Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers : Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers : Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published version Pikkarainen, Merja T.; Kykyri, Virpi-Liisa; Harju-Luukkainen, Heidi Pikkarainen, M. T., Kykyri, V.-L., & Harju-Luukkainen, H. (2023). Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers : Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 67(6), 900-913. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2022.2114540 2023 Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=csje20 Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/csje20 Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers: Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens Merja T. Pikkarainen, Virpi-Liisa Kykyri & Heidi Harju-Luukkainen To cite this article: Merja T. Pikkarainen, Virpi-Liisa Kykyri & Heidi Harju-Luukkainen (2022): Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers: Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens, Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, DOI: 10.1080/00313831.2022.2114540 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2022.2114540 © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 12 Sep 2022. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Revisiting the Narratives of Finnish Early School Leavers: Mapping Experiences of Detachment through a Self-determination Theory Lens Merja T. Pikkarainen a , Virpi-Liisa Kykyri a,b and Heidi Harju-Luukkainen c,d,e a Faculty of Education and Psychology, University of Jyväskylä Kälviä, Finland; b Faculty of Social Sciences/ Psychology, University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland; c Kokkola University Consortium ChydeniusUniversity of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland; d Faculty of Education and Arts, Nord University, Levanger, Norway; e Early Childhood Education, University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland ABSTRACT Basic psychological needs and people’s experiences affect the choices they make, and further shape the trajectories followed through school. The present study focuses on the perspectives of people who left school without graduating. Through narrative interviewing processes we collected the storied experiences of eleven imprisoned early school leavers in Finland. We triangulated data-driven themes and used as theory the concept of three basic psychological needs: autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Of these, relatedness was the most common and a shared topic brought forth by the participants. Experiencing dissatisfaction and frustration as a result of the need for relatedness played a crucial role in the participants’narratives. The dissatisfaction experienced manifested itself in a sense of detachment and alienation from school as a society of peers and adults. The conclusion of this study discusses different kinds of structure that can either support or hinder the need for satisfaction. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 2 December 2021 Accepted 23 June 2022 KEYWORDS Early school leaving; relatedness; frustration; indifference; dissatisfaction; detachment; selfdetermination theory; storied experience Introduction While self-determination theory (SDT) shows clear benefits in terms of supporting needs, especially the need for autonomy in classroom settings (Filippello et al., 2019; Jang et al., 2010; Ryan & Deci, 2017), much less is known about need perceptions of students who are at risk of leaving school before graduating. Moreover, there is a gap in knowledge about perceived dissatisfaction, which is linked with indifference in need support, being a rather new concept on the continuum of need perceptions (Cheon et al., 2019; Costa et al., 2015). To widen our understanding of the reasons behind premature school leaving, it is important to explore processes and experiences linked with diminishing school motivation and engagement. Self-determination theory postulates that human beings share an inherent tendency to seek the satisfaction of the basic psychological needs—autonomy, competence, and relatedness—that are basic nutriments for healthy development, motivation, and wellbeing (Vansteenkiste et al., 2020). Perceptions of the satisfaction level of each need have consequences according to how well the need is satisfied; high levels of perceived need satisfaction promote intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2017). A low state of need satisfaction of one or more needs tends to lead to amotivation © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. CONTACT Merja T. Pikkarainen [email protected].fi SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2022.2114540 and maladaptive outcomes, such as substantial sources of need satisfaction, defensive and aggressive behavior, and avoiding environments in which needs are thwarted or poorly met (Ryan & Deci, 2000; Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013). People who leave school prematurely have been, in SDT terms, amotivated towards school (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In Finland, the discontinuation rate in education is 5.9 per cent (Statistic Finland, 2021). However, there are groups of people among whom the discontinuation rate tends to be higher than among the general population, such as shortterm prisoners (Kivivuori & Linderborg, 2009) and the Finnish Roma (Rajala & Blomerus, 2016), among others. These groups of people tend to be stigmatized, the Finnish Roma facing a special cultural prejudice as well (Berlin, 2015; Friman-Korpela, 2014; Roman, 2018). Vauhkonen et al. (2017) suggested that reasons behind early school leaving often include diverse and accumulating elements, such as problems with parenting and coping. Furthermore, recent studies have highlighted the importance of relationships with other people, which can either foster or hinder school engagement (Nouwen & Clycq, 2019; Parviainen et al., 2021). Muhonen et al. (2016), and Pöysä et al. (2019) highlighted the quality of teacher–student relationships and the role of teachers in supporting students. Additionally, Fandrem et al. (2021) and Lyyra et al. (2016) suggested that loneliness and peer victimization are elements that can diminish school engagement. Within the research body of SDT, issues related to school motivation and engagement have mostly been studied using quantitative methods, the findings showing benefits of students’perceptions of need support in the school environment (Ratelle & Duchesne, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2017; Stroet et al., 2013). Ryan and Deci (2020) encouraged qualitative research approaches for deeper understanding of need perceptions and phenomena around them, especially in school settings. Furthermore, as each need can emerge on different levels of satisfaction, Bartholomew et al. (2011) proposed that, when examining negative experiences, it is important to include need thwarting and perceptions of frustration of each need to better understand need perceptions at the low end of motivational functioning. While early school leavers can be considered amotivated in relation to school, they may have more positive perceptions of other life domains. Accordingly, we believed it important to include all levels of experience and circumstance linked to relatedness in the present study to provide space for what the participants told us so as to also identify issues not following the presuppositions of the theoretical framework. The perspective of early school leavers can expand our knowledge of these research problems by providing insights into need perceptions among students within the process of leaving school. Furthermore, Granfelt (2017) suggested that a prison environment, where people are separated from their daily activities, provides a mental space for reflecting on one’s past experiences. Therefore, we conducted a qualitative study using narrative interviews with Finnish early school leavers, who were imprisoned during the time of the interviews, to examine the participants’experiences of need satisfaction in different contexts (Pikkarainen et al., 2019,2021). Here, we develop further our analysis of the data set. Focusing on the need for relatedness, we aim to identify aspects of need dissatisfaction and indifference, as well as dynamics between different need states, as expressed in the participants’narrative accounts. Conceptual and ethical commitments of the study Narrative research approaches are based on the proposition that people shape and share their experiences by the telling of them and also a commitment to respect this kind of storied experience as a source of important knowledge and understanding (Clandinin, 2013). Narrative accounts, produced through interviews, consist of the storied experiences of a group of participants with whom the interviewer has created a research relationship (Clandinin, 2013; Heikkinen, 2002). Following the conceptualizing of Dewey (1938/1997) and, later, Bruner (2004) and Clandinin (2013), we understand lived experience as a dynamic continuum shaped by former and present interactions with one’s environment. As Clandinin (2013) highlights, a storied experience is a co-operative product of the conversational interaction between the teller and the listener. Accordingly, while 2M. T. PIKKARAINEN ET AL. interpreting meanings identified in narrative accounts in a theoretical framework, the researcher needs to acknowledge the borderlines between presupposed, researcher-driven conceptualizing of phenomena and lived experience storied by people participating in the study. As suggested by Jonsen and Jehn (2009), we applied triangulation by using a theory, which in the present study is the concept of the three basic psychological needs as an organizing tool of the data. Conducting a narrative study is an ethical act from the first steps of the research plan to the production of the research texts and their publication (Josselson, 2007). An ethical attitude of respect and care, as well as the principle of not harming the participants or the group they belong to, are the basic guidelines of the research practices and further use of the research texts (Josselson, 2007). While negotiating with the participants the meanings of what has been told, the researcher emphasizes the nature of the participant as a specialist on the issue at hand and posits herself as a listener and learner (Clandinin, 2013). In the present study we used a theoretical framework provided by SDT, the research body of which mostly consists of quantitative studies (Ryan & Deci, 2020; Stroet et al., 2013). Following the conceptualization of Ryan and Deci (2000,2017,2020) and Vansteenkiste et al. (2020), we understand by relatedness a sense of belonging, being connected with other people, feeling significant to others, as well as a desire to be integrated with a social group or groups, either with people imminently present or with a group physically further away. Relatedness, as a basic psychological need, plays a crucial role in school motivation and engagement throughout the school years, as it is especially interwoven in the developmental tasks of school age, when skills needed for independent adulthood are learned in interaction with surrounding people (Ratelle & Duchesne, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2017). Furthermore, perceptions of relatedness play a role in support for other psychological needs, when need support is provided by other people (Ricard & Pelletier, 2016; Wood, 2016). Hence, we have also included in this article support, indifference, or thwarting of competence and autonomy when linked with interaction with other people. While examining autonomy support, Cheon et al. (2019) proposed the existence of three distinguishable states of need satisfaction rather than two: frustration at the lowest end of need satisfaction and satisfaction at the highest, adding dissatisfaction in between these two levels of need satisfaction. Elements predicting these perceived experiences have been divided into three levels as well—need thwarting, indifference, and support for each need—from the low end towards the higher-level facilitators of need satisfaction (Cheon et al., 2019). Cheon et al. examined perceived dissatisfaction with autonomy using questionnaires for students to provide self-reported responses to indifference on the part of teachers, thus providing descriptions of the practical implications of manifestations of indifference and dissatisfaction. To identify the different aspects of circumstance, the background factors that enhanced or prohibited satisfaction of the need for relatedness, and in addition to identify aspects indicating indifference, we distinguished between circumstances as background settings and circumstances as experiences, as shown in Table 1. These descriptions, composed for the questionnaires, provided an operationalized view of the theoretical framework and enabled the identification of meanings resonating with the framework in the narrative accounts. While the narrative accounts provided insights into the kinds of experience the participants identified as individually relevant to their path out of school, the operationalized descriptions in the questionnaires enabled us to find matches between these two. In SDT, structure is seen as a crucial element of facilitating a need-supporting environment and interaction, within which need satisfaction can emerge (Ryan & Deci, 2017). The research body emphasizes that good structure in educational settings consists of clearly informed expectations, consistency, and informational feedback that acknowledges effort, improvement, and mastery (Jang et al., 2010; Ryan & Deci, 2017; Vansteenkiste et al., 2020). Structure is a crucial element of healthy development in other life domains too. Parenting and familial structure, within the cultural and societal environment, shape the quality of circumstances for children’s experiences of need satisfaction (Ratelle et al., 2017,2018; Ryan & Deci, 2017). Furthermore, during the developmental age, when the children are dependent on their family, experiences of physical and SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 3 psychological safety are crucial for healthy development, as well as trust in receiving care and need support for the three basic psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2017). As Ratelle and Duchesne (2014) proposed, the developmental tasks of age shape the dynamics and manifestations of need perceptions, for instance in adolescent students’adjustment to school. According to the SDT research literature, it can be presupposed that people who leave school prematurely have encountered need thwarting in school settings and experienced frustration of one or several of the basic psychological needs. However, what roles perceived dissatisfaction and circumstances shaped by indifference play in school disengagement, as well as how these experiences are shaped by earlier qualities of need perceptions, remain unknown. By using a narrative approach, we aim to widen our understanding of need frustration and dissatisfaction from the perspectives of people involved. Our research task is two-fold, as we focus on the concepts of indifference and dissatisfaction in relation to the need for relatedness. We aim to answer the following research questions: (1) What kind of circumstances and experiences did the participants identify as individually relevant concerning indifference and dissatisfaction with relatedness in their process of leaving school? (2) What examples of accumulation could be identified in relation to participants’experiences of relatedness? Participants, interviews, and data management After obtaining a research license from the Ministry of Justice, Finland, the first author conducted the interviews between November 2015 and June 2017. They began with two pilot interviews, followed by interviews with 11 imprisoned participants, as described by Pikkarainen et al. (2021). Data analysis started during the co-operative interview process, when the interviewer discussed with the participants the issues and meanings described by them to establish, as far as possible, an accurate and mutual meaning of what had been said. Interim narrative accounts were negotiated with the participants, and they could make changes to the text, if they wanted to. This enabled an atmosphere of mutual trust and highlighted the participants’roles as experts on the issue. All participants’ names were changed and names of places were replaced with general expressions. Table 1. Description of circumstances and experiences linked with the three basic psychological needs. Circumstances Experiences Supporting Respect, care, and safety Informative, encouraging, and understated feedback Structure providing consistency in guidelines and expectations Listening to a person’s perspective Acknowledging improvement and mastery Satisfaction Sense of belonging, connection, and trust Feeling significant to others Experiences of warmth, bonding, and care Indifferent Neglecting, ignoring Important others pay little or no attention to a person’s needs Weak structure Important others ask a person to set aside his/her psychological needs Dissatisfaction A sense of disregard A sense of detachment A sense of being detached from peers A sense of being insignificant to important others A sense of being ignored or neglected Thwarting Controlling relationships, exclusion Non-existent structure, chaos Rejection Controlling behavior Suppressive or contradictory feedback Verbal and/or physical violence Leaving without care or support Abusive behavior Frustration A sense of social exclusion A sense of hopelessness A sense of alienation A sense of helplessness A sense of loneliness A sense of coldness from important others Feeling distant from important others Sources: Cheon et al. (2019), Costa et al. (2015), Ryan and Deci (2000,2017,2020), Van der Kaap-Deeder et al. (2020), and Vansteenkiste et al. (2020). 4M. T. PIKKARAINEN ET AL. We used ATLAS.ti 7 and ATLAS.ti 9 for managing the narrative data and created codes by applying manifestations of need perceptions, presented in Table 1 as a basis for key codes. The coding process produced a set of described circumstances and storied experiences for each code. When a storied experience or a described circumstance was linked with several needs, it was coded with all matching codes accordingly. Following this process, we found that most extracts coded as descriptions of competence or autonomy co-occurred with descriptions of relatedness. The narrative accounts provided illustrative descriptions of how the participants viewed their school time and what kind of experiences and circumstances they considered significant in their process of leaving school. As a result of the in-depth narrative interviewing process, we could identify participants’ real-life experiences and find matches with the theoretical pre-assumptions. Furthermore, the storied experiences illustrated how different levels of need frustration were manifested during the participants’school years and how that affected their process of leaving school. Findings The main topics in the narrative accounts were linked with indifference and thwarting of relatedness in the school context. Perceived levels of support for autonomy and competence included descriptions of people involved and interactions with them. The participants’need perceptions were strongly linked with interpersonal relationships. Illustrative scripts of how the storied experiences and circumstances were coded are presented in Table 2. An overview of the decade participants spent at school and descriptions of school arrangements and social relations described during the interviews have been published by Pikkarainen et al. (2021). In the current article, we focus on the participants’views on what they identified as individually relevant concerning experiences around relatedness. Teachers’indifference In the present study, the teachers performed different roles in the narrative accounts of the participants. Need supportive and warm relationships with teachers were described as elements creating eagerness to go to school. Teachers who provided a need supporting structure and a sense of safety were described as good teachers. On the other hand, need thwarting manifested as external control without informative explanations; for example, creating situations in which a student’s low level of achievement was publicly shamed, and suppressing talk, coloured by prejudice, about the minority culture of a student. Indifference emerged in the form of neglecting to provide support for students’ learning difficulties, ignoring a need to intervene or a weak reaction to a student’s increasing absence from school, as well as ignorance about a student’s cultural background, with no attempt to learn more about it. Siiri, a woman of approximately 30 years of age, representing the Finnish ethnic majority, talked about a neglected learning difficulty that made her try to avoid reading because others would be listening: I remember language lessons, Finnish, English and Swedish lessons, we had to read out loud a bit of text. I was always hoping that the lesson would end before it was my turn. I always tried to avoid those situations. No one paid attention to it, only myself. I had learned properly how to read quite late, in the third grade. My mom told me that she noticed that I have dyslexia, but it was never given any attention during my school time. Later, in vocational school, she said that she had been invisible to teachers, that is, nice and quiet. In the third year there, she had started to use drugs, even in school, and to be absent more and more frequently, often explaining her absences beforehand. She said that the teachers did not notice or react in any way. Pregnancy ended Siiri’s attendance at vocational school, and during the interview, several years later, she was still pondering on whether she could complete her studies. SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 5 Dissatisfaction and frustration within peer relations Lack of friendships with peers in the school environment detached the participants from school society. Five of the participants said that they had moved to a new school at least twice during their comprehensive school years. Reino, a male participant in his forties, stated that he and his siblings were bullied as a result of their family’s Roma background. He described how he felt about moving to a new school: During the breaks, we were in the same yard with the bigger kids, I told the teacher [about bullying] but they didn’t stop. Once a teacher took hold of the back of my neck and he shouted at me. I was shy, and I was always Table 2. Circumstances in the background of need perceptions and experiences storied by participants—examples from the narrative data. Supporting Sanna “I had a good home and a good family. I can’t blame them for anything.” Saara “I think I got enough support at school. I wasn’t in normal classes; I was placed in a youth home. It was different, less kids in a class.” Johanna “When she [the teacher] noticed that I hadn’t raised my hand for a long time, she would ask me, ‘Johanna, what do you think of this?’” Satisfaction Saara “The school assistant, her persistence with me, was that why I got along with her so well? Maybe I tested her a little, how much she would stand.” “When she encouraged me, said that I can do it, I felt that I really will be able to do it! Small things, they mean so much!” Aaro “If you feel safe, it’s easy to do things; you don’t need to use energy being alert all the time.” Indifferent Iiro “There was not an actual care-keeper; I was managing things quite a lot on my own.” Siiri “I had been quiet and harmless for two years [in vocational school], so they didn’t pay much attention. I invented good reasons for absences and later on I often went to school high on drugs. The teachers didn’t notice it at all.” Sanna “The teacher, he was in the habit of showing off; he kind of needed to gain authority and he always wanted that his word was the law.” Dissatisfaction Tuomas “I didn’t spend leisure time with my classmates. They were so childish. I spent my time with a little bit older people.” Tuomas “There was nothing to do in school. It was boring. I didn’t learn a thing. There was nothing but sitting. I found much more to do elsewhere.” Siiri: “I was kind of invisible to teachers.” Markus: “I think they didn’t focus on how to make me interested in school. It might have [interested me] if I had been in a normal class. They just threw me among the special kids, in the special class.” Thwarting Sanna “I remember the first Swedish lesson, when the teacher came in: ‘Ilove children and the children love me. I have a whole dozen of them and everything is done as I say.’When someone was slow in learning, he singled out that child and asked again and again. He did it to me the very first day and after that, I didn’t speak a single word of Swedish.” Markus: “The headmaster said, ‘Enough of you, no need to come back!’” Frustration Johanna “Especially with my own child I realized that it’s not the school. It’s the being alone, the reason that I couldn’t stand it. Because I didn’t have even friends, nothing interested me.” Johanna “From a child’s point of view, you are ashamed of being alone, but you just try to show that you are not lonely. But then you really are so lonely anyway.” Saara: “The sense of being an outsider, that’s how I felt in my childhood [among peers in elementary school].” Sanna “I hate when someone is singled out. She may have some real problems with learning, but she is singled out and made to seem even more stupid than she is, not even given an opportunity to learn. You get kind of locked up, even if you would want to learn you cannot. I hated it, and I couldn’t even hide it; if nothing else, you could see it in my eyes.” Johanna: “If a child can hate an adult, I did hate him [the teacher]. He used such a tone of voice to me and used to say that you [the Finnish Roma] usually don’t do homework, don’t much go to school.” 6M. T. PIKKARAINEN ET AL. afraid of that teacher. We were placed in a small group with my siblings, and it was better; I didn’t need to fear the teacher or the other kids. But then we had to move to another city, and it started all over again. It wasn’t nice. Cultural prejudice manifested as bullying, but Reino also described a helpful intervention by the school staff. The help was only temporary, though, due to moving to another school again. Reino emphasized also that the reason for being bullied was not only prejudice against Finnish Roma but also being the only one (with his siblings) who somehow differed from the others in the school. Being interested in different issues from classmates also limited friendships and a sense of belonging to the peer group at school. Two of the participants had been coached for competitive sports during their school years. Sanna, a female participant in her forties, representing the Finnish ethnic majority, talked about her school time and sporting activities: I was one of the top athletes in Finland when I was young. I had the sport, I lived kind of in my own world, so that the school class didn’t interest me at all. I had the sport and the school had a side role. I had more friends among sports. At school I was kind of different. I think the others were so spoiled, they spent an hour to prepare their make-up in the morning. And I had started with training at six and slept in the school bus. I didn’t bother to do any make-up. The sense of being different from one’s peers was also expressed by Tuomas, a 40-year-old male participant representing the Finnish ethnic majority: “Some [students] find it difficult to learn, but I didn’t. Some are bullied, but I never was bullied or bullied someone myself. I have just been kind of odd in my own way.” Accumulating need frustration intertwined with indifference Accumulating need thwarting circumstances were identified both generally and as obstacles accumulating from particular circumstances (poverty, belonging to a stigmatized minority group, learning difficulties at school, weak parental care). Illustrating the former, cultural prejudice stigmatizing the Finnish Roma was described as a life condition, the manifestations of which emerged in the school context as rejection by peers and negative attitudes in the form of suppressing comments made by some teachers. Johanna, a female participant in her early thirties who came from a Finnish Roma background, described her school situation and experiences: During the third grade, the classmates started to say that they cannot hang out with a gypsy, that their parents wouldn’t let them. I was not allowed to visit anyone anymore, because I was a gypsy. One teacher was kind of, what I remember from a child’s perspective, that he didn’t like gypsies. I felt he was a disgusting adult; I didn’t like him at all. His behavior, the way he talked to me, “You are not in the habit of going to school anyway, or doing homework,”and things like that. At some point I just didn’t do any homework anymore. Nobody told me one can stay out of school, but at some point, I just stopped going. My parents didn’t know that I didn’tgo to school. I just stayed somewhere outdoors, played that I was sleeping in a bus stop or something. I went back home after school hours. At school they didn’t know where I was. Johanna described her mother’s reaction when she learned that Johanna did not show up at school: “My mother tried to tell me to go to school, but I didn’t. It wasn’t such a big thing [in our family], school.”Johanna said that her mother had not completed school either. Johanna also said that, because Finnish Roma have low expectations of gaining a job in the labour market, her family did not perceive education as a route to a better future and, as such, deemed it to be not worth bothering with. The teacher’s outspoken prejudice combined with a weak educational tradition within Johanna’s family gave space for Johanna to stay at home rather than persist with school. The situation also indicates indifference on the part of the adults: neither the parents nor the school personnel knew where a third grader was during school hours. Johanna was allowed to stay at home, participating in household work and taking care of her younger siblings. During the fourth and fifth grades, Johanna said she went to school only occasionally and, after that, never again. SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 7 Vauhkonen, T., Kallio, J., Kauppinen, T. M., & Erola, J. (2017). Intergenerational accumulation of social disadvantages across generations in young adulthood. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility,48,42–52. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.rssm.2017.02.001 Wood, D. R. (2016). The impact of students’perceived relatedness and competence upon their motivated engagement with learning activities: A self-determination theory perspective [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Birmingham. https://etheses.bham.ac.uk/id/eprint/6627/1/Wood16PhD.pdf Yu,S.(2019). A cross-classified path analysis of the general self-determination theory model on situational, individual and classroom levels [Doctoral dissertation]. Purdue University Graduate School. https://scholar.google. com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=yu+shin+a+cross-classified+path+analysis+self+determination+theory +2019&btnG= 14 M. T. PIKKARAINEN ET AL.