Concordancia pronominal anticipadora y la fraseología hebrea de Qumrán

MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 ANTICIPATORY PRONOMINAL AGREEMENT AND QUMRAN HEBREW PHRASEOLOGY∗ Concordancia pronominal anticipadora y la fraseología hebrea de Qumrán MARTIN F.J. BAASTEN Universiteit Leiden BIBLID [0544-408X (2004) 53; 59-72] Resumen: Recientemente ha sido sugerido que 4Q252 1.4 אוהה םויב וב ‘en aquel día’ sea un caso de prolepsis, o concordancia pronominal anticipadora, en el Hebreo de Qumrán. El presente estudio afirma, al contrario, que esta proposición carece de prueba concreta. Tras un análisis de la fraseología calendaria de Qumrán el sintagma וב resulta referirse a lo que precede, mientras אוהה םויב constituye el principio de la frase siguiente. Los otros dos presuntos casos de prolepsis en el Hebreo de Qumrán (4QRPc 12b iii 2 תא הוהי והוצ רשאכ השומ y 11QT 66.4 תא שיאה האצמהשאה ) también se muestran muy inciertos. Abstract: Against a recent suggestion that 4Q252 1.4 אוהה םויב וב ‘on that day’ is a case of prolepsis or anticipatory pronominal agreement in Qumran Hebrew, the present study contends that the evidence for the suggestion is rather weak. An examination of Qumran Hebrew calendrical phraseology shows that וב refers to a preceding phrase, whereas םויב אוהה constitutes the beginning of the next sentence. The two other alleged instances of prolepsis in Qumran Hebrew (4QRPc 12b iii 2 השומ תא הוהי והוצ רשאכ and 11QT 66.4 האצמ השאה תא שיאה) also prove to be highly uncertain. Palabras clave: Lengua Hebrea. Sintaxis. Concordancia pronominal. Prolepsis. Key words: Hebrew language. Syntax. Pronominal agreement. Prolepsis. 1. Anticipatory pronominal agreement in Qumran Hebrew Pronominal agreement in various Semitic languages has been described in detail, alongside extraposition, by Khan.1 He defines pronominal agreement as ‘a construction where a noun or nominal phrase whose grammatical relation is indicated by its case inflection or by an ∗ It is a pleasure for me to dedicate this study to Miguel Pérez Fernández, to whom students of the Hebrew language in its various phases owe their lasting gratitude. I am grateful to my friends Wido van Peursen and Mervyn Richardson for their useful remarks on an earlier draft of this article. 1. G. Khan, Studies in Semitic Syntax (London Oriental Series 38; Oxford 1988). MARTIN F.J. BAASTEN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 60 adjoining relational particle is accompanied in the same clause by a coreferential pronoun agreeing with it in number, gender, person, and grammatical relation’.2 Unlike extraposed nominals, in pronominal agreement constructions the ‘agreed with’ nominal need not occur at the front of the clause and the agreement pronoun may be either resumptive or anticipatory, as in the Syriac examples l-malktā qatl-āh ‘The queen – he killed her’ and qatl-āh l-malktā ‘He killed her – the queen’.3 Furthermore, it can be expressed on clause level, as in weškheh la-mšihā ‘he found him – the Messiah’, or on phrase level, as in beh b-ma‘lānā ‘at it – at the entrance’.4 Biblical Hebrew examples include 1 Kgs. 21:13 והֻדיעיו ישנא לעילבה תא תובנ ‘and the scoundrels brought a charge against him – against Nabot’ and Num. 32.33 ןתיו םהל השמ ינבל דג... ‘and Moses gave to them – to the sons of Gad…’.5 Anticipatory pronominal agreement is also attested in Mishnaic Hebrew, e.g. Avot 2.3 וקחד תעשב םדאל ול ןידמוע ןיאו ‘but they stand not with him – with that man in his time of stress’.6 In Aramaic the feature is even more usual; see e.g. in Biblical Aramaic Dan. 5:30 הב אילילב ‘in it – in that night’7; in Qumran Aramaic 4Q550 (4QPrEsthera ar) 3 אתשב הב ‘in it – in that year’.8 2. Ibid., xxvi-xxvii. 3. Ibid., xxvii. 4. Ibid., 128–130. In addition, we find cases of anticipatory pronominal agreement in which the preposition is not repeated, as in Biblical Aramaic התעש הב ‘at that moment’ (Dan 5:5), cf. ibid. 109, ## 17–18. 5. Ibid., 76–77. 6. M. Pérez Fernández, An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (trans. J.F. Elwolde; Leiden 1997) § 11, p. 19; M. Azar, הנשמה ןושל ריבחת (The Syntax of Mishnaic Hebrew) (Jerusalem 1995) 213. 7. Khan, Studies in Semitic Syntax, 108–109. 8. On the proleptic genitive construction in Semitic in general, see F. Pennacchietti, Studi sui pronomi determinativi semitici (Napoli 1968), esp. ch. 1 and 2, pp. 1–70. For Official Aramaic, see M. Folmer, The Aramaic Language in the Achaemenid Period. A Study in Linguistic Variation (OLA 68; Leuven 1995) § 4.1, pp. 259–325. T. Muraoka and B. Porten, A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic (HdO 32; Leiden 1998) § 63, pp. 233–234. For Syriac, see Th. Nöldeke, Kurzgefaßte syrische Grammatik (Leipzig 1898; repr. Darmstadt 1977) §§ 205 C, 222; Khan, Studies in Semitic Syntax, 128–130; J. Joosten, The Syriac Language of the Peshitta and Old Syriac Versions of Matthew. Syntactic Stucture, Inner-Syriac Developments and Translation Techniques (Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics 22; Leiden 1996) chapter II, §§ 2.1.3–4, 2.2.3–4, 3, 4, 5.2; T. Muraoka, ANTICIPATORY PRONOMINAL AGREEMENT AND QUMRAN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 61 In a recent study on some morphosyntactic and syntactic issues in Qumran Hebrew, Muraoka noted three cases of anticipatory pronominal agreement in Qumran Hebrew. These were: (a) 4Q365 (4QRPc) 12b iii 2 השומ תא הוהי והוצ רשאכ ‘as the Lord commanded him – Moses’; (b) 11Q19 (11QT) 66.4 השאה תא שיאה האצמ ‘the man met her – the woman’; (c) 4Q252 (4QcommGen A) 1.4 אוהה םויב וב ‘on it – on that day’.9 However, all these instances of the proleptic pronoun in Qumran Hebrew are problematic, as will be shown by the following observations. 1.1. 4QRPc 12b iii 2 רשאכ והוצ הוהי תא השומ As for the first instance, it must be borne in mind that in the official edition the pivotal word actually reads ° והוצ.10 This means that the pronominal suffix waw at the end of this form is not clear; the underlying biblical verse, Exod. 39:2, reads הוצ. The editor of the text, having marked this waw with a circle over it, explicitly states: ‘waw is not certain’. Moreover, the immediate context of this passage is damaged, so that we cannot be sure what is actually referred to in the clause.11 Since this alleged case of prolepsis entirely depends on the reading of this particular waw, it is arguably wiser to err on the side of caution and to take 4QRPc 12b iii 2 as ancillary support of anticipatory pronominal agreement in Qumran Hebrew only if more compelling evidence is available. Classical Syriac. A Basic Grammar with a Chrestomathy (PLO 19; Wiesbaden 1997) § 112. 9. In fact, Muraoka quotes this latter passage incorrectly as הזה םויב וב. Cf. T. Muraoka, ‘An Approach to the Morphosyntax and Syntax of Qumran Hebrew’, in T. Muraoka and J.F. Elwolde (eds.), Diggers at the Well. Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira (STDJ 36; Leiden 2000) 193–214, esp. 199–200. 10. E. Tov, ‘4QReworked Pentateuchc’, in H. Attridge et al. (eds.), Qumran Cave 4. VIII, Parabiblical Texts, Part 1 (DJD 13; Oxford 1994) 255–318, esp. 280. 11. Ibid., 282. MARTIN F.J. BAASTEN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 62 1.2. 11QT 66.4 השאה תא שיאה האצמ The second instance adduced by Muraoka presents even more problems than the first. Editions of the Temple Scroll reveal that the full passage 11QT 66.4–5 runs as follows: םאו הדשב האצמ שיאה רתסו קוחר םוקמב ריעהמ ‘but if in the open country a man meets her, in a far-away place, hidden from the city’.12 The phrase תא השאה ‘the woman’ is clearly not part of the text, but was added as a supralinear gloss, over and slightly to the left of the word םוקמב.13 According to Yadin, ‘the author added these two words as an afterthought, suspending them above the line. The text was changed to adapt the matter to the preceding case concerning the young woman in the city.’14 The biblical verse closest to the formulation in 11QT is Deut. 22:25 אה אצמי הדשב םאוָרענה תא שי , which has a yiqtol form in the protasis, where 11QT uses qatal.15 There can be little doubt that the specific word-form האצמ ‘he met her’, which also occurs at 11QT 66.7 יכ הדשב האצמ , was inspired by the same Deuteronomic passage, since Deut. 22:23 reads והאצמ שיא ריעב , whereas in Deut. 22:27 we find the words ריעב האצמו.16 Since the possibility of prolepsis 11QT 66.4 depends entirely on the supralinear gloss, we must conclude that this evidence for anticipatory pronominal agreement in Qumran Hebrew is significantly weakened. 1.3. 4QcommGen A 1.4 אוהה םויב וב There is no question about the reading of the text itself in this instance, but the particular phrase אוהה םויב וב immediately raises suspicion for quite 12. For the peculiar syntax of the locative phrase, see Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll (3 vols.; Jerusalem 1977) II, 297 ad loc. 13. E. Qimron, The Temple Scroll. A Critical Edition with Extensive Reconstructions (Beer Sheva/Jerusalem 1996) 91. A facsimile picture of this column is available in Yadin, Temple Scroll III, plate 81. 14. Yadin, Temple Scroll II, 297. 15. For the frequent use in Qumran Hebrew of qatal instead of MT yiqtol in the protasis of conditional sentences, see Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, § 400.19; W.Th. van Peursen, ‘Conditional Sentences with םא in the Protasis in Qumran Hebrew’, in Muraoka and Elwolde (eds.), Diggers at the Well, 215–231, esp. 215–217, 224. 16. In his commentary on the Temple Scroll, Wise considers the passage to be an extensive verbatim quotation from a source other than MT, cf. M.O. Wise, A Critical Study of the Temple Scroll from Qumran Cave 11 (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 49; Chicago, IL 1990) 233, 208. ANTICIPATORY PRONOMINAL AGREEMENT AND QUMRAN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 63 another reason. Not only would it be the only instance of anticipatory pronominal agreement beginning with a prepositional phrase in Qumran Hebrew, as Muraoka duly noted, but to the best of my knowledge it would also be the only case in the entire corpus of the Hebrew language — or, for that matter, of Aramaic17 — where the proleptic pronoun occurs together with the demonstrative. Normally the proleptic pronoun can be understood to be a substitution for, not a supplement to, the demonstrative element: instead of םויב אוהה one gets וב םויב . A more thorough investigation is therefore in order. The text 4QcommGen A is a commentary on selected passages from the book of Genesis, in which various sentences or phrases from the Masoretic text are quoted, with additional exegetical remarks. The text displays a notable interest in calendrical details of the biblical stories it quotes.18 A comparison of the passage 4Q252 1.3–5 with the Masoretic 17. The context of 4Q541 (4QapocrLevib? ar) 10 3 [ ]מ אנד אנמזב הבו] does not allow us to draw any conclusion as to the nature of the letters [הבו . 18. On 4Q252 in general, see M.J. Bernstein, ‘4Q252: Method and Context, Genre and Sources. A Response to George J. Brooke’, JQR 85 (1994) 61–79; M.J. Bernstein, ‘4Q252: From Re-Written Bible to Biblical Commentary’, JJS 45 (1994) 1–27; M.J. Bernstein, ‘4Q252 i 2 אלרודיםלועל םדאב יחור : Biblical Text or Biblical Interpretation?’, RdQ 16 (1994) 421–427; G.J. Brooke, ‘The Deuteronomic Character of 4Q252’, in J.C. Reeves and J.I. Kampen (eds.), Pursuing the Text. Studies in Honor of Ben Zion Wacholder on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (JSOTSup 184; Sheffield 1994) 121–135; G.J. Brooke, ‘The Genre of 4Q252. From Poetry to Pesher’, DSD 1 (1994) 160–179; G.J. Brooke, ‘The Thematic Content of 4Q252’, JQR 85 (1994–1995) 33–59; G.J. Brooke, ‘4Q252 et le Nouveau Testament’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Le déchirement. Juifs et chrétiens au premier siècle (Le monde de la Bible 32; Genève 1996) 221–242; G.J. Brooke, ‘4Q252 as Early Jewish Commentary’, RdQ 17 (1996) 385–401; G.J. Brooke, ‘Some Comments on 4Q252 and the Text of Genesis’, Textus 19 (1998) 1–25; G.J. Brooke, ‘4Q252 and the 153 fish of John 21:11’, in B. Kollmann, W. Reinbold and A. Steudel (eds.), Antikes Judentum und frühes Christentum. Festschrift für Hartmut Stegemann zum 65. Geburtstag (BZNW 97; Berlin/New York 1999) 253–265; I. Fröhlich, ‘Themes, Structure and Genre of Pesher Genesis’, JQR 85 (1994) 81–90; I. Fröhlich, ‘The Biblical Narratives in Qumran Exegetical Works (4Q252; 4Q180; The Damascus Document)’, in H.-J. Fabry, A. Lange and H. Lichtenberger (eds.), Qumranstudien (Schriften des Institutum Judaicum Delitzschianum 4; Göttingen 1996) 111–124; I. Fröhlich, ‘“Narrative Exegesis” in the Dead Sea Scrolls’, in M.E. Stone and E.G. Chazon (eds.), Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 12-14 May, 1996 (STDJ MARTIN F.J. BAASTEN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 64 text underlying it throws an entirely different light on this third alleged case of anticipatory pronominal agreement.19 4Q252 1.3–5 תבשב דחאב ינשה שדוחב 3 הנש תואמ שש תנשב 4 חונ ייחל אוהה םויב 5 ועקבנ... וב העבשב רשע MT Gen. 7:11 – ינשה שדחב חנ ייחל הנש תואמ שש תנשב ועקבנ הזה םויב... שדחל םוי רשע העבשב After the biblical words ינשה שדוחב ‘in the second month’ the author of 4Q252 adds the interpretative phrase תבשב דחאב ‘on Sunday’, literally ‘on the first (day) of the week’. Moreover, it becomes evident that the equivalent of the Masoretic idiomatic expression שדחל םוי רשע העבשב ‘on the seventeenth day of the month’ in 4Q252 is וב רשע העבשב ‘on the seventeenth of it’. In other words, the Qumran scribe omits the word םוי ‘day’,20 while the frequent biblical phrase שדחל ‘of the month’ is rendered more concisely, using another preposition with a suffix; therefore, וב ‘of it’, ‘in it’ means ‘in the previously mentioned second month’.21 The fact that Qumran Hebrew prefers the preposition ב to the biblical ל in such phrases is illustrated by passages like 4Q252 1.22 ןושיארה שדוחב דחאב, where the underlying MT Gen. 8:13 has ל דחאב ןושארבשדח , and 11QT 28; Leiden 1998) 81–99; R.S. Hendel, ‘4Q252 and the Flood Chronology of Genesis 7–8: A Text-Critical Solution’, DSD 2 (1995) 72–79; H. Jacobson, ‘4Q252: Addenda’, JJS 44 (1993) 118–120; H. Jacobson, ‘4Q252 fr. 1: Further Comments’, JJS 44 (1993) 291–293; T. Lim, ‘Notes on 4Q252 fr. 1, cols. i-ii’, JJS 44 (1993) 121–126; G.S. Oegema, ‘Tradition-Historical Studies on 4Q252’, in J.H. Charlesworth, H. Lichtenberger and G.S. Oegema (eds.), Qumran-Messianism. Studies on the Messianic Expectations in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Tübingen 1998) 154–174 (recent bibliography on pp. 172–174). 19. For the official edition, see G. Brooke, ‘4QCommentary on Genesis A’, in G. Brooke et al. (eds.), Qumran Cave 4. XVII, Parabiblical Texts, Part 3 (DJD 22; Oxford 1996) 185–207. 20. The same happens, e.g., in 11QT 17.10 רשע השמחבו = MT Lev. 23:6 רשע השמחבו םוי. 21. See also Brooke, ‘Some Comments on 4Q252’, 13. ANTICIPATORY PRONOMINAL AGREEMENT AND QUMRAN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 65 25.10 הזה שדוחב הרשעבו, where MT Lev. 23:27 reads שדחל רושעב ךא יעיבשה.22 This comparison shows that the prepositional phrase וב should not be construed as belonging to the words that follow it, but rather as a normal, anaphoric pronoun referring back to the words ינשה שדוחב mentioned before, just like its biblical model does by means of the phrase שדחל. It is my contention, therefore, that the alleged instance of anticipatory pronominal agreement in 4Q252 1.4 אוהה םויב וב ‘on that day’ is not genuine. The problem obviously lies in the fact that our manuscripts almost completely lack punctuation, so that it is often difficult to determine where sentences or biblical verses begin or end.23 As a consequence, translations of the Dead Sea Scrolls sometimes differ considerably in this respect. In the case of 4Q252, an accurate understanding of the syntax of this passage is shown by García Martínez and Tigchelaar in their rendering: 3In the year six hundred 4of Noah’s life, in the second month, on the first (day) of the week, on its seventeenth (day) (וב רשע העבשב), on that day (אוהה םויב) 5all the springs of the great abyss were split and the sluices of the sky opened and rain fell upon 6the earth forty days and forty nights, until the twenty-sixth day of the third 7month, the fifth day of the week. 24 Here the possessive pronoun in ‘on its seventeenth (day)’ is the equivalent of the prepositional phrase וב. The same correct rendering can 22. See also § 3.1 below. Occasionally the Qumran scribe echoes the biblical phrase שדחל exactly, as in 11QT 17.10 הזה שדוחל רשע השמחבו = MT Lev. 23:6 שדחל םוי רשע השמחבו הזה; 4Q252 2.1 ינשה שדוחל םוי רשע העבשב = MT Gen. 8:14 םוי םירשעו העבשב ינשה שדוחבו שדחל. 23. On the general problem of the lack of punctuation in the Dead Sea Scrolls, see E. Tov, ‘The Indication of Small Sense Units (Verses) in Biblical Manuscripts’, in M.F.J. Baasten and W.Th. van Peursen (eds.), Hamlet on a Hill. Semitic and Greek Studies Presented to Professor T. Muraoka on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 118; Leuven 2003) 473–486. 24. F. García Martínez and E.J.C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls. Study Edition I, (1Q1–4Q273) (Leiden 1997) 501 (emphasis added, MB). MARTIN F.J. BAASTEN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 66 be found in translations by García Martínez and van der Woude,25 Brooke26 and Trafton.27 Other translators, however, seem to have been misled by the apparent case of pronominal agreement. Thus, for instance, Wise, Abegg and Cook’s rendering ‘… on the second month, on Sunday, the seventeenth. On that day …’ does not seem to contain an equivalent for וב, such as ‘on its seventeenth (day)’ or ‘on the seventeenth (day) of it’, which suggests that this prepositional phrase was considered to be proleptic and hence part of the phrase ‘on that day’.28 Similarly, Vermes translates ‘… on the seventeenth (of the month). On that day…’, which implies the same interpretation.29 2. Qumran Hebrew calendrical phraseology Supporting evidence for the interpretation of אוהה םויב וב is gained from a study of Qumran Hebrew calendrical phraseology. In this section it will be shown that (a) the prepositional phrase וב is part of a fixed phrase pattern < b- + numeral + bō > (where וב always stands for ‘in the month mentioned previously’), which occurs frequently in calendrical passages in the Dead Sea Scrolls; (b) the phrase אוהה םויב, or a similar expression such as איהה תעב, often occurs at the beginning of a new sentence in Qumran Hebrew; 25. F. García Martínez and A.S. van der Woude, De Rollen van de Dode Zee. Ingeleid en in het Nederlands Vertaald II (Kampen/Tielt 1995) 262: ‘op de zeventiende daarvan’ (emphasis added, MB). 26. Brooke, ‘4QCommentary on Genesis A’, 196: ‘on its seventeenth day’. 27. J.L. Trafton, ‘Commentary on Genesis A (4Q252= 4QCommGen A = 4QPBless’, in J.H. Charlesworth et al. (eds.), Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek Texts with English Translations 6B, Pesharim, Other Commentaries, and Related Documents (The Princeton Theological Seminary Dead Sea Scrolls Project 6B; Tübingen/Louisville 2002) 203–219, esp. 209: ‘on its seventeenth (day)’ (emphasis added, MB). 28. M. Wise, M. Abegg Jr. and E. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls. A New Translation (San Francisco 1996) 275. 29. G. Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (Harmondsworth 1997) 461. Note that in Vermes’ translation words between parentheses suggest that the expression is not there in the original, but constitute a gloss added by the English translator necessary for fluency. Cf. ibid., 93. ANTICIPATORY PRONOMINAL AGREEMENT AND QUMRAN MEAH, sección Hebreo 53 (2004) 59-72 67 (c) the resumptive function of the preposition ב in אוהה םויב, which refers back to an earlier co-referential prepositional phrase, has various parallels in Qumran Hebrew phraseology. 2.1. The phrase < b- + numeral + bō > A survey of calendrical phraseology in the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls shows that one may recognise a frequent, fixed construction < b- + numeral + bō >, in which bō stands for ‘in the month previously mentioned’. The expression < b- + numeral + bō > is attested twice in our document: we find it in 4Q252 1.4 וב רשע העבשב ‘on the seventeenth (day) of it’, where וב refers back to the phrase ינשה שדוחב in the same line, as well as in 1.11 דע שדוחה] עה[יריש דחאב וב ‘until the [te]nth month, on the first (day) of it’, where וב refers to the preceding phrase שדוחה] עה[יריש .30 But in other calendrical contexts, too, the construction < b- + numeral + bō > is abundantly attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls: 4QMMT A 1.4–6 תבש וב השולשו םירשעב ‘on the twenty-third (day) of it (i.e. the second month) is a sabbath’;31 4QMMT A 5.2–5 ןמשה דעומ וב םינשו םירשעב ‘on the twenty-second of it (i.e. the second month) is the Festival of the (New) Oil’;32 4Q321 (4QCalendrical Doc B) 2. 3 אוב העבראב ‘on the fourth of it’;33 4Q321a (4QCalendrical Doc C) 5.3 אוב םינשב ‘on the second of it’;34 4Q324a (4QMishmarot D) 2. 2 כלמ תאיב אוב אנומשו םירשעב]הי[ ‘on the twenty-eighth of it is the entrance of Malch[iah]’; 30. For this latter attestation, see already Muraoka, ‘Approach’, 200 n. 31. 31. The reference to the month itself is not preserved in the context, but can be inferred from it. On the syntactic function of וב, see already E. Qimron ad loc. in E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4. V, Miqsat Ma‘aśe ha-Torah (DJD 10; Oxford 1994) 44: ‘The suffix in the regularly recurring word וב “on it” refers to the (e.g., second) month.’ 32. Other examples: 4QMMT A 2.3–5 ]ב[נומשו םירשעתבש וב ה; 4QMMT A 2.4–5 תבש וב רשע הנומשב; 4QMMT A 3.6–8 תבש וב השמחו םירשעב; 4QMMT A 4.3–4 וב רשא ששב תבש; 4QMMT A 4.5–7 תבש וב אשולשו םירשעב. 33. See also 4Q321 4.2 אוב םירשעו השולשב. 34. See also 4Q321a 5.7 אוב םירשעו העשתב.