Looking out for love and all the rest of it’: Vague category markers as shared social space. In: Cutting J (ed) Vague language explored. Palgrave Macmillan, London, pp 138–157 Ferreira F (2003) The misinterpretation of noncanonical sentences. Cogn Psychol 47(2):164–203. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S0010- 0285(03) 00005-7 Ferreira F, Bailey KGD, Ferraro V (2002) Good-Enough representations in language comprehension. Curr Dir Psychol Sci 11(1):11–15. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/ 1467- 8721. 00158 Fife D (2022) Flexplot: graphically-based data analysis. Psychol Methods 27(4):477–496. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1037/ met00 00424 Fillenbaum S (1974) Pragmatic normalization: Further results for some conjunctive and disjunctive sentences. J Exp Psychol 102(4):574–578. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1037/ h0036 092 Frazier L, Clifton C (2015) Without his shirt off he saved the child from almost drowning: Interpreting an uncertain input. Lang Cognit Neurosci 30(6):635–647. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 23273 798. 2014. 995109 Gallucci M (2022) GAMLj: general analyses for the linear model in Jamovi (2.6.6). https:// gamlj. github. io/ Gibson E, Futrell R, Piantadosi SP, Dautriche I, Mahowald K, Bergen L, Levy R (2019) How efficiency shapes human language. Trends Cogn Sci 23(5):389–407. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/j. tics. 2019. 02. 003 Gigerenzer G (2008) Why heuristics work. Perspect Psychol Sci 3(1):20–29. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/j. 1745- 6916. 2008. 00058.x Hair JF, Black WC, Babin BJ, Anderson RE (2019) Multivariate data analysis, 8th edn. Cengage, Boston Hornby PA (1974) Surface structure and presupposition. J Verbal Learn Verbal Behav 13(5):530–538. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S0022- 5371(74) 80005-8 IBM Corp Released (2019) IBM SPSS statistics for windows, version 26.0. IBM Corp, Armonk The jamovi project (2022) Jamovi (2.3.9). https:// www. jamovi. org Jucker AH, Smith SW, Lüdge T (2003) Interactive aspects of vagueness in conversation. J Pragmat 35(12):1737–1769. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S0378- 2166(02) 00188-1 Karimi H, Ferreira F (2016) Good-enough linguistic representations and online cognitive equilibrium in language processing. Q J Exp Psychol 69(5):1013–1040 Kaufer DS (1983) Irony, interpretive form, and the theory of meaning. Poet Today 4(3):451–464. https:// doi. org/ 10. 2307/ 17720 26 Lakoff G (1972) A study in meaning criteria and the logic of fuzzy concepts. Chic Linguist Soc Pap 8:183–228 Lo S, Andrews S (2015) To transform or not to transform: Using generalized linear mixed models to analyse reaction time data. Front Psychol 6:1171. https:// doi. or g/ 10. 3389/ fpsyg. 2015. 01171 Loftus EF (1975) Leading questions and the eyewitness report. Cogn Psychol 7(4):560–572. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ 0010- 0285(75) 90023-7 Lombardi Vallauri E (2009) La struttura informativa. Forma e funzione negli enunciati linguistici. Carocci, Roma Lombardi Vallauri E (2016) The “exaptation” of linguistic implicit strategies. Springerplus 5(1):1106. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1186/ s40064- 016- 2788-y Lombardi Vallauri E, Masia V (2014) Implicitness impact: measuring texts. J Pragmat 61:161–184. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/j. pragma. 2013. 09. 010 Lombardi Vallauri E, Baranzini L, Cimmino D, Cominetti F, Coppola C, Mannaioli G (2020) Implicit argumentation and persuasion: a measuring model. J Argum Context 9(1):95–123 Lombardi Vallauri E (2019a) La lingua disonesta. Contenuti impliciti e strategie di persuasione. Il Mulino, Bologna Lombardi Vallauri E (2019b) Implicitation and power of choice. Rivista Italiana di Filosofia del Linguaggio, 13(2). Marini M, Paglieri G, Ansani A, Caruana F, Viola M (2022) Facial impression of trustworthiness biases statement credibility unless suppressed by facemask. Curr Psychol. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1007/ s12144- 022- 03277-7 Marshall R, Bibby D, WoonBong N (2013) Making sense of complex marketing decision systems: decision system analysis. Int J Bus Econ 12(2):121–130 Mazzarella D, Reinecke R, Noveck I, Mercier H (2018) Saying, presupposing and implicating: How pragmatics modulates commitment. J Pragmat 133:15–27. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/j. pragma. 2018. 05. 009 Mercier H (2009) La théorie argumentative du raisonnement. (Doctoral dissertation, Ecole pratique des hautes études-EPHE PARIS). Miniard PW, Barone MJ, Rose RL, Manning KC (2006) A further assessment of indirect comparative advertising claims of superiority over all competitors. J Advert 35(4):53–64. https:// doi. org/ 10. 2753/ JOA00 91- 33673 50404 O’Keeffe A, Cheng W (2015) Vague language. In: Aijmer K, Ruehlemann C (eds) Corpus pragmatics: a handbook. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 686–869 Overstreet M, Yule G (1997a) Locally contingent categorization in discourse. Discourse Process 23(1):83–97. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 01638 53970 95449 83 Overstreet M, Yule G (1997b) On being inexplicit and stuff in contemporary American English. J English Linguist 25(3):250–258. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1177/ 00754 24297 02500 307 Peirce CS (1902) Vague. In: Baldwin JM (ed) Dictionary of philosophy and psychology. Macmillan, New York Piantadosi ST, Tily H, Gibson E (2012) The communicative function of ambiguity in language. Cognition 122(3):280–291. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/j. cogni tion. 2011. 10. 004 Reboul A (2011) A relevance-theoretic account of the evolution of implicit communication. Stud Pragmat 13(1):1–19 Revilla M, Höhne JK (2020) How long do respondents think online surveys should be? New evidence from two online panels in Germany. Int J Mark Res 62(5):538–545. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1177/ 14707 85320 943049 Russell B (1923) Vagueness. Aust J Psychol Philos 1(2):84–92 Sanford AJ (2002) Context, attention and depth of processing during interpretation. Mind Lang 17(1–2):188–206. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/ 1468- 0017. 00195 Sanford AJ, Graesser AC (2006) Shallow processing and underspecification. Discourse Process 42(2):99–108. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1207/ s1532 6950d p4202_1 Sanford AJ, Sturt P (2002) Depth of processing in language comprehension: not noticing the evidence. Trends Cogn Sci 6(9):382– 386. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ S1364- 6613(02) 01958-7 Schwarz F (2016) Experimental work in presupposition and presupposition projection. Ann Rev Linguist 2(1):273–292. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1146/ annur evlingu istics- 011415- 040809 Scott-Phillips T (2014) Speaking our minds: Why human communication is different, and how language evolved to make it special. Macmillan, New York Serchuk P, Hargreaves I, Zach R (2011) Vagueness, logic and use: four experimental studies on vagueness. Mind Lang 26(5):540–573. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/j. 1468- 0017. 2011. 01430.x Cognitive Processing 1 3 Simone R (2005) Fondamenti di linguistica (16th Ed.) Laterza. Solt S (2018) Multidimensionality, Subjectivity and Scales: Experimental Evidence. In: Castroviejo E, McNally L, Weidman Sassoon G (eds), The Semantics of Gradability, Vagueness, and Scale Structure. Vol. 4, pp. 59–91. Springer, Berlin. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1007/ 978-3- 319- 77791-7_3 Sperber D, Wilson D (2001) Relevance: communication and cognition, 2nd edn. Blackwell Publishers, Hoboken Sperber D, Cara F, Girotto V (1995) Relevance theory explains the selection task. Cognition 57(1):31–95. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1016/ 0010- 0277(95) 00666-M Sperber D, Clément F, Heintz C, Mascaro O, Mercier H, Origgi G, Wilson D (2010) Epistemic vigilance. Mind Lang 25(4):359–393. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1111/j. 1468- 0017. 2010. 01394.x Sturt P, Sanford AJ, Stewart A, Dawydiak E (2004) Linguistic focus and good-enough representations: an application of the changedetection paradigm. Psychon Bull Rev 11(5):882–888. https:// doi. org/ 10. 3758/ BF031 96716 Tversky A, Kahneman D (1974) Judgment under uncertainty: heuristics and biases: biases in judgments reveal some heuristics of thinking under uncertainty. Science 185(4157):1124–1131. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1126/ scien ce. 185. 4157. 1124 Voghera M (2013) A case study on the relationship between grammatical change and synchronic variation: the emergence of tipo[-N] in Italian. Synchrony Diachrony Dyn Interface 29:283–311 Voghera M (2012) Chitarre, violino, banjo e cose del genere. In: Thornton AM & Voghera M (eds) Per Tullio De Mauro. Studi offerti dalle allieve in occasione del suo 80 compleanno, 341–364. Aracne, Roma. Voghera M (2017) Quando vaghezza e focus entrano in contatto: Il caso di un attimo, anzi un attimino. In: D'Alessandro R, Iannàccaro G, Passino D, Thornton A M (eds), Di tutti i colori. Studi linguistici per Maria Grossmann, Utrecht University, 385–397. Leiden University Repository (https:// opena ccess. leide nuniv. nl/). Vyshedskiy A, Netson R, Fridberg E, Jagadeesan P, Arnold M, Barnett S, Gondalia A, Maslova V, de Torres V, Ostrovsky S, Durakovic D, Savchenko A, McNett S, Kogan M, Piryatinsky I, Gold D (2022) Boston cognitive assessment (BOCA) — a comprehensive self-administered smartphone- and computer-based at-home test for longitudinal tracking of cognitive performance. BMC Neurol 22:92. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1186/ s12883- 022- 02620-6 Wilson D, Carston R (2007) A unitary approach to lexical pragmatics: relevance, inference and ad hoc concepts. In: Burton-Roberts N (ed), Pragmatics. Palgrave Macmillan, London, pp. 230–259 https:// doi. org/ 10. 1057/ 978-1- 349- 73908-0_ 12 Zimmerman DW, Williams RH (2000) Restriction of range and correlation in outlier-prone distributions. Appl Psychol Meas 24(3):267– 280. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1177/ 01466 21002 20317 41 Publisher's Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.