Trust in Finnish Education : A Historical Perspective

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Trust in Finnish Education : A Historical Perspective © 2022 the Authors Published version Välimaa, Jussi Välimaa, J. (2022). Trust in Finnish Education : A Historical Perspective. European Education, 53(3-4), 168-180. https://doi.org/10.1080/10564934.2022.2080563 2022 Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=meue20 European Education ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/meue20 Trust in Finnish Education: A Historical Perspective Jussi Välimaa To cite this article: Jussi Välimaa (2022): Trust in Finnish Education: A Historical Perspective, European Education, DOI: 10.1080/10564934.2022.2080563 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10564934.2022.2080563 © 2022 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC Published online: 10 Jun 2022. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 10 View related articles View Crossmark data Trust in Finnish Education: A Historical Perspective Jussi V€ alimaa Finnish Institute for Educational Research, University of Jyv€ askyl€ a ABSTRACT This article analyzes the origins of generalized trust in Finnish society and how this relates to trust in education. The study was based on a historical analysis of the role of education in building a Finnish society and nation state. The author discusses the development of a Nordic welfare state and analyzes the relationships between generalized trust and education from the perspectives of democracy, corruption, egalitarian attitudes, wealth, and culture. A reflection was performed of the relationships between generalized trust, school autonomy, and the professional autonomy of teachers. Introduction There is a general concern that social cohesion is declining worldwide. A crucial aspect of social cohesion is trust, with emphasis being placed on trust as a component of social capital (Coleman, 1988) and its role in relation to the cohesion, prosperity, and democratic stability of society (Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1995). However, according to European statistics, Finland is an exception to global trends since, in contrast with other nations, it is characterized by high levels of generalized trust and social cohesion (see European Union, 2018,2021). The aim of the current study was to analyze the origins of trust in Finnish society and how generalized trust relates to trust in education. The research considers generalized trust from a historical perspective rather than analyzes different theoretical perspectives of trust. The analysis begins, firstly, by assessing the history of Finland to provide a context for the importance of education in the country’s development and, secondly, by discussing the nature of Finnish welfare society, which is based on the core value of equality. Niedlich et al. (2021) proposed that there is a cyclical relationship between society, educational governance, and generalized trust. However, education has a special role in society because, on the one hand, the educational system socializes new generations into societies and, on the other hand, teaching and learning take place in certain socio-economic, cultural, and political contexts, which, in turn, influences the values, norms, and goals of education. Thus, educational systems have the potential to both reproduce and change societal structures (Bourdieu, 1984). In keeping with this dual role, the Finnish educational system should be analyzed in its cultural and societal context. In addition, understanding historical traditions is important because past social actors have shaped contemporary social structures (V€ alimaa & Nokkala, 2014). Quite often, however, traditions and cultures are described as homogenous or even stereotypical entities even though ß2022 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. CONTACT Jussi V€ alimaa [email protected] University of Jyv€ askyl€ a, Finnish Institute for Educational Research, Alvar Aallon Katu 9, Jyvaskyla 40014, Finland. EUROPEAN EDUCATION https://doi.org/10.1080/10564934.2022.2080563 change is the only constant characteristic of a culture or a society (V€ alimaa, 1998;V € alimaa & Saarinen, 2012). For this reason, tensions in Finnish history and contemporary society were identified to depict a comprehensive picture of the social reality in which contemporary education is taking place. This desk study was based on a critical analysis of publicly available sources and relevant research publications identified using the following keywords: “trust,”“education,”and “Finland.” However, an extensive discussion is not held on trust as a concept or component of any social theory; instead, the discussion unfolds based on the definitions of “trust”and “generalized trust” proposed by Niedlich et al. (2021). As a concept, trust “generally refers to a willingness to make oneself vulnerable when relying on others”(Niedlich et al., 2021), whereas “generalized”trust refers to an “abstract attitude toward people in general (including strangers) as well as towards groups of people or institutions”(Niedlich et al., 2021, pp. 124–125). Generalized trust is also referred to as social trust. Therefore, in this paper, generalized trust was used as the core concept that provided relevant perspectives on relationships between institutions and people in Finnish society. The paper begins with a discussion of the geo-political context in Finland because this has shaped both the identities of Finnish citizens and Finland as a nation and society. Thereafter, the role of education in the making of the Finnish nation is deliberated, and a reflection is performed of the interrelated relationship between trust, education, and the development of the Nordic welfare state. Geo-political Context in Finland Geographically speaking, Finland is a large country (the fifth largest in Europe, measuring 338 400 km 2 ); however, it has been reported to have the smallest population density in the European Union (see https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat). Finland’s geo-political position between two stronger nations (Sweden in the West and Russia in the East) has meant that it has frequently become a battleground in wars between the Swedish Kingdom and the Russian Empire, especially from the 12th to the 19th centuries (V€ alimaa, 2019). The border between East and West, along with the impact of German culture via Baltic Sea trade routes, has influenced Finnish culture. Regarding governance, Finnish juridical tradition originated in Sweden where there is a strong belief in the rule of law, whereas Russian (autocratic) bureaucracy has influenced the mentality of civil servants and state departments (V€ alimaa, 2019). When describing cultural tensions, sociologist, Risto Alapuro, asserted that Finland has had a culturally ambivalent relationship with Sweden and a politically ambivalent relationship with Russia (Alapuro, 1988). Traditionally, a typical feature of Finnish culture is deep respect for and trust in the authorities and institutions of society and the conviction that the law is above everyone else. Historically speaking, Finland was a core area of the Swedish Kingdom’s eastern provinces from the 12th century to the Napoleonic wars (1809) when it was conquered by the Russian imperial army. However, the Russian Emperors afforded Finland the status of an autonomous Grand Duchy (1809–1917). Consequently, the Finnish authorities exerted control over the internal administration of all societal institutions, including education at the primary school level up to the tertiary level. This period of autonomy laid the foundations for cultural, political, social, economic, and administrative development, and it resulted in the establishment of Finland as an independent nation state in December 1917. The developmental process was strongly supported by the only university in Finland at the time, the Imperial Alexander University, formerly known as the Royal Academy in Åbo and later as the University of Helsinki (Klinge, 1997;V € alimaa, 2019). However, the new Finnish Republic had a dismal start because during the spring of 1918, a bloody civil war broke out, with the German troops supporting the Whites (non-socialists) and the Soviet troops assisting the Reds (socialists) (Hentil€ a & Hentil€ a, 2016;V € alimaa, 2019). 2 VÄLIMAA The period between the First World War and the Second World War (WWII) was referred to as “White Finland”owing to the fact that the mentality in Finland was characterized by a narrow right-wing definition of nationalism that targeted Soviet Russia and the Swedish-speaking minority in Finland (Hentil€ a & Hentil€ a, 2016). The republic was deeply divided, both culturally and politically during the 1920s and 1930s. However, the Finnish nation was united during WWII, firstly, when Finland fought against the Soviet Union (the Winter War of 1939–1940), secondly, when it allied with Germany against the Soviet Union (the Continuation War of 1941–1944) and finally, when it fought against German troops in Lapland (the Lapland War of 1944–1945). However, Finland was conquered neither by German nor Soviet troops. The outcome of the wars was defined a “defensive victory”because Finland managed to maintain its independency and democracy throughout and afterward (V€ alimaa, 2019). After WWII, the political, cultural, and economic context begun to change rapidly. Finnish society experienced a rapid transformation from an agricultural society into an industrial society between the 1950s and 1970s. The number of jobs in primary production decreased rapidly, whereas those in industrial production and the service sector increased exponentially. Strong urbanization was a consequence of this change because people seeking jobs moved from the rural areas to towns and cities and also to Sweden, especially during the 1960s and 1970s. In addition, changes in the structure of the economy and society challenged the system of education to change, especially during the 1960s (V€ alimaa, 2019). The Role of Education in the Making of the Finnish Nation Finland was a Lutheran Protestant country from the 16th century onward. The ability to read was an important skill, both theologically and for practical reasons. In principle, according to Lutheran theology, every Christian was expected to create a personal relationship with God based on knowledge and by reading the Holy Bible (Karonen, 2014). In practice, however, this ambitious goal was never reached, but it was replaced with the rule that permission to get married depended on knowledge (not just memorization) of Lutheran Catechism. The church was responsible for the education of people after the Reformation (from around the 1530s) until the 1860s. The main goal was the education of “good”Lutheran Christians. In turn, the first university in Finland, the Royal Academy, located in Åbo and established in 1640, primarily concentrated on training priests for the Lutheran Church and civil servants for the service of the Swedish King. It is fair to say that the importance of education in Finland has a long tradition, both among common people and as an institution that maintains social order (V€ alimaa, 2019). The importance of education increased significantly during the 19th century when Finland became an autonomous Grand Duchy. The goal of emerging Finnish-speaking nationalists (known as Fennomans) was to create a Finnish nation by educating Finnish-speaking common people and nationalizing the ruling Swedish-speaking elite. 1 The establishment of folk schools (kansakoulu) and teacher training seminars (or colleges) in the 1860s was important for the implementation of Finnish nationalism based on Fennoman ideology. Folk schools borrowed their pedagogical ideas from the authorities at the time (Diegerweg, Pestalozzi, and Fr€ obel) and aimed for vivid, realistic, and constructive teaching of academic subjects (i.e., mathematics, history, reading, and writing) and the development of practical skills (i.e., handcrafts and physical education) (Nurmi, 1995). In turn, an increasing number of Finnish-speaking folk schools and grammar schools (or gymnasiums) led to an increase in the number of Finnish-speaking male and female 1 According to Fennoman philosophy, formulated by the Professor of Philosophy, J. V. Snellman, history advances in and through nation states. As per this version of Hegelian philosophy, the development of the Finnish language laid the basis for a Finnish nation, which, in turn, was a precondition for the establishment of a Finnish nation state. Consequently, education of the people and the development of the Finnish language were the most important objectives of Fennoman ideology with respect to building a nation (e.g. V€ alimaa, 2019). EUROPEAN EDUCATION 3 university students, whereas the university was previously dominated by Swedish-speaking male students (V€ alimaa, 2019). In addition, the Imperial Alexander University played a crucial role in all processes related to the development of Finnish society and culture. Fennoman university professors and students were active in public life, culture, and politics, but they were opposed by Swedish-speaking professors and students whose ideological standing was inspired by liberalism (Klinge, 1997). Historical, ethnographic, and linguistic studies made pivotal advances in the “national awakening” of Finns. Fennoman academics also developed Finnish, a language mainly used by peasants, into one that could be used in every sphere of society, including culture, legislation, and scientific research. It is not an overstatement to say that the only university, the Imperial Alexander University, was at the center of the process of developing a Finnish nation and nation state (V€ alimaa, 2019). Education became even more important in the Republic of Finland, a country that was redefining its national identity after the civil war. The failure of the previous education system to educate patriotic citizens was defined as one of the main causes of the civil war. It is not important whether this interpretation was correct; what is significant is that the education of the people was perceived to be critical to the future development of the nation. Consequently, the Compulsory Education Act was passed in the Finnish Parliament following heated debates in 1921. It was supported by a moderate center party that represented agricultural population and by social democrats who supported the education of the working class. The act aimed to cultivate “right white values”in Finnish citizens to strengthen national unity while continuing, however, with the original pedagogical aims of the folk schools. Consequently, folk schools were established all over the country, and this resulted in 80% of students of the relevant age attending school in the 1930s (Jussila et al., 2009;V € alimaa, 2019). Higher education begun to expand at the same time, and an increasing number of students entered universities in response to the establishment of two new universities (the Swedish-speaking Åbo Academy and the Finnish-speaking University of Turku), two business schools, and one technical university during the first two decades of the 20th century. However, higher education remained an elite system, with a clear over-representation of students with high socioeconomic status in higher education prior to WWII. Nevertheless, university studies were quite popular among students of low socioeconomic status too. Approximately 15–20% of students in higher education originated from working-class families, and roughly the same number of students came from farming families. In addition, by the 1930s, over a third of all university students were female, which constituted a high proportion compared to Western European countries at that time. The relatively high numbers of both female students and those of low socioeconomic status indicated that education and higher education were widely appreciated in Finnish society from the beginning of the 20th century. Universities and higher education degrees have continued to be conferred with high status in Finnish society (V€ alimaa, 2019). The aim of this historical overview was to demonstrate that education was an important objective in itself and a crucial instrument in the making of the Finnish nation from the 19th century onward. This trend continued after WWII; however, the national policy aims changed from white nationalism toward an ethos that supported the creation of an equal and fair society for all Finnish citizens. This policy shift was supported by left-wing and center parties and began after WWII with the emergence of a national educational policy. This was in tune with other social and economic policies that aimed to develop Finland as an industrial society that share the values of a Nordic welfare society (see Esping-Andersen, 1990). One of the most important reforms of the Finnish education system was the establishment of comprehensive schools in the 1970s. Reform was adopted by the parliament in the early 1960s after which it was systematically planned and implemented by subsequent governments. The implementation of reform began in Northern Finland and was extended gradually to all Finnish 4 VÄLIMAA schools during the 1970s. Its main objective was to provide a good basic education to all citizens irrespective of their socioeconomic background, gender, or geographical location (Ahonen, 2012; Nurmi, 1995;V € alimaa, 2019). The policy aim followed the principles of the radical conception of equal educational opportunities, as defined by Husen (1975), according to which educational policy was an important factor in developing an equal society. The aim of reform was to support each pupil in his or her learning and provide every citizen with equitable access to high-quality education in every school across the country (Ahonen, 2012;V € alimaa, 2019). Comprehensive school reform served a dual function in the process of creating a fair and equal society in Finland. Firstly, equal educational opportunities for all citizens were defined as the primary educational goal. Secondly, education itself was understood to be one of the main instruments necessary for the creation of an equal society. These two interlinked processes indicated a high degree of trust in the benefits of education for Finnish society, the nation, and Finnish citizens. The same principle of equal educational opportunities guided the expansion of higher education between the 1950s and the 1990s. Consequently, the number of universities increased from three in the 1950s to 10 in the 1980s. In addition, two new technical universities and three art academies were established during the same period. The establishment of vocational higher educational institutions (initially referred to as polytechnics and later as universities of applied sciences), in turn, created a new sector in Finnish higher education in the 1990s. The sectors of universities and polytechnics were defined as equal but different, and this continues to be the case (V€ alimaa, 2019). Having discussed the role of education in the development of Finland, an analysis is now performed of how trust relates to education in contemporary Finnish welfare society. Trust, Education, and a Welfare Society Generalized trust is an important element in fostering social cohesion; simultaneously, trust is a process that develops over time in a society and in the institutions of society. Therefore, contextual matters are crucial when attempting to understand the relationship between generalized trust and education. According to the synthetic analysis performed by Niedlich et al. (2021), a positive relationship was identified between generalized trust and educational attainment. In addition, a number of contextual characteristics that are linked with trust and education have been identified at the national level, the main characteristics of which are as follows: (1) democracy, (2) low corruption levels, (3) strong egalitarian attitudes, and (4) a wealthy state (Niedlich et al., 2021). In this paper, the Finnish case is analyzed from these perspectives, and it is deliberated whether they are useful in understanding and explaining the relationship between generalized trust and education. Democracy According to the Democracy Index, Finland, along with other Nordic countries, Canada, and New Zealand, are the only countries that have belonged to the highest category of “full democracies”from 2006 onward (see The Economist Intelligence Unit, n.d.). However, different indices are not necessarily reliable sources of scientific information; however, they do reveal the relationship between a measured entity, frequently a country, with other measured entities. The fact that Finland belongs to the same category as other established democracies suggests that Finland, too, is a stable democratic country. Typically, Finland has a coalition government. This means that Finnish parties commonly make compromises with other political parties, the result of which is that all of them may be, or have been, in the same government. It is typical in Finnish politics for popular opposition parties to be integrated into the political system by being EUROPEAN EDUCATION 5 taken into the government. This policy of political integration began after the Finnish Civil War in 1918 when the social democrats (“the Reds”) were accepted into the government in the 1920s. In the field of education, this political tradition and dynamic has resulted in rather predictable and stable education policies, which means that changes in governments or ministries of education do not radically change the objectives of educational policies (Rautopuro et al., in press; V€ alimaa, 2019). However, a consequence of coalition governments is the difficulty of implementing extensive or radical reform. This may be a positive or a negative factor, depending on one’s perspective. Thus, it can be assumed that the stability of educational policies helps to strengthen trust in education because the policies are predictable. Citizens, schools, and teachers know what to expect today and in the future. Low Corruption Levels Finland is proceeding relatively well in terms of low levels of corruption, compared with other countries. According to Transparency International’s Corruptions Perception Index, the public sector in Finland is one of the least corrupted sectors in the world (see Transparency International, n.d.). In the last decade, from 2012–2020, Finland was among the three least corrupted countries in the world, along with Denmark and New Zealand. This index does not suggest that corruption does not exist in any country; rather, it argues that certain processes and institutions exist that aim to reveal, make public, and punish acts of corruption. In relation to education, a lack of corruption means that there is trust in the integrity of teachers and their professional quality. It also means that degrees cannot be bought by bribing schoolteachers, university professors, or educational institutions (i.e., by making sizable donations). A lack of corruption helps to build trust in educational professionals, educational establishments, and the degrees conferred by them on educational professionals. Strong Egalitarian Attitudes The third factor that supports generalized trust is egalitarian attitudes in a country. This is an important position that deserves to be discussed because it could be argued that equity and equality are the most commonly shared values in contemporary Finland. However, this has not always been the case. It is necessary to analyze the origins of equality in Finnish culture and society to understand how equality has become a core value. One of the factors in favor of equality is that the majority of Finnish farms have always been relatively small, and the division of labor between men and women has supported the idea that both genders are important to the success and well-being of farms and families. In addition, the peasants in Finland have always been free, similar to the case in other Nordic countries. Until 1906, free peasants were represented in the assembly of the representatives of the estates, diet. In addition, the peasants made decisions on common issues in rural parish meetings. However, membership in the local decision-making body, the communal council, was based on wealth until 1917, after which the members of the councils were elected in elections based on universal suffrage. Finnish towns, in turn, were ruled by city councils following the tradition of German cities (Mylly, 2006;V € alimaa, 2019). In other words, Finnish citizens have a strong tradition of local self-governance. One of the preconditions for local self-governance is trust in the fairness of the decision-makers. In addition, academic research has emphasized that equality relates to the Nordic tradition of dealing with the societal roles of state, citizens, and the government. These relationships begun to develop at the time of the Reformation during the 16th century; thereafter, the kings often allied with the peasants against the aristocracy (Alestalo & Kuhnle, 1987;V € alimaa, 2019). In addition, economically speaking, Finnish nobility has been quite weak, which has strengthened the 6 VÄLIMAA independent status of free peasants. The development toward the present Nordic welfare society is partly explained by the impact of the 19th century process of modernization. An important process was the rise in socialism as an ideology because it placed emphasis on socioeconomic equity from the end of the 19th century. Nationalism as an ideology also contributed to the development of egalitarian values by concentrating on national unity over group or social class interests. Kettunen et al. suggests that instead of making a choice between these different aspects, “it is reasonable to re-interpret the divergent ‘origins’as temporal layers in the Nordic welfare state. Mediated through mentalities, traditions, values, epistemic practices and social movements, these layers are present in the formal and informal rules and norms of the Nordic model.” (Kettunen et al. (2014, p. 16). The aforementioned processes were essential because equality and equity are the value basis for a contemporary Finnish welfare state. This was illustrated, for example, by Minister of Education and Culture, Jussi Saramo, who stated in April 2021 that, “Finland’s success has been based on the aim to ensure equal opportunities to acquire the necessary knowledge and skills in life. Educational equity is an asset we cannot afford to lose. …That is the only way we can be successful in the future too.” 2 Equity and equality relate to generalized trust in society or trust in more or less unknown other citizens. This is how generalized trust helps to strengthen social cohesion in society (Putnam, 1995). However, values become visible in and through public actions. The manifestation of gender equality provides an example on this. It was important that girls and boys were accepted as pupils in folk schools (kansakoulu) in the 1860s. This laid the basis for gender equality and further studies for women in higher education. However, enhancing gender equality and improving the situation of lower socioeconomic groups have been contested, and the implementation of this has only taken place after public debates. One of these debates focused on the question as to whether girls had the right to participate in further education in the 1880s. At that time, access by female students to university was based only on special permissions granted by the university leadership (Klinge, 1997;V € alimaa, 2019). Around the same time, teacher training seminars provided a channel for female students, often from middle-class families, as well as relatively poor male students from peasant families, to advance in their studies (V€ alimaa, 2019). An important manifestation took place in 1906 when general strikes forced the Russian emperor to replace the former assembly of the representatives of the estates with a Parliament founded on general suffrage. Finland became the first country in Europe to extend universal suffrage to women in 1906. This resulted in the inclusion of the first female members of Parliament, worldwide, in 1907 (Mylly, 2006). Concerning education, the concept of equal educational opportunities was defined in three main ways historically. Torsten Husen’s radical perspective of the need for equality of educational opportunity was dominant in Finland from the 1960s onward (Husen, 1975). According to this conception, the aim was to support every pupil in his or her learning instead of assuming that success in school would depend on a God-given talent, as assumed by conservatives, or on personal qualities, accepted as a matter of fact by liberals (Husen, 1975). Following the implementation of this radical approach, Finnish schools were no longer monitored, and education was provided free of charge to all Finnish (and European Economic Area) citizens from primary to tertiary education. In addition, secondary and tertiary education students became eligible for financial support from the state during their studies (V€ alimaa, 2019). 2 This quote was taken from a press release at the launch of the Education Policy Report (https://minedu.fi/en/-/educationpolicy-report-equitable-education-of-high-quality-essential-for-growing-skills-requirements-and-shrinking-age-cohorts-in-finland). EUROPEAN EDUCATION 7